Peter J. Carrington’s research while affiliated with University of Waterloo and other places

The interurban network of criminal collaboration in Canada is described, and possible explanations for its structure are explored. The data include all police-reported co-offences in the 32 major cities of Canada during 2006–09. Component analysis and graph drawings in network space and in geospace elucidate the structure of the network. Quadratic assignment procedure multiple regressions, repeated separately on the networks of instrumental and noninstrumental co-offences, test hypotheses about possible determinants of the network structure. The cities form one connected component, containing two clusters connected by a link between Toronto and Vancouver. One cluster, centred on the triad of Toronto, Montreal, and Ottawa, comprises the cities in Ontario and Quebec, with weak links to cities in the Atlantic provinces. The other cluster, centred on Vancouver, comprises the cities in the four western provinces. The structure is strongly correlated with the residential mobility of the general population, which in turn is strongly correlated with intercity distances. The correlation with mobility is less strong for instrumental than for noninstrumental crimes. The structure of this co-offending network can be explained by criminals’ routine activities, namely ordinary residential mobility, but the alternative explanation of purposive interurban criminal collaboration is more plausible for instrumental crime.

Prior to 2003, Canada discretionary approach to youth justice resulted in the country having one of the highest rates in the world for use of courts and custody for adolescent offenders. The Youth Criminal Justice Act (YCJA) came into force in 2003 and has significantly structured the discretion of police, prosecutors and judges, and been accompanied by very substantial reductions in youth charging and use of custody for adolescents and more use of community-based sentencing options; youth crime has fallen slightly. Canada’s federal parliament has jurisdiction over juvenile justice legislation, while provincial and territorial governments are responsible for the establishment of youth courts and the provision of services for young offenders, as well as jurisdiction over child welfare, so there is significant variation in the implementation of the law across Canada. There are concerns in Canada about such issues as overrepresentation of visible minority and Aboriginal youth in custody.

Most MPA networks are designed only with ecological processes in mind to increase their conservation utility. However, since MPA networks often involve large geographic areas, they also affect and involve multiple actors, institutions, and policy sectors. A key challenge when establishing an effective MPA network is to align the ‘social system’ with the biophysical MPA network (the ‘ecological system’). This challenge is often denoted as ‘social–ecological fit’. Facilitating collaborative social interactions among various actors and stakeholders (social connectivity) is equally as important as accomplishing ecological connectivity. New analytical approaches are required to effectively examine this ‘social’ dimension of fit. An emerging marine reserve network in Jamaica and the recent invasion of Indo‐Pacific lionfish are used as a case study to: (1) examine the extent to which horizontal and vertical social ties bring local and national actors together to collaborate, coordinate, and share knowledge; and (2) assess the extent to which different attributes and features of such multilevel social networks may enhance or inhibit particular aspects of social–ecological fit. Findings suggest that multilevel linkages have played the greatest role in relation to enhancing fit in the marine reserve network in the context of the recent lionfish invasion. However, the long‐term propensity of the multi‐actor and multilevel networks to enhance social–ecological fit is uncertain given the prevalence of weak social ties, lack of a culture of information sharing and collaboration, and limited financial resources.

Objectives Assess gender and age segregation and stratification among co-offenders. Methods The population comprises co-offenders aged 5–75 in police-reported co-offenses in Canada, 2006–2009. Segregation is indicated by observed and inbreeding homophily, measured with cross-tabulations and log-linear distance models. Stratification is assessed with elaborations by crime type. Intersectionality of gender and age status is estimated with interaction terms in the log-linear models. Results Female and younger offenders are over-represented among co-offenders. Co-offending exhibits gender and age status homophily: same-gender dyads are approximately twice as frequent as mixed-gender, and same-age-status dyads are almost 7 times as frequent as mixed-age-status. Gender homophily varies by crime type, being stronger in robbery, aggravated assault, common assault, and minor theft, and weaker in serious drug crime and homicide, and (especially) sex crimes against children. Age homophily is strong in all types of crime. Gender and age homophily have a negative interaction: dyads comprising a female child or youth and an adult male occur 1.4 times as frequently as predicted from the main effects of gender and age status. Conclusions Female and younger offenders are not excluded from co-offending per se but, consistent with expectations from Blau’s (Inequality and heterogeneity. Free Press, New York, 1977) and Steffensmeier’s (Soc Forces 6:1010–1032, 1983) theories, they are segregated from co-offending with male and (especially) adult offenders. There was limited evidence of gender stratification, and no evidence of age stratification. The interaction of gender and age status in the segregation and stratification of co-offending attenuates their individual effects, contrary to expectations from feminist intersectionality theory and consistent with Blau’s (1977) theory.

This article demonstrates the innovative use of the log-linear distance model in the assessment of homophily in a set of small groups, such as the co-participants in a set of events. It traces the development of the application of the log-linear distance model to the study of homophily and reviews its recent use to assess the extent and structure of gender and age homophily in groups of criminal accomplices (‘co-offenders’). The transformations of the group membership data that are a prerequisite of the log-linear analysis, and the interpretation of the log-linear parameters, are explained in detail in order to make the approach accessible to potential users. Although the described applications are to gender and age homophily in groups of criminal accomplices, the method can be used to assess homophily on one or more variables in any small groups.

Canada, military, resistance, social capital, territories What follows is a description and interpretation of the cooperation between the North-West Mounted Police (nwmp) and its Metis1 auxiliaries during the last decades of the nineteenth century. This partnership has until now been largely overlooked in historiography because historians’ attention has been focused on the conflict between the Metis people and the Canadian government.2 Following Confederation in 1867, the Canadian government undertook to integrate the northern part of the Great Plains without regard to the wishes of the Aboriginal inhabitants. This move led to the Resistance of the Red River Metis, which delayed the incorporation of the North-West Territories into the Dominion until 1870. Despite this initial clash between the Metis and the government, the North-West Mounted Police became reliant on Metis auxiliaries, hired as scouts, guides, and interpreters. This cooperation, anchored in the Peelite functioning of the early nwmp, is highly relevant to an understanding of the colonization of western Canada. We argue that the concept of Peelite cooperation can help to explain both the limited recourse to coercion by the nwmp in its colonial mission, and the agency of the Metis auxiliaries in dealing with colonizing forces, as they sought sociocultural and material benefits from their employer. The nwmp was created by the Canadian Parliament in May 1873 as a part of the government’s efforts to impose its sovereignty in the Prairie West. The Canadian government was aware of the difficulties faced by the United States as it colonized its western lands during the 1860s. Rather than opting for the costly military approach followed by its neighbor,3 Canada chose to deploy a permanent [End Page 101] and hybrid police force, with both civilian and military attributes. The powers and responsibilities of the nwmp included controlling Aboriginal populations (Metis and First Nations), preventing crime, and enforcing Canadian law and sovereignty.4 The judicial authority of the nwmp was also defined: the commissioned officers of the force were made ex officio justices of the peace and possessed limited but very real judicial powers. This double function gave them great power and was described by John Jennings as a “legal tyranny.”5 Considering their services and help to destitute Aboriginal populations, R. C. Macleod opted for the term “benevolent despotism.”6 Prime Minister John A. Macdonald was ambivalent about the nature of the force he envisioned. On the one hand, he wrote in 1869 to Captain D. R. Cameron, a militia officer accompanying the Canadian delegation sent to effect the annexation of the North-West Territories, “that the best force would be Mounted Riflemen, trained to act as cavalry, but also instructed in the rifle exercises. They should also be instructed, as certain of the line are, in the use of artillery. This body should not be expressly military but should be styled Police and have the military bearing of the Irish Constabulary.”7 The nwmp incorporated these military elements, along with the red uniforms of the British army.8 On the other hand, at the time of its inception, Macdonald expressed a preference for the least martial appearance possible. In 1873, during the parliamentary debates he stated: “They are to be purely civil, not a military body with as little gold lace, fuss and fine feathers as possible; not a crack cavalry regiment, but an efficient police force for the rough and ready—particular ready—enforcement of law and justice.”9 The civilian aspects of the projected Canadian force have not been given sufficient recognition by historians.10 The “Principles of the British Police,” an expression coined by Charles Reith, stemmed from the instructions of Robert Peel, home secretary, and of Charles Rowan and Richard Mayne, commissioners of London’s “New Police” in the 1830s.11 These so-called Peelite principles called for the limited use of force and for the cooperation between the public and the police.12 The conduct of the British police throughout the mid-nineteenth century demonstrated the importance of cooperation, public approval, and such communicative aptitudes as advice...

Background: The success of treatment for substance use issues varies with personal and social factors, including the composition and structure of the individual's personal support network. This paper describes the personal support networks and social capital of a sample of Italian adults after long-term residential therapeutic treatment for substance use issues, and analyses network correlates of post-treatment substance use (relapse). Methods: Using a social network analysis approach, data were obtained from structured interviews (90-120min long) with 80 former clients of a large non-governmental therapeutic treatment agency in Italy providing voluntary residential treatments and rehabilitation services for substance use issues. Participants had concluded the program at least six months prior. Data were collected on socio-demographic variables, addiction history, current drug use status (drug-free or relapsed), and the composition and structure of personal support networks. Factors related to risk of relapse were assessed using bivariate and multivariate logistic regression models. Results: A main goal of this study was to identify differences between the support network profiles of drug free and relapsed participants. Drug free participants had larger, less dense, more heterogeneous and reciprocal support networks, and more brokerage social capital than relapsed participants. Additionally, a lower risk of relapse was associated with higher socio-economic status, being married/cohabiting, and having network members with higher socio-economic status, who have greater occupational heterogeneity, and reciprocate support. Conclusions: Post-treatment relapse was found to be negatively associated with the socioeconomic status and occupational heterogeneity of ego's support network, reciprocity in the ties between ego and network members, and a support network in which the members are relatively loosely connected with one another (i.e., ego possesses "brokerage social capital"). These findings suggest the incorporation into therapeutic programming of interventions that address those aspects of clients' personal support networks.

This article examines age homophily among co-offenders, using data on approximately 440,000 co-offenses recorded by police in Canada during 2006 to 2009. Log-linear models for social mobility tables are applied to an 86-by-86 table of frequencies of co-offending among year-of-age groups for individuals from 3 to 88 years old. The results indicate strong age homophily for co-offenders of all ages, but decreasing with age. There is further structuration into four age groups: children (3-11 years), youth (12-17 years), young adults (18-45 years), and older adults (46-88 years). The “Fagin” hypothesis that offenders below the age of criminal responsibility are particularly attractive as co-offenders for older offenders is disconfirmed.

This edited volume demonstrates the potential of mixed-methods designs for the research of social networks and the utilization of social networks for other research. Mixing methods applies to the combination and integration of qualitative and quantitative methods. In social network research, mixing methods also applies to the combination of structural and actor-oriented approaches. The volume provides readers with methodological concepts to guide mixed-methods network studies with precise research designs and methods to investigate social networks of various sorts. Each chapter describes the research design used and discusses the strengths of the methods for that particular field and for specific outcomes.