Nils-Christian Bormann’s research while affiliated with Witten/Herdecke University and other places

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Publications (26)


Coverage of AIEEDA and alternative data sources of countries, elections, parliamentary parties (including alliances), and cabinets for interwar European democracies.
Local variation in vote shares of the strongest party in each election. Missing values are depicted in gray, water bodies in white.
Scatter plot of economic left-right and party family variables. All values jittered to increase legibility. Party family order follows Kayser et al.’s⁴⁷ classification (ethnic parties omitted). Solid black line displays bivariate correlation coefficient with 95% confidence intervals (shaded area).
Marginal distributions of party ideological claims by party family. Legend in bottom right plot (Territorial claims): black = no territorial demands; dark grey = decentralization demands; light grey = secessionist demands.
Marginal distributions of party organizational features by party family.
Introducing the Archive of Interwar Europe Election Data & Assemblies (AIEEDA)
  • Article
  • Full-text available

April 2025

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13 Reads

Scientific Data

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Bruno Della Sala

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Olga Jerjomina

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[...]

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Nils-Christian Bormann

We describe the Archive of Interwar Europe Election Data and Assemblies (AIEEDA), a new multi-level dataset of parliamentary elections in interwar Europe (1919-1939). The data contains electoral results for all parties that ran in 137 national parliamentary elections in 25 interwar European democracies. It further offers detailed time-invariant ideological and organizational variables for 401 parliamentary parties and 35 party alliances, along with time-variant data on their participation in 412 cabinets. Next to national-level election results, we provide disaggregated constituency/municipality-level results for Estonia, Ireland, Italy, Latvia, the Netherlands, and Yugoslavia. Having collected national and disaggregated data independently, we validated each through the other. We also provide linking tables to parliamentary election results at the constituency/municipality-level for France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. The archive will be useful to social scientists interested in testing theories on voting and party politics out of sample in a historical setting, or to use historical cases to understand contemporary phenomena such as the rise of radical right-wing parties.

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Introducing the Democratic Electoral Systems data, 1919-1945

September 2024

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15 Reads

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1 Citation

This data note introduces an update to the widely-used Democratic Electoral Systems (DES) data that encompasses the period from 1919 to 1945. The data include 243 legislative lower house and presidential elections in 34 interwar democracies. Information on these elections falls into four categories: first and foremost, DES contains variables that capture the institutional rules that define how elections are organized. Second, the data captures the consequences of electoral rules in the form of summary statistics of electoral outcomes. Third, we include democracy classifications for four major democracy datasets so that users can choose their preferred democracy definition when working with the data. Finally, the DES dataset contains multiple identification variables that allow linking the DES data to a wide variety of other datasets. This update to the DES data is fully compatible with prior releases for the post-war period 1–3 .


Introducing the Democratic Electoral Systems data, 1919-1945.

August 2024

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2 Reads

This data note introduces an update to the widely-used Democratic Electoral Systems (DES) data that encompasses the period from 1919 to 1945. The data include 243 legislative lower house and presidential elections in 34 interwar democracies. Information on these elections falls into four categories: first and foremost, DES contains variables that capture the institutional rules that define how elections are organized. Second, the data captures the consequences of electoral rules in the form of summary statistics of electoral outcomes. Third, we include democracy classifications for four major democracy datasets so that users can choose their preferred democracy definition when working with the data. Finally, the DES dataset contains multiple identification variables that allow linking the DES data to a wide variety of other datasets. This update to the DES data is fully compatible with prior releases for the post-war period (Golder2005, Bormann2013a, Bormann2022).


Introducing the Democratic Electoral Systems data, 1919-1945

April 2024

·

14 Reads

This data note introduces an update to the widely-used Democratic Electoral Systems (DES) data that encompasses the period from 1919 to 1945. The data include 243 legislative lower house and presidential elections in 34 interwar democracies. Information on these elections falls into four categories: first and foremost, DES contains variables that capture the institutional rules that define how elections are organized. Second, the data captures the consequences of electoral rules in the form of summary statistics of electoral outcomes. Third, we include democracy classifications for four major democracy datasets so that users can choose their preferred democracy definition when working with the data. Finally, the DES dataset contains multiple identification variables that allow linking the DES data to a wide variety of other datasets. This update to the DES data is fully compatible with prior releases for the post-war period 1–3 .


Democratic Electoral Systems around the world, 1946–2020

August 2022

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42 Reads

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48 Citations

Electoral Studies

This research note describes an update to Bormann and Golder's 2013 Democratic Electoral Systems (DES) dataset. We extend the temporal scope of the previous dataset by adding information for all legislative and presidential elections that took place in democratic states from 2011 through 2020. More significantly, the DES dataset now includes information on all elections that are considered democratic by at least one of five different measures of regime type: Democracy and Dictatorship (DD), Freedom House (FH), Polity5, Boix-Miller-Rosato (BMR), and Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem). The result is that the new DES dataset has greater utility and is over 30% larger than the previous one. A brief overview of the data is presented.


Linking Ethnic Data from Africa (LEDA)

November 2021

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38 Reads

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25 Citations

Journal of Peace Research

Social scientists in general and conflict researchers in particular increasingly combine multiple datasets to study ethnic politics and conflict in Africa. We facilitate these efforts by systematically linking over 8,100 ethnic categories from 11 databases, including surveys, geographic data, and expert-coded lists. Exploiting the linguistic tree from the Ethnologue database, we propose a systematic solution to the grouping problem of ethnicity. An analysis of political exclusion, mistrust of state leaders, and ethnic grievances highlights different ways of linking ethnic categories from multiple datasets. The LEDA open-source software package allows researchers to link ethnic groups from any database with explicit rules and to add their own data on ethnic groups.


Globalization, Institutions, and Ethnic Inequality

April 2021

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58 Reads

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8 Citations

International Organization

Recent research has shown that inequality between ethnic groups is strongly driven by politics, where powerful groups and elites channel the state's resources toward their constituencies. Most of the existing literature assumes that these politically induced inequalities are static and rarely change over time. We challenge this claim and argue that economic globalization and domestic institutions interact in shaping inequality between groups. In weakly institutionalized states, gains from trade primarily accrue to political insiders and their co-ethnics. By contrast, politically excluded groups gain ground where a capable and meritocratic state apparatus governs trade liberalization. Using nighttime luminosity data from 1992 to 2012 and a global sample of ethnic groups, we show that the gap between politically marginalized groups and their included counterparts has narrowed over time while economic globalization progressed at a steady pace. Our quantitative analysis and four qualitative case narratives show, however, that increasing trade openness is associated with economic gains accruing to excluded groups in only institutionally strong states, as predicted by our theoretical argument. In contrast, the economic gap between ethnopolitical insiders and outsiders remains constant or even widens in weakly institutionalized countries.


Figure 1. Distribution of γ and ρ estimates from Monte Carlo simulations for recursive importance sampler and pseudo-maximum-likelihood estimator.
A Fast Estimator for Binary Choice Models with Spatial, Temporal, and Spatio-Temporal Interdependence

March 2021

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87 Reads

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4 Citations

Political Analysis

Binary outcome models are frequently used in the social sciences and economics. However, such models are difficult to estimate with interdependent data structures, including spatial, temporal, and spatio-temporal autocorrelation because jointly determined error terms in the reduced-form specification are generally analytically intractable. To deal with this problem, simulation-based approaches have been proposed. However, these approaches (i) are computationally intensive and impractical for sizable datasets commonly used in contemporary research, and (ii) rarely address temporal interdependence. As a way forward, we demonstrate how to reduce the computational burden significantly by (i) introducing analytically-tractable pseudo maximum likelihood estimators for latent binary choice models that exhibit interdependence across space and time and by (ii) proposing an implementation strategy that increases computational efficiency considerably. Monte Carlo experiments show that our estimators recover the parameter values as good as commonly used estimation alternatives and require only a fraction of the computational cost.


Power-Sharing Coalitions and Ethnic Armed Conflict

April 2020

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7 Reads

How do ethnic power-sharing coalitions affect the risk of violent conflict? We argue that government leaders anticipate costly conflict and form larger ruling coalitions as uncertainty over threats increases. We develop a formal model of ethnic coalition formation that balances rational group leaders’ desire to maximize their own power and the anticipation of future costly conflict. The model locates the key source of violent conflict in uncertainty over the size of radical sub-groups that prefer conflict over cooperation. Where ruling elites manage to satisfy radical sub-group leaders by sharing power, the risk of rebellion decreases. Using the Ethnic Power Relations dataset, we find that multiethnic ruling coalitions with internally fragmented groups decrease the risk of armed conflict while having a negligible effect on coups. A novel selection estimator reveals that the conflict-reducing effect of power sharing increases once we consider the endogeneity of coalition formation and conflict.



Citations (15)


... If backed up by robust oversight and civic safeguards to prevent manipulation and fraud Atkeson et al., 2009;Lewandowsky et al., 2017), technological innovations enable qualitatively better electoral reforms. Minimizing the risks associated with complex ballot procedures they can be instrumentalized in more efficient electoral systems from the PMM family to increase involvement and empowerment of voters (Bormann & Golder, 2022;Farrell, 2011;Neto & Cox, 1997). ...

Reference:

Elections and Electoral Systems Around the World: Evolution, Participation and the Introduction of Hybrid Models
Democratic Electoral Systems around the world, 1946–2020
  • Citing Article
  • August 2022

Electoral Studies

... Matching data from EA to data from Afrobarometer is challenging since the names of ethnic groups in each of these data sets are differently recorded. To overcome this challenge, I turn to the matching concordance developed by Müller-Crepon et al. (2022). It is an R package known as Linking Ethnic Data from Africa (LEDA). ...

Linking Ethnic Data from Africa (LEDA)
  • Citing Article
  • November 2021

Journal of Peace Research

... Under the influence of globalization, the distinctive local characteristics of cities are gradually being eroded, leading to public spaces that lack regional culture and community traits, which in turn affects residents' sense of belonging and cultural identity [4]. Additionally, social inequality within cities has intensified, manifesting in unequal resource distribution and widening wealth gaps [5,6]. At the same time, rapid urban development has led to excessive resource consumption and environmental pollution, further challenging the sustainability of cities [7][8][9]. ...

Globalization, Institutions, and Ethnic Inequality
  • Citing Article
  • April 2021

International Organization

... Several studies highlight the role of social groups distinguished by geographic, ethnic, linguistic or other salient markers in engendering specific institutional changes or even large-scale social transformation (e.g., Giddens 1979;Rokkan 1970;Tilly 2004). Recent large-n studies find more specific patterns following this broader notion; Bormann (2017), for example, finds that ethnically more inclusive autocracies are more likely to democratize. ...

Ethnic power-sharing coalitions and democratization
  • Citing Chapter
  • April 2017

... As political parties are crucial in shaping policy and governance in democratic countries, their ability to manage and resolve internal conflict is not only vital for their organisational survival but also to fulfil their basic functions within the political system (Bolleyer et al., 2019), which gives this analysis its relevance. In political science literature, party expulsions and expulsion procedures are rarely mentioned beyond the mere existence of such measures as instruments of order. ...

Judicial decision-making within political parties: A political approach
  • Citing Article
  • March 2019

Party Politics

... No matter the number of constraints placed on country leaders when selecting a cabinet minister, several individuals are inevitably qualified for a seat (Franceschet, Annesley and Beckwith, 2017). Country leaders, therefore, can use cabinet appointments to signal ethnic inclusion to underrepresented ethnic groups (e.g., Bormann, 2019;Francois, Rainer and Trebbi, 2015). Scholars have examined how people respond to ethnic cabinet diversity and co-ethnic cabinet representation (Alonso and Ruiz-Rufino, 2007;Barreto, Segura and Woods, 2004;Pantoja and Segura, 2003), but have considered these impacts separately. ...

Uncertainty, Cleavages, and Ethnic Coalitions
  • Citing Article
  • March 2019

The Journal of Politics

... Alternatively, some scholars distinguish between consociationalism (as a direct form of power sharing) and centripetalism or the integrative approach (indirect power sharing) (see McCulloch 2017: 3-4). 4 if so how, power sharing may end civil wars (e.g., Hartzell & Hoddie 2003;Rothchild & Roeder 2005;Bormann et al 2019). ...

Power Sharing: Institutions, Behavior, and Peace
  • Citing Article
  • December 2018

... We coded all the agreements manually using NVivo to identify features of the settlement and of the negotiations. To capture conflict-related and contextual factors, we drew on existing datasets such as Ethnic Power Relations (Vogt et al., 2015), Quality of Government (Teorell et al., 2021) and the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (Gleditsch et al., 2002;Pettersson, 2020;Pettersson et al., 2021). As a result, the CoR-D captures 235 fine-grained variables (59 contextual and conflictrelated factors, and 177 peace agreement provisions) for 159 observations (peace accords) in 14 peace processes. ...

Integrating Data on Ethnicity, Geography, and Conflict
  • Citing Article
  • October 2015

Journal of Conflict Resolution

... Recognizing Others' distinctiveness is essential to reconciliation (Gibson 2004), but these steps are harder to take amid ongoing violence. Such a move by the state, or the majority group that controls the state, is likely to be seen as a sign of weakness, a concession, damaging the majority's reputation (Bormann and Savun 2018;Walter 2006). When there is human loss, it is hard for the warring parties to rehumanize the Others, accept the legitimacy of their stories, and show a willingness to change the social and political structures that led to the conflict. ...

Reputation, concessions, and territorial civil war: Do ethnic dominoes fall, or don’t they?
  • Citing Article
  • May 2018

Journal of Peace Research

... We also contribute to the civil war literature by linking conflict contagion to government strategy. While significant scholarship considers why and how conflict spreads, this work is primarily concerned with the onset of fighting, rather than its downstream effects (e.g., Bormann and Hammond 2016;Holtermann 2016;Lane 2016;Maves and Braithwaite 2013). Thus, we help bridge this literature with the robust scholarship on conflict processes (e.g., Moore 2000;Valentino, Huth, and Balch-Lindsay 2004;Kalyvas 2006;Downes 2008;Balcells 2010;Fjelde and Hultman 2014;Uzonyi 2018). ...

A Slippery Slope: The Domestic Diffusion of Ethnic Civil War
  • Citing Article
  • August 2016

International Studies Quarterly