Niko Hatakka's research while affiliated with University of Birmingham and other places

Publications (10)

Article
Populism has become a widely used concept in both academia and the media. The term’s popularity has encouraged scholars to question how it is applied and to theorize on the consequences of its use. However, there is little empirical research on the temporal and cross-country changes in the use of the term in the public sphere. This article analyses...
Article
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This article provides the first comprehensive analysis of the Finns Party’s (Perussuomalaiset [PS]) formal organisation and how it operates in practice. Following the framework of this thematic issue, to what extent does the PS’s organisation follow the mass-party model and how centralised is the party in its internal decision-making? Analysis of p...
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This chapter analyses the (anti-)environmental communication of the Finns Party (Perussuomalaiset, PS) - a rural-populist anti-establishment party turned a radical-right populist anti-immigration party. We provide both an overview of the Finns Party's environmental communication and a closer analysis of the performative aspects of Finnish populist...
Article
This article analyses civic monitoring that targets online radical right populist anti-immigration activism in Finland to discuss whether outsourcing monitoring to platform users is a feasible means to respond to exclusionary-populist online communication. For several reasons, the widely discussed – and potentially harmful – phenomena related to th...
Article
Open access: http://www.ennenjanyt.net/2018/09/suomi100-twitterissa-itsenaisyyden-juhlavuoden-yhtenainen-digitaalinen-historiakulttuuri/ * * * Analysoimme tässä artikkelissa verkostoanalyysin keinoin, millä tavoin Twitterissä Suomen juhlavuoden virallisena aihetunnisteena (hashtag) käytettyä #suomi100-tunnistetta hyödynnettiin sisällöllis-temaattis...
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Maahanmuuttovastaisten populistipuolueiden raivatessa tietään marginaalista kohti poliittista valtaa yksi mediassa eniten puhuttavista asioista on niiden suhde rasismiin. Kun eurooppalaisia nationalistis-populistisia puolueita on julkisuudessa syytetty rasismista, puolueiden edustajat ovat vastanneet kahdenlaisin diskursiivisin strategioin: yhtäält...
Article
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(http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/full/10.1177/0957926516687406) This article provides an analysis and typology of the discursive strategies nationalist-populist anti-immigration parties use when responding to racism accusations in mainstream news. The typology is based on a three-party comparative analysis of statements given in national public ser...
Article
This article portrays the relationship of populist parties, far-right online action and journalistic media by analysing the consequences of a Finnish populist party mobilizing resources created in an online community of anti-immigration activists. How have the traditionally centre-left-populist Finns Party’s attempts of utilizing the far-right-lean...
Article
URL: http://www.uutistamo.fi/eduskuntavaalit-sahkoistivat-twitterin/ Tulosilta sai aikaan vilkasta Twitter-keskustelua, jota rytmittivät television tuloslähetykset. Televisio näyttäisikin yhä muodostavan instituution, johon luotetaan ja viitataan ja jonka ympärille kokoonnutaan. *** The Finnish parliamentary elections 2015 were an important and li...

Citations

... In many cases, RWPPs maintain an extensive structure with an institutionalised local presence, actively aiming to develop a grassroots following which is tied to the party by means of organised party activities. Several well-established RWPPs in Western Europe conform to the definition of the mass party, including the Lega per Salvini Premier (LSP, League for Salvini Premier) in Italy, the Vlaams Belang (VB, Flemish Interest) in Belgium, the Schweizerische Volkspartei/ Union Démocratique du Centre (SVP/UDC, Swiss People's Party) in Switzerland, and the Perussuomalaiset (PS, the Finns Party) in Finland (Favero, 2021;Hatakka, 2021;Sijstermans, 2021;Zulianello, 2021). Whilst some of these parties may rely on highly personalised campaigns centred on the leader-Salvini's League being a particularly good example-they maintain a high degree of organisational articulation, as well as vertical linkages to regional and local areas. ...
... More widely shared, however, is opposition to policies on cost grounds. Hatakka and Välimäki (2019) highlight how the radical-right Finns Party, which has never questioned the validity of climate change as a natural phenomenon on its official platform, point to alleged dangers of wind turbines so as to illustrate 'the elite's' lack of concern for 'the people'. Forchtner and Kølvraa (2015) argue that ideology explains the scepticism of the Danish People's Party (DPP) and the British National Party (BNP) due to the harmful impact of 'the elites' and climate change's threatening implications for national sovereignty (for a similar theoretical argument, see Conversi 2020; see also Lockwood 2018, Fraune andKnodt 2018). ...
... So far, even though the importance of immigration as a topic in Finnish politics and electoral outcomes is recognized (see, for example, Avonius & Kestilä-Kekkonen, 2018;Borg et al., 2020;Grönlund & Wass, 2016;Isotalo et al., 2020), the research on attitudes toward immigration in Finland has been quite fragmented. There is research on racism in Finland (Puuronen, 2011) and on right-wing rhetoric and welfare-chauvinism (Keskinen, 2016;Pyrhönen, 2015), as well as on The Finns Party as an anti-immigration party (Hatakka et al., 2018), but peer-reviewed, more general analyses on Finnish attitudes toward immigrants and their determinants remain scarce. To this day, the work of Magdalena Jaakkola (1989;1995;1999;) is still the most notable contribution in this field. ...
... In recent years, left-wing users in various locales have started developing new forms of resistance that are designed to combat and monitor the online proliferation of exclusionary populist rhetoric. More particularly, activists have been shown to coordinate attempts to take down Facebook posts that demonize immigrants (Hatakka 2020), report right-wingers' racist comments and online hate speech (Ziegele et al. 2020), and debunk false rumors spread by populist actors (Farkas and Neumayer 2017). Thus far, however, little scholarly attention has been given to how activists' understanding of social media's algorithmic structure and interface design informs their strategic resistance to populist discourse online. ...
... Extreme agendas can also be curated from a repertoire of mainstream media. Hatakka (2018), for example, shows that populist actors use social media opportunities for the "remediation and ideological reconfiguring of news content" (245). ...
... However, like people in general (Van Dijk 1992), radical right-wing parties tend to deny being racist or xenophobic (Hatakka, Niemi, and Välimäki 2017;Wodak 2015; see also Blinder, Ford, and Ivarsflaten 2013;Mulinari and Neergaard 2014), and their support has indeed been connected more strongly with attitudes toward immigration than towards immigrants (Rydgren 2008). At the same time, these parties habitually express strong antipathies toward certain immigrant groups and ethnic minoritiesparticularly Muslimsand depict them as dangers to their country (Hatakka, Niemi, and Välimäki 2017;Stavrakakis et al. 2017). ...
... The "shared view" of issue or the "framing" ultimately emerges from the deployment of a discursive strategy-or the systematic strategy of language use-supported by purposefully employed linguistic devices (Kwon, Clarke, & Wodak, 2014). Previous research has pointed out how online SMOs develop and successfully employ discursive strategies to counterbalance the discursive power of traditional media sources (Hatakka, 2017), build resistance strategy against political censorship (Wu, 2018), or oppose the hegemonic discourse in repressive context (Gleiss, 2015). However, it is also noted that we know relatively little about the specific linguistic devices (Kwon et al., 2014) employed by online SMOs to build their discursive strategies. ...