Mykola Obushnyi’s research while affiliated with Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv and other places

The article researches a little-studied page in P. Kulish’s cultural, educational and public activities — political Ukrainophilia, which, according to his own definition, he hid «under a lampshade» all his life, calling himself only a culturalist. In fact, an analysis of Kulish’s creative activity gives grounds to consider him a political culturalist. It was his culturalism that became decisive in establishing P. Kulish, from the 60s to almost half of the 70s of the nineteenth century, as the main driver of political Ukrainophilia in Galicia. At present, this aspect of P. Kulish’s activity has not been studied sufficiently by domestic researchers. Much more attention has been paid to the study of the complex nature of his controversial actions, which were mainly related to the worldview evolution of his views in the context of his acquired knowledge and experience. Under such conditions, it would be legitimate, when studying P. Kulish’s creative work, to abstract from character flaws, which would allow for a more objective assessment of his work. It is this methodological principle that the authors rely on when analysing the manifestations of political Ukrainophilia in P. Kulish’s cultural, educational and public activities. These Ukrainophile manifestations are revealed through the prism of P. Kulish’s love for Ukraine, because it is «one mother for all of us» and it matures on the basis of Ukrainian cultural traditions and their regulation by the customary law of national life.

With the intensification of digitalization of all processes and activities, the issue of information protection and increasing the level of cyber security is becoming important. Particular attention in this aspect should be focused on the field of queuing. The article provides a brief overview of digital transformation and data protection, which shows that the largest share is occupied by accidents of server equipment, infrastructure / network equipment, applications, data storage system equipment and cyber attacks. The authors focus on key aspects and trends related to the cyber threat landscape; argued the need to introduce new tools for biometric identification and authentication, the most promising of which is behavioral biometrics. The proposed comparative characteristic of types of behavioral biometrics allowed to define spheres of their application and to reveal the drawbacks and advantages.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the Ukrainian diaspora organizations ethnocultural activity peculiarities in the Russian Federation (RF), the beginning of which is connected with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the proclamation of Ukraine‟s independence (1991). The author connects their appearance with the growth of national consciousness, which was based on the idea of Ukraine‟s independence. This idea has always been perceived extremely negatively and cautiously by the ruling class of Russia, as well as by a significant number of Russians, at all times when Ukrainians were under the imperial roof. Even in the conditions of the total crisis at the turn of the 1980s and 1990s, when the systemic disintegration of the USSR began, the Communist Party leadership constantly kept the "Ukrainian question" in view. This is confirmed, in particular, by the termination in 1989 of the magazine "Ukrainian Question", the publication of which was organized by the Moscow branch of the "Ukrainian Helsinki Union". A similar fate befell a number of other Ukrainian communities already in modern Russia. Among them are the two largest all-Russian diaspora organizations of Ukrainians in Russia: the Union of Ukrainians of Russia (ESD) and the Federal National-Cultural Autonomy "Ukrainians of Russia" (FNKAUR). The analysis below shows that their activities were carried out in accordance with Russian legislation, in particular the Federal Law of Russia "On National and Cultural Autonomy" and was aimed at organizing and conducting ethnocultural work among Ukrainians. However, Putin's leadership found "evidence of political activity" from both ESD and FNKAUR and banned their activities by court order. In fact, the main reasons for the author's cessation are the independence policy of modern Ukraine and the leaders of Ukrainian diasporas, their "disobedience" to pursue Russia's state imperial policy among Ukrainians, and their unwillingness to ignore the ethnocultural needs of Ukrainians. Currently, there is no all-Russian organization of Ukrainians in Russia. Activists of the Ukrainian diaspora have repeatedly, and since 2014, tried to register at least one of them, but they are constantly denied on the grounds that they will allegedly "glorify Bandera" and negatively affect Ukrainian-Russian relations. In fact, the reason is different, namely, in the traditional imperialism not only of Russia's ruling class, but also of a significant number of Russians who do not see a Russian neo-empire without Ukraine. This Russian propaganda cliché penetrated deeply not only into the consciousness of Russians, but also distorted the national consciousness of a significant number of Ukrainians in Russia, who cease to identify themselves as Ukrainians. The article emphasizes that the deidentification of our compatriots is based on persecution, harassment, contempt, not only the Kremlin authorities, but also a significant number of Russians towards Ukrainians in Russia.

Розкривається сутність неоімперської ідеологеми1 «русский мир», поява якої пов’язується з необхідністю ідеологічного обґрунтування експансіоністської політики сучасної Росії після розпаду комуно більшовицької імперії – Радянського Союзу. Тим більше, що підґрунтя для реанімації та створення нової імперії все ще зберiгалося. До влади у новостворених державах, колишніх пострадянських республіках, у переважній більшості прийшли колишні партійні керівники, які зовсім, або ж мало прагнули ліквідації старої, за своєю суттю, авторитарно-тоталітарної системи політичного правління, майже усі вони прагнули зберегти і ті економічні зв’язки, що були встановлені у єдиному народногосподарському комплексі між республіками колишнього Радянського Союзу. Додаткові можливості для нової неоімперії надавав і створений у грудні 1991 року Союз незалежних держав (СНД). За таких умов прокремлівські теоретики-великодержавники активно включилися у розробку ідейно-теоретичних засад нової ідеологеми. Проте саму назву «русский мир» було введено у науковий та політичний обіг лише у 2005 р. З цього часу просторові межі ідеологеми «русский мир» постійно розширюються і нині включають ті країни і народи «где слышна русская речь». Таким чином, головна мета нової ідеологеми «русский мир» домогтися включення у межі російської неоімперії не тільки саму Росію, але і усе російське зарубіжжя, тобто «…майже третину – міліард російськомовних людей або майже кожного двадцятого мешканця Землі» (О. Батанова). Тим самим, на думку великодержавників, можливо буде виправити геополітичну помилку, пов’язану з розпадом Радянського Союзу. Доведено, що в основі неоімперської ідеологеми «русский мир» покладений російський ультранаціоналізм, який пронизаний ідеями панросіянізму, російської винятковості, сильної державності, які нині уособлює В. Путін. Ця особливість ідеологеми «русский мир» вказує на її неоімперську спрямованість та геополітичні наміри великодержавницької політики сучасної Росії.

Ukraine's Euro-civilization choice, which took place as a result of the Revolution of Dignity, posed a number of challenges to Ukrainian society, without adequate answers to which EU accession will remain a ratherdistant prospect for Ukrainians. One of such challenges is the genderization of the social life of Ukrainians, in particular in the field of education, which presupposes, first of all, the formation of a gender-sensitive space for the existence of the country's citizens; mass involvement of Ukrainian women in all spheres of society on an equal footing with men and the creation of equal opportunities for this. The philosophy of this process is to recognize as the greatest value of human capital, existing in the form of two social sexes (gender) - female and male - with different life experiences, differences and personal strategies of self-realization. The article analyzes, among other, the issue of teaching feminist and (or) gender issues in higher educational institutions of modern Ukraine from the standpoint of philosophical and worldview approach. The author aim is to investigate the real state of gender education in Ukrainian higher education institutions, to analyze the existing problems and identify prospects for the development of this process in Ukraine. A group of political science students from the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv was involved in an in-depth survey of the need / no need to teach feminist and gender issues in universities. It was concluded that exist the need of genderization higher education in Ukraine as an integral part of the Euro-integration process.

The article deals with the coverage of one of the most conflicting contemporary social phenomena - separatism. Its emergence is compounded by the widespread of contradiction between two principles of modern international law - the selfdetermination of peoples and the territorial integrity of states. In seeking for resolving of this contradiction, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe recommends protecting the possibility of exercising the right of ethnic minorities to their selfdetermination without providing an autonomous right to their separation. Thus, the recommendation of the Parliamentary Assembly not only provided ample opportunity for a deeper understanding of the principle of self-determination of nations, but also expanded the use of new varieties of separatism terms: secession; irredentism; enosis; devolution. To confirm this conclusion, we have analyzed the activities of a number of separatist parties and movements legally operating in Europe, in particular in the United Kingdom (Scottish National Party), Canada (Liberal Party of Quebec), Spain (Buck Nationalist Party, Catalonia Independence Movement), etc. Concerning Catalonia's independence, the article emphasized that today in Europe, as in the whole world, such a political and legal situation has emerged that it is impossible to recognize its independence. Accordingly, any protests by the Catalans will be considered as unconstitutional. Given the conflicting nature of separatism both in Catalonia and in other regions of European countries, it is possible that the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe may subsequently propose changes and additions to the interpretation of international legal principles in order to more effectively remove the contradiction between the right of nations and the right to self-expression territorial integrity of states.

In the context of decentralization of state administration and expansion of powers of local authorities in Ukraine, the ability of, on the one hand, the leadership of the state and, on the other, regional managers, to find compromise solutions taking into account the specifics of each region and state interests becomes important. The monograph is devoted to clarifying the specifics of such an important area in the spiritual life of Ukrainians in Galicia - state-church relations and the problems that arise in the way of their solution in the context of decentralization. The research problem posed by the authors is generally revealed at the level of requirements for this type of work and will be useful to all who are not indifferent to the study of ethno-religious relations in Ukraine.

The article identifies the place and role of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukraine by taking into consideration that the network of religious organizations in our country is one of the largest on the European continent. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the political component in the conflictization of interconfessional relations in Ukrainian Orthodoxy. During more than thousand years the Orthodoxy, despite the conflicts between the churches and their believers in past and present is still the most widespread Christian confession in Ukraine. Moreover, it saved a tendency to the inner unity, including creation of the Local Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU). Obtaining by the Orthodox Church of Ukraine on January 6, 2019 from the Ecumenical Patriarchate the Thomas was an important step in founding of independent and competent national church. This is also evidenced by the fact that during the first year of existing of the OCU the number of its parishes increase up to 7,000, not less important is the fact that three churches: The Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, the Hellenic Church and the Patriarchate of Alexandria recognized the OCU and this already testifies its international acceptance as the part of Orthodoxy. Undoubtedly, the Russian occupation of Crimea and Putin's war in Donbas and the support of these shameful actions by the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and its Ukrainian branch, the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC MP) served to the political choices and self-identification of a big part of Ukrainian believers and it gives hope for the gradual stabilization (deconflictization) of interconfessional relations in the Ukrainian Orthodoxy.

Review of the monograph of V.A. Yavir "Ethnopolitical integration and desintegration in the modern world": political and legal concept. Кyiv : Logos 2018. – 468 c. The topic of the monograph Yavir VA Ethnopolitical Integration and Disintegration in the Modern World: A Political and Legal Concept is made using interdisciplinary analysis, taking into account the concepts of political science and law, and is topical in view of the processes of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration within globalization and globalization. It systematizes the peculiarities of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration of individual states and on the basis of it developed a political and legal concept of ethnopolitical integration and disintegration.