Miguel Villanueva Svensson's research while affiliated with Vilnius University and other places
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Publications (39)
Root stress in the Old Prussian ā-stem gen. sg. ālg-as was taken from the homonymous o-stem gen. sg. deiw-as (Lith. lángo, Sl. *vȏrna). This analogy took place after the reshuffling of the Balto-Slavic o-stem gen. sg. *-ā as *-ās in the prehistory of Old Prussian. The shortening *-ās > -as was most probably conditioned by the fact that this ending...
It is now generally agreed upon that the Indo-European simple thematic presents are a post-Anatolian innovation. The origin of this formation, however, remains unclear. In this paper it is argued that the initial core of simple thematic presents was of denominative origin. They go back to an early Core PIE class of denominatives derived from e -gra...
The paper presents a new theory of the origin of the Balto‐Slavic ā‐aorist. It is argued that the conjunct evidence of Baltic and Slavic allows us to reconstruct a clear picture of the position of the ā‐aorist in the Balto‐Slavic verb system: the Balto‐Slavic aorist suffix *‐ā‐ was non‐acute (thus pointing to an original form *‐ah2‐e/o‐ > Bl.‐Sl. *...
This article presents a new approach to the Baltic and Balto-Slavic infinitive system. It is argued that the traditional view (which, in essence, derives the Slavic infinitive - ti from PIE loc. sg. *- tēi̯ and projects all Baltic infinitive endings back into Balto-Slavic) is for several reasons problematic. Balto-Slavic possessed just one infiniti...
Lie. rìsti, rìta (la. rist, ritu), riẽsti, riẽčia (la. rìest, rìešu) ir sl. *‑rě̋sti, *‑rę̋t(j)ǫ, *‑rě̋tъ „rasti“ kildinami iš ide. šaknies *ret- „risti“ (plg. s. air. rethid „bėga“; lie. rãtas, s. v. a. rad, lo. rota ir kt. „ratas“). Ide. prokalbei galima rekonstruoti Narteno prezensą *rḗts‑ti/*rét‑ti, kuris baltų-slavų prokalbėje buvo tematizuot...
The termination of the isolated adverbs Lith. namõ “homewards” and Sl. *dȍma “at home” is traced back to a common Balto-Slavic prototype *-ā, which in turn is argued to go back to a post-Anatolian variant *-oh2a of the PIE directive. The ending *-oh2a was formed through recharacterization of the inherited thematic directive *-oh2 (apocopated from p...
Este artículo tiene como objetivo describir la situación de la enseñanza del español en Lituania y reflexionar sobre algunas cuestiones relacionadas con la práctica de los docentes de ELE. En primer lugar, se realiza una breve introducción al país, su historia y su sistema educativo; en segundo lugar, se aborda la situación del español en Lituania,...
The article deals with relics of zero-grade fientive denominative nasal and sta-presents in Baltic even when derived from full-grade nominals, a derivational pattern going back to "Northern Indo-European"
The termination of the Lithuanian adverbs ankstì“early”, artì“near”, tolì“far”< EBl. *-ẹ̄́ has not been satisfactorily explained. In this paper it is proposed that it goes back to the Indo-European ā-stem loc. sg. *-ah2i by regular sound change: the sequence *-EHi/u was syllabified as *-EHi̯/u̯ in word-final position (just as in internal position)...
The traditional notion that the pre-Baltic long diphthong *ōu yielded uo in Lithuanian and Latvian is weakly grounded and should be rejected. Pre- Baltic *ōu predictably yielded Lith., Latv. áu except in absolute final position. The presence of Lith., Latv. uo in the u-series of ablaut is due to a specific East Baltic analogy * ī̆ : *ẹ̄ = * ῡ̆ : X,...
The ia-presents frequently present tone variants in the dialects, e. g. Lith. spresti, sprendzia, sprende similar to spresti, sprendzia, sprende 'decide', lemti, lemia, leme similar to lemti, lemia, leme 'predetermine'. In the case of (ER)-E-circle- and (EU)-E-circle-roots acute intonation is clearly expansive, whereas the circumflex is strongly fa...
Straipsnyje ai?kinami du netaisyklingi balt? kalb? ??preteritai (lie. d?v?, ?m?) *?ij? > *?? teorijos kontekste
LIE. ?in?ti????????? SantraukaLie. ?in?ti, ??no (la. zin?t, zina, pr. po-, er-sinnat, ?sinna) paprastai kildinamas i? ide. prezenso su nosiniu intarpu *?n??n??h3?ti / *?n??n?h3??nti (s. i. j?n??ti, toch. A kn?nas?, s. air. ad-gnin). Ta?iau ?is ai?kinimas susiduria su dviem svarbiais sunkumais: 1) bl. kamienas *?in?- (< *?in?n?-) vietoj lauktino *?i...
INDOEUROPIE?I? *sk? BALT?-SLAV? KALBOSESantraukaI? ide. *sk? d?sningai atsirado bl.-sl. *sk (lie. sk, sl. *sk). Pavyzd?iai, kurie gal?t? rodyti kitokius rezultatus (ide. *sk? > 1. lie. ?, sl. s; 2. lie. ?k, sl. sk; 3. bl.(-sl.) st), yra etimologi?kai abejotini arba gali b?ti ai?kinami kitaip. Ide. *sk? ir *sk neutralizacija bl.-sl. prokalb?je turb?...
LIETUVI? mieg?tiSantraukaS. lie. atematinis prezensas miegmi yra susij?s su slav? mb?i-, mb?ati - abu kil? i? balt? ir slav? atematinio prezenso (galb?t tur?jusio ?aknies apofonij?) su antriniu kamienu *-?. Slav? prokalb?je ?is atematinis prezensas pavirto ? *-?? prezens?, galb?t veikiant dgs. 3 a. *-inti < *-n?t?. Ved? ni-me?gham?na-yra tiesiogiai...
INDOEUROPIE?I? ILGIEJI BALSIAI BALT? IR SLAV? KALBOSESantrauka?iuo metu vyrauja dvi pagrindin?s teorijos apie ide. ilg?j? balsi? raid? balt? ir slav? kalbose: i) pagal ?tradicin?? teorij? ilg?j? balsi? refleksai turi ak?tin? priegaid?, ii) pagal Kortlandto teorij? ? cirkumfleksin? priegaid?. Straipsnyje ginama tradicin? teorija. Kortlandto teorija,...
LIE. bli?uti, bli?uja, LA. b?a?t, b?a?ju VEIKSMA?OD?I? TIPO KILM? I? BALT?-SLAV? PROKALB?S PERSPEKTYVOSSantraukaAnkstesniame straipsnyje autorius yra k?l?s darbin? hipotez?, kad ide. (tranzityviniai-)aktyviniai prezensai ir aoristai vyst?si balt?-slav? prokalb?je tokiu b?du: i) ide. prezensai i? ?prezenso ?akn?? ?gijo nauj? nulinio laipsnio bendrat...
Baltic sta-presents are a productive verbal formation for anticausative and inchoative verbs. They stay in complementary distribution with nasal presents, stapresents being originally restricted to TERT- and TER-roots (the later with regular métatonie rude). The only reasonable cognate of the sta-presents is Slavic *orste- "grow", which suggests th...
Citations
... 'to snow ', kirpti, kerpa, kirpo 'to trim' (cf. Stang, 1942, 107ff., for "durative" or "iterative" ā-preterit, Kølln, 1969, 37ff;Villanueva Svensson, 2020). This paper will propose that they may have ultimately developed from middle forms (thematic aorist [< PIE *middle root-aorist; cf. ...
Reference: Koronalingvistika: pandemijos įžodinimas
... *-ẹ ̄ ́ > Lith. -íe-/-ì is discussed in Villanueva Svensson (2016). 29 The feminine ē-stems were fully parallel to the ā-stems (except for the nom. ...
Reference: The infinitive in Baltic and Balto-Slavic
... This will be discussed in §7 below. If the ia-present stem is the source of the ē-preterit stem, as advocated by Barton (1980) and Villanueva Svensson (2005, 2006, there must have been a reason for PB *miśya-not introducing *-(i)yā-to its preterit stem. This raises the question (at least to the present author) of what allowed them to create different preterit stem formations. ...
... Здесь имеем часто встречающийся в балтской гидронимии конструкт: корень от глагола virti и префикс su-(в славянском *sъ(n)) [29, 434; 26] с широким диапозоном значений от «бурлить» до «быстрого движения» [32], что вполне соответствует характеристики порожистой Свири, резко меняющей скорость течения. 37. Крупным притоком Свири является река Оять, протекающая по Вологодской и Ленинградской областях. ...
... A comparable situation may be assumed for the common prehistory of the languages, i.e. for late pie. Concerning especially the sigmatic modals, a similar position is taken by Jasanoff (2003: 135) and Villanueva Svensson (2012). These scholars assume that all sigmatic formations in question functioned as desideratives, while their distribution in the lexicon of late pie was determined by structural properties of the particular verbal paradigms (in that reduplicated presents paired with reduplicated -se/o-desideratives, etc.). ...
... darybos požiūriu nevertinama) su bendrašakniais vardažodžiais ir veiksmažodžiais. Sistemiškesnis požiūris į šias sąsajas leidžia postuluoti išvestinį dalies intarpinių ir sta kamieno veiksmažodžių statusą (Skardžius 1943, 486-488;Hofmann 1956;Kuiper 1937;Temčin 1986, 29-34;Pakalniškienė 2000;Kazlauskas 1968, 319;Gorbachov 2007;Villanueva-Svensson 2010;. ...
... Though not productive, these markers are not infrequent, and they contribute to the general tendency in Baltic languages for (in)transitivity to be formally marked. It may be noted that these markers in the Baltic languages are different in their status from the Germanic and Slavic anticausative -n-, which was generalized throughout the paradigm and resulted in verbs in -nan and -nǫti respectively (see Villanueva Svensson 2011Svensson [2012 on the history of Baltic, Slavic, and Germanic anticausatives with further references). ...
