Michael C. Williams's research while affiliated with University of Wales and other places
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Publications (5)
The theory that democratic states do not go to war with one another depends upon the claim that such states can recognize each other as democracies and act pacifically in accordance with this recognition. This article argues that analyses of the democratic peace and security communities can benefit from a fuller and more critical engagement with th...
Focusing on relations between NATO and Russia surrounding the Alliance's decision to enlarge, this paper develops a theory of symbolic power that highlights the relationship between identities, narrative structures, institutions, and legitimate action in the construction of security policy. We demonstrate that such a theory provides a significant c...
The current debate over the ‘crisis’ of the EU has often been linked with criticisms of functionalism. From both a liberal-political and a romantic position, functionalism has been charged with paying inadequate attention to questions of legitimacy and identity - and particularly to the importance of myth - in political community. For the romantic...
The Liberal Moment: Modernity, Security and the Making of the Postwar International OrderLathamRobertNew York: Columbia University Press, 1997, pp. xiv, 281 - Volume 31 Issue 4 - Michael C. Williams
The theme of identity has become one of the most important and yet contested elements in contemporary debates over the nature of security and the future of security studies. A key source of this contestation lies in the way that largely unacknowledged claims about knowledge and identity are historically related in one of the most powerful and perva...
Citations
... In this regard, identity serves as a central parameter for alliance formation (Suh 2007). Accordingly, the security community emerges as a relevant concept vis-à-vis alliance behaviour in light of constructivist security theory, which sees a diverse range of security communities epitomising the institutionalisation of common security identities (Adler & Barnett 1996;Williams & Neumann 2000). On the other hand, a large body of research, deriving from the identity debate in IR, accentuates the role of ideology as the explanatory variable for alliance formation (Lai & Reiter 2000;Owen IV 2005). 2 The third line of research, by contrast, considers potential incentives and setbacks of an alliance in a more nuanced way, both in terms of involvement/formation and management/ duration, focusing more explicitly on alliance management. ...
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... Still, despite the fact that barangay police, or "tanod," are volunteers, they are willing to risk their lives to safeguard the safety of the people in their own barangays [19]. The PNP's Barangay Peacemaking Action Team (BPAT) is a national program that encourages community empowerment to address real-time response in the event of a need, whether it's for peace and order, security, or rescue [20] [21] [22]. Barangay enforcers, like law enforcers, play a coordinative role in the overall endeavor to address social and economic issues that affect their communities. ...
... All this begs the question to what extent a strategic vision of national security formulated in the wake of the '9/11' terrorist attacks still holds political relevance for US foreign and security policy, and if, despite significant fluctuations in personal temperament, political-ideological outlook and communicative and behavioural style between George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Donald Trump and Joe Biden, structural policy continuities outweigh rhetorical and ideational changes in American grand strategy discourse. To this effect, this article will proceed as follows: First, it will apply an analytical framework to the study of grand strategy as a nexus of national identity discourses and corresponding security practices that is conceptually located at the intersection of constructivist approaches in International Relations (IR) and critical security studies (CSS), which focus on the significance of national identity discourses for informing and legitimating foreign and security policy (Campbell 1992;Hansen 2006;Williams 1998). The article will then focus on the ideological significance of the identity construct of American exceptionalism and the political influence of a coalition of neoconservative intellectuals, national security hawks and American nationalists in the Bush administration for establishing the core tenets of the Bush Doctrine and its strategic vision of unilateral primacy. ...
... The legitimacy of the EU as a polity has been in question since its inception (cf. Hansen and Williams, 1999;Moravcsik, 2002), with concerns framed mostly in terms of its alleged democratic deficit but also in terms of whether EU policies contribute to the public good, or whether its procedures are transparent and accountable. In essence, 'Europe's crisis of legitimacy' boils down to enduring insecurity about the question: 'Does the EU benefit from the legitimacy required of any governing body, namely citizens' unquestioning acceptance of its authority?' (Schmidt, 2020, p. 7). ...
