Michael B. MacKuen's research while affiliated with University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill and other places

Publications (47)

Article
Full-text available
Research on citizens’ inattentiveness to political news has built a theoretical base for understanding political judgment in the American electorate. The research, however, has a strong cognitive orientation with surprisingly little attention to the dynamic interaction between emotional and attentional factors. To broaden our understanding of these...
Preprint
Extensive survey and experimental research on citizens' inattentiveness to political news has built a theoretical base for understanding political judgment in the American electorate. The research, however, has a strong cognitive orientation with surprisingly little attention to the dynamic interaction between emotional and attentional factors. Whe...
Article
Full-text available
Scholarly interest in the role of emotion in accounting for how people react to political figures, events, and messages has escalated over the past two plus decades in political science and psychology. However, research on the validity of the measurement of subjective self-report of emotional responses is rather limited. We introduce here a new mea...
Preprint
Full-text available
Scholarly interest in the role of emotion in accounting for how people react to political figures, events, and messages has escalated over the past two plus decades in political science and psychology. However, research on the validity of the measurement of subjective self-report of emotional responses is rather limited. We introduce here a new mea...
Article
Full-text available
Some scholars assert that political ideology is a deep, enduring and fundamental orientation persistent through life. One school of thought holds that the concept of ideological identification can explain why liberals and conservatives display enduring differences not only on substantive issues but also on how they go about making political judgmen...
Book
Although the rational choice approach toward political behavior has been severely criticized, its adherents claim that competing models have failed to offer a more scientific model of political decisionmaking. This measured but provocative book offers precisely that: an alternative way of understanding political behavior based on cognitive research...
Article
Full-text available
The theory of affective intelligence posits that an individual's emotions help govern a reliance on political habits or, alternatively, deliberation and attention to new political information. Some of the evidence adduced draws on the fact that voters who are anxious about their own party's candidate do not rely blindly on their partisanship but in...
Article
Full-text available
Why do people practice citizenship in a partisan rather than in a deliberative fashion? We argue that they are not intractably disposed to one type of citizenship, but instead adopt one of two different modes depending on the strategic character of current circumstances. While some situations prompt partisan solidarity, other situations encourage p...
Article
Full-text available
Employing a specially designed survey experiment with a large sample size and extensive measurement batteries, we examine and contrast the roles played by personality traits and emotional states in shaping political attention, openness to new ideas, and an inclination toward cooperation. Of particular concern is the possibility that the evident emo...
Book
Passion and emotion run deep in politics, but researchers have only recently begun to study how they influence our political thinking. Contending that the long-standing neglect of such feelings has left unfortunate gaps in our understanding of political behavior, The Affect Effect fills the void by providing a comprehensive overview of current rese...
Chapter
Full-text available
Emotion, after a modest hiatus during the “cognitive revolution,” has reemerged of late to become a subject of significant attention in political science.1 The other contributions in this volume give ample evidence of the added understanding we gain by including emotion into the theoretical and empirical mix. Our entry in this volume turns to a que...
Article
Many new democracies and perhaps even some older democracies do not appear to be functioning as democracies should. Politicians ignore public opinion, go back on their campaign promises, and are not held accountable at elections. The five books under review chart a new research program that addresses these issues. They attempt to measure the presen...
Article
While scholars devote a significant amount of attention to opinion-policy linkages at the national and state levels, we know little about ideological representation in local governments. I address this oversight, examining two lines of inquiry. First, do local governments respond to public opinion? I explore whether ideological representation occur...
Article
Electoral accountability and efficiency of politics in the united states : a counterfactual analysis We consider how citizen attentiveness to public affairs shapes the character of presidential politics and policymaking. Our analytic tool is an empirically-grounded macro model of US politics, one rooted in data and econometric estimates taken from...
Article
This paper updates and expands the argument that the US electorate is forward-looking when evaluating presidential performance on the basis of the economy. The electorate's approval of the president depends on its economic expectations regarding the future level of prosperity. More is incorporated in this evaluation than a simple extrapolation from...
Article
This paper updates and expands the argument that the US electorate is forward-looking when evaluating presidential performance on the basis of the economy. The electorate's approval of the president depends on its economic expectations regarding the future level of prosperity. More is incorporated in this evaluation than a simple extrapolation from...
Article
Contrary to the claim by Green, Palmquist, and Schickler (1998), macropartisanship is largely shaped by presidential approval and consumer sentiment. It is not the case, however, that macropartisanship mirrors the ever-changing levels of current presidential popularity and prosperity Rather, macropartisanship reflects the cumulation of political an...
Article
If public opinion changes and then public policy responds, this is dynamic representation. Public opinion is the global policy preference of the American electorate. Policy is a diverse set of acts of elected and unelected officials. Two mechanisms of policy responsiveness are (1) elections change the government's political composition, which is th...
Article
The usual model of electoral reaction to economic conditions assumes the “retrospective” economic voter who bases expectations solely on recent economic performance or personal economic experience (voter as “peasant”). A second model assumes a “sophisticated” economic voter who incorporates new information about the future into personal economic ex...
Article
This paper extends the long line of research on presidential persuasion in Congress by looking at three major considerations. First, we show that persuasion can best be analyzed through the development of a baseline model. Beyond this, we examine two major theoretical perspectives regarding presidential influence: bargaining politics, characterized...
Article
MacKuen, Erikson and Stimson used quarterly Gallup poll data to show in this Review in 1989 that changing levels of macropartisanship, the two-party division of partisans, responded to presidential approval ratings and perceptions of the economy and predicted national election results. In a 1991 Review research note Abramson and Ostrom argued that...
Article
We examine the politics of the strategic agenda. Abstracting a politics on the liberal-conservative dimension, we analyze Key Vote roll call data from the U.S. House of Representatives during the Eisenhower and Reagan administrations. The data suggest that politicians set the policy agenda in a strategic fashion. Because they consider such factors...
Article
From an early, incorrect consensus that party identification was free of the short-term influences of political life, its aggregate, macropartisanship, drew little scholarly notice. Though macropartisanship, typically seen as a biennial time series, appears essentially constant, our quarterly treatment demonstrates substantial and notably systemati...
Article
Full-text available
This analysis examines the implications of affective intelligence theory for the dynamics of emotional responses to political stimuli and information seeking over time. Using a panel design, we conduct an experiment on the web to trace the consequences of emo-tional responses for citizen information-seeking over time. Two parallel panels add some r...
Article
seminar participants for their helpful suggestions and constructive criticisms on earlier versions of this paper. I wish to extend special thanks to HeeMin Kim for generously providing me with the government and voter ideology data from his joint cross–national project with Richard Fording. None of the aforementioned individuals bear responsibility...
Article
Political methodology in the main is about building models, estimating parameters, and making inferences. That is what we do, building, estimation, inference. That is what we, the authors, have done. In a research project beginning with a political methodology paper in 1986, and spanning all of the time in between then and now, we have built models...

Citations

... In a different way, threat perceptions can exert a cognitive influence on the willingness to trade civil liberties for personal security. According to LeDoux (1996) , Marcus and MacKuen (2001 MacKuen ( , 1993), and Marcus, Newman, and MacKuen (2000), the perception of threat enhances attention to contemporary information and to the source of anxiety. It also promotes political learning and decreased reliance on habitual cues (Marcus and MacKuen 1993). ...
... Entendemos que las emociones son un elemento central en cualquier régimen político debido a que estas son capaces de movilizar políticamente y activar la participación electoral (Arias, 2016). Una de las estrategias más comunes y más estandarizadas en los contextos de las campañas electorales se centran en que los candidatos, así como sus estrategias provoquen respuestas emocionales en el conjunto de la población (Marcus y Mackuen, 2004). ...
... And, that presumption carries a considerable weight as there is little empirical evidence that at any given time people experience one and only one affect response. To the contrary the evidence is that multiple emotional responses are ever present (Abelson et al., 1982;Watson & Tellegen, 1985;Watson et al., 1988;Watson & Clark, 1994;Marcus et al., 2017;Neuman et al., 2018). ...
... And, that presumption carries a considerable weight as there is little empirical evidence that at any given time people experience one and only one affect response. To the contrary the evidence is that multiple emotional responses are ever present (Abelson et al., 1982;Watson & Tellegen, 1985;Watson et al., 1988;Watson & Clark, 1994;Marcus et al., 2017;Neuman et al., 2018). ...
... Marcus' most recent work has emphasized how political ideology interacts with affective dynamics (Marcus, Neuman, & MacKuen, 2014). He reports, for example, in response to threatening events, liberals are more likely to respond in anger in familiar punishing circumstances, while conservatives are more prone to anger in familiar rewarding circumstances (Marcus et al., 2014; see also Jost, 2009;Jost et al., 2007). ...
... Thus, when things go well economically, the government will be rewarded, while worsened economic conditions result in the government being punished at the ballot box. Challenging this perspective, MacKuen et al. (1992MacKuen et al. ( , 1996 have argued that voters may act as bankers instead of peasants: Voters' economic expectations of the future-and not perceptions of the past-would have the strongest impact on their presidential approval (see also Lockerbie, 1992;Nadeau, Niemi, Fan, & Amato, 1999). ...
... AIT has a substantial measurement literature (Marcus & MacKuen, 1995;Marcus et al., 2006;Marcus et al., 2017;Marcus, 2022). More can, and should, be done to identify still other preconscious affective channels. ...
... Although it is easy to obtain emotional responses using these tools, they are prone to subjective influences. The tools for measuring emotions objectively include physiological measurements, facial motion coding systems, and text analysis measurement methods [35][36][37][38][39][40]. This method is more advantageous because it prevents the subjective and deliberate influences of the participants. ...
... All previous postwar presidents have had an impact on individual and aggregate party identification, and therefore the national partisan balance. Although party identification is among the most stable of political attitudes, the relative proportion of self-identified Republicans and Democrats in the electorate-macropartisanship-has varied directly with the approval ratings of the president (Erikson, macKuen, and Stimson 1998;Green, Palmquist, and Schickler 1998;Jacobson 2019a;macKuen, Erikson, and Stimson 1989). Presidents have also influenced mass partisanship more durably through generational imprinting; their successes or failures inform the relatively malleable partisan attitudes of voters joining the electorate during their administrations, who then tend to carry these attitudes forward through later adulthood (Jacobson 2019a). ...
... This weakness is only compounded by the way that concepts of hybrid regime and, increasingly, the quality of institutions are harnessed to explanations of failures in democratic consolidation. 1 There is a salutary recognition within the literature that new, post-authoritarian political regimes often lack the attributes of well-established liberal democracies. This critique is informed by an understanding of political regimes in terms of underlying institutional forms and links to a wider body of comparative politics literature. 2 However, while this latest phase in the transition literature provides more detailed and complex accounts of the mechanics of political regimes, it fails to satisfactorily explain regime dynamics. ...