Markus Prior's research while affiliated with Princeton University and other places
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Publications (19)
When surveyed about economic conditions, supporters of the president's party often report more positive conditions than its opponents. Scholars have interpreted this finding to mean that partisans cannot even agree on matters of fact. We test an alternative interpretation: Partisans give partisan congenial answers even when they have, or could have...
Political communication research has long been plagued by inaccurate self-reports of media exposure. Dilliplane, Goldman, and Mutz (2013)13.
Dilliplane , S. ,
Goldman , S. and
Mutz , D. 2013. Televised exposure to politics: New measures for a fragmented media environment. American Journal of Political Science, 57: 236–248. [CrossRef], [Web of Sc...
This essay examines if the emergence of more partisan media has contributed to political polarization and led Americans to support more partisan policies and candidates. Congress and some newer media outlets have added more partisan messages to a continuing supply of mostly balanced news. Although political attitudes of most Americans have remained...
To examine whether a campaign event affected candidate preferences or candidate knowledge, survey researchers need to know who was exposed to the event. Using the example of presidential debates, this study shows that survey respondents do not accurately report their exposure to even the most salient campaign events. Two independent methods are use...
Many studies of media effects use self-reported news exposure as their key independent variable without establishing its validity. Motivated by anecdotal evidence that people's reports of their own media use can differ considerably from independent assessments, this study examines systematically the accuracy of survey-based self-reports of news exp...
Surveys provide widely cited measures of political knowledge. Do seemingly arbitrary features of survey interviews affect their validity? Our answer comes from experiments embedded in a representative survey of over 1200 Americans. A control group was asked political knowledge questions in a typical survey context. Treatment groups received the que...
For many years experimental observations have raised questions about the rationality of economic agents--for example, the Allais Paradox or the Equity Premium Puzzle. The problem is a narrow notion of rationality that disregards fear. This article extends the notion of rationality with new axioms of choice under uncertainty and the decision criteri...
Despite dramatic increases in available political information through cable television and the Internet, political knowledge and turnout have not changed noticeably. To explain this seeming paradox, I argue that greater media choice makes it easier for people to find their preferred content. People who like news take advantage of abundant political...
Surveys provide widely-cited measures of political knowledge. Do unusual aspects of survey interviews reduce their relevance? To address this question, we embedded a set of experiments in a representative survey of over 1200 Americans. A control group answered political knowledge questions in a typical survey context. Respondents in treatment group...
For many years experimental observations have raised questions about the rationality of economic agents--for example, the Allais Paradox or the Equity Premium Puzzle. The problem is a narrow notion of rationality that disregards fear. This article extends the notion of rationality with new axioms of choice under uncertainty and the decision criteri...
This paper examines the bases of opposition to immigrant minorities in Western Europe, focusing on The Netherlands. The specific aim of this study is to test the validity of predictions derived from two theories - realistic conflict, which emphasizes considerations of economic well-being, and social identity, which emphasizes considerations of iden...
Even though visual images and television are ubiquitous in American politics, surveys rarely use visuals to assess what people know about politics. I measure visual political knowledge in a series of experiments that ask otherwise identical questions using either visual elements or words only. These experiments were embedded in a representative sur...
Several scholars, most notably Matt Baum, have recently argued that soft news for- mats contribute to democratic discourse, because they attract viewers who would otherwise not be exposed to news at all. I extend Baum's approach in two ways. First, Baum's theory postulates that people's appreciation of entertainment is one of the factors determinin...
In dit artikel gaat het om een conflict. Het is niet zozeer een conflict tussen personen, maar tussen levenswijzen. Eerst gaan we in op vooroordelen en bespreken we de gangbare Amerikaanse verklaring van vooroordelen en groepsconflicten. Dit noemen we het standaardmodel. Vervolgens geven we aan waarom dit model niet zomaar kan worden toegepast op d...
Two questions have dominated the modern study of politics. How do political systems become democratic? And how, supposing they have managed to become democratic, do they manage to remain so? As yet, there is no agreement on the answer to the first question. For a generation, however, there has been consensus on a core part of the answer to the seco...
Citations
... It is intriguing, however, since a number of recent studies challenge whether people truly believe the facts, they claim to, particularly in areas where partisans hold divergent views on what is true (Prior, Sood, & Khanna, 2015;Bullock, Gerber, Hill, & Huber, 2015). This is referred to as "expressive response," and it occurs when individuals "deliberately propagate misleading information" to bolster their political identification (Schaffner & Roche, 2018, p. 136). ...
... The work investigating the link between Islamophobia and fear related to Islam aligns with what some researchers call symbolic threatsthose threats that are concerned with cultural differences (Landmann et al., 2019;Stephan & Renfro, 2002;Stephan & Stephan, 2000). Fearing the loss of cultural homogeneity, national identity, and the values of an ingroup are expressions of symbolic threat (Davidov et al., 2020;Fetzer, 2000;Raijman & Semyonov, 2004;Raijman et al., 2008;Sniderman et al., 2004). These symbolic threats are associated with negative attitudes toward refugees and migrants (Esses et al., 2017;Landmann et al., 2019;Riek et al., 2006;Stephan, 2014). ...
... While these contributions serve as a natural reference point for our discussions in this chapter, we would like to underscore that we are not att empting a case comparison between the United States aft er 9/11 and Norway aft er 7/22. Existing research points to a number of contextual factors that may infl uence rallying dynamics, among them the characteristics of the event itself (Perrin & Smolek, 2009), the response of the government (Gaines, 2002;Skocpol, 2002), and media coverage (Prior, 2002), and controlling for this range of factors would be impossible based on the data that we possess. Instead, what we seek to achieve is an examination of the specifi c mechanism linking (or not linking) fear and institutional trust within the context of a high-trust society. ...
... First, the four items focused on strong avoidance behaviors. Using behavioral-based measures introduces fewer measurement errors than using perceptual-based measures (Prior, 2013). Second, in the context of social media where existing networks and algorithms largely influence information encounters (Bakshy, Messing, & Adamic, 2015), selective avoidance is conceptualized and operationalized as taking deliberate measures to cut off connections with attitude-challenging information/sources such as unfriending (Zhu, Skoric, & Shen, 2017) because such actions will substantially restrict information flows and prevent social interactions from the politically opposite side. ...
... Relatedly, the included studies rely on self-reports of media exposure and usage. It has often been noted that individuals have difficulties in accurately recalling their actual media use and consumption, which can often mean significant over and under reporting (Prior, 2009a(Prior, , 2009b(Prior, , 2012. While these are sometimes the best measures of individual exposure that are available (Slater, 2004), they do introduce a source of potential bias. ...
... Currently, we find that entertainment has permeated all public discourse and that there are political and media incentives that tend towards creating spectacle. This is profitable for the media insofar as it attracts audiences, and it is also profitable for politicians insofar as it attracts sympathisers and potential voters and guarantees their presence on the public agenda (Prior, 2003;Nguyen, 2012;Jebril, Albaek y De Vreese, 2013). The Mexican president's official Facebook account is an example of how the mediatisation of politics and the personalisation of politics take shape. ...
... television reports, websites, family, and friends). Because information behaviors in general and non-behaviors such as information avoidance, in particular, are difficult to remember adequately (Prior, 2009), references to certain sources are assessed as a crucial memory aid for adequate assessment of information avoidance. Participants' responses were reported on a 5-point Likerttype scale (1 "Does not apply at all" to 5 "Does apply fully") and mean indexes of sufficient reliability were calculated (see Table 2 for the descriptive measures and reliability scores per wave). ...
... Exposure to media contents lets users know, understand, and remember the object, situation, or event. People who like news in the media tend to be knowledgeable, and this knowledge ultimately encourages them to participate by voting in the election [30,31]. Moreover, many experts say that the main uniqueness of social media compared to other types of media is the interactivity that allows the two-way communication, and the users have a role as a consumer as well as a producer in the process of creating and sharing information [32]. ...
Reference: Elevate Voter Knowledge to Win Election
... Political elites habitually cite this research to explain the public's failure to heed facts consistent with the elite's policy proposal of the moment. 1 Another line of research, however, suggests that citizens are indeed capable of learning (Gerber and Green 1999;Howell and West 2009;Fishkin and Robert 2005). Sometimes with encouragements, and sometimes with small monetary incentives, citizens can absorb and retain complex new political information (Barnes et al. 2016;Fishkin 2005;Kuklinski and Quirk 2000); and factual receptivity can take place despite partisan differences (Bullock et al. 2013;Prior 2007;Prior et al. 2015). ...
... Beyond the influence of these relatively stable traits, community formation may also be driven by more volatile agent characteristics such as the extent to which individual agents share opinions or attitudes. For instance, researchers have sought to detail the role of social processes in the formation of political ideologies (Prior, 2013;Morales et al., 2015), religious extremism (Manrique et al., 2018;Badawy and Ferrara, 2018), healthcare choices (Kata, 2012), dietary preferences (Cole and Morgan, 2011;Reilly, 2016) and issues related to technologies and innovation (Coccia, 2016;Naranjo-Valencia et al., 2017). Analogously, engineers interested in designing or managing distributed multi-agent systems may have similar interests in understanding flows of influence within swarms of collaborating robots (Pitonakova et al., 2016a(Pitonakova et al., ,b, 2018 or populations of interacting software agents (Jacyno et al., 2009(Jacyno et al., , 2013. ...