Marina E. Henke's research while affiliated with Northwestern University and other places

Publications (8)

Article
What factors explain the institutional shape of military interventions spearheaded by France? This article suggests that Intervention Entrepreneurs are the deciding agents. To secure the viability of their intervention proposal, they select an intervention venue based on pragmatic grounds. Most importantly, they carefully study possible domestic an...
Article
How does the European Union (EU) recruit troops and police to serve in EU peacekeeping missions? This article suggests that pivotal EU member states and EU officials make strategic use of the social and institutional networks within which they are embedded to bargain reluctant states into providing these forces. These networks offer information on...
Article
Many countries serving in multilateral military coalitions are "paid" to do so, either in cash or in concessions relating to other international issues. An examination of hundreds of declassified archival sources as well as elite interviews relating to the Korean War, the Vietnam War, the Gulf War, the Iraq War, the North Atlantic Treaty Organizati...
Article
Tony Blair tried throughout the preparatory phase of the US-led Iraq intervention in 2003 to influence US policy on the Middle East Peace Process. This article tries to understand how Blair fared in this endeavour. Using newly declassified documents, it examines the circumstances under which the US administration listened and engaged with British i...
Article
Military interventions are without a doubt the most forceful and most costly foreign policy tool extant. But how do they actually come about? The bulk of the existing literature on military interventions points to the head of state and his/her closest advisers to explain intervention decisions. This article argues instead that Intervention Entrepre...
Article
How does the United States build multilateral military coalitions? Conventional wisdom focuses on the role of formal alliance structures. Allies band together because they share threat perceptions, political ideology, norms, and values. I argue instead that US-led coalition-building efforts are influenced by the entirety of bilateral and multilater...
Article
This article presents a new dataset on UN peacekeeping fatalities that occurred during 1948–2015. The data includes five types of fatality counts: total fatalities, fatalities caused by accidents, illness, malicious acts (i.e. hostile deaths) and a fourth category marked “other incident types.” For every UN operation during 1948–2015, data on the n...
Article
How are UN peacekeepers recruited? While we know a lot about UN member states’ general predispositions to participate in UN peacekeeping operations, we know very little about the actual UN force generation process. What role do the UN and its powerful member states play in this process? How do they interact to recruit UN forces? This article seeks...

Citations

... Теме внешней политики и политики безопасности ЕС в целом посвящено значительное количество публикаций отечественных и зарубежных авторов [1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8][9]. Оборонное измерение ЕПБО находится в безусловном фокусе внимания отечественной и иностранной европеистики [10][11][12][13][14][15]. При этом гражданскому потенциалу ЕПБО уделяется недостаточно внимания, по крайней мере в отечественной научной литературе, -отметим здесь работы О. О. Новиковой [16], И. Н. Щербака [17], а из зарубежных исследователей -Ф. ...
... All three were initiated by the US or France but soon they were supplemented with multilateral missions that operated in parallel with the unilateral intervention force. Marina Henke describes the US and France as "pivotal states" because of their active role in building multilateral coalitions (Henke, 2019). The "coexistence" of multilateral and unilateral military missions relied on significant numbers of troops from developing countries (Brosig, 2017;Williams, 2020). ...
... Accounting for military contributions to the anti-Daesh coalition Why do states decide to join military coalitions? Prior studies alternately emphasize the importance of alliance membership (Snyder, 1997), threat perception (Walt, 1987), international hierarchy (Lake, 2009), alliance value (Davidson, 2014), or diplomatic embeddedness (Henke, 2017) as reasons why states decide to join military coalitions. Apart from these general explanations, for the anti-Daesh coalition it might have also mattered that many countries did not want to repeat their experiences from the long-lasting campaigns in Afghanistan and Iraq (Saideman, 2016;Schmitt, 2019). ...
... Uranium from Niger, for instance, is crucial to the operation of French nuclear reactors that supply 75% of the country's electricity (Ghanem-Yazbeck et al. 2018). While work by Henke (2017) and others complicate these relatively simplistic views, Western military interventions are seldom viewed as acts of pure altruism. In the case of the Sahel, Western interests also include re-establishing security in a region now commonly viewed as 'Europe's southern border,' a euphemism for the arid zone that buffers white Europeans and lighter-skinned north Africans from migrants from Black Africa to the south. ...
... They do not assume that senior bureaucrats "were promoted directly based on the economic data," only that such data were likely to serve as "a reasonable proxy for local economic performance, which the leadership of the Nazi Party was able to assess." 10 We refer the reader to this and the following study for a comprehensive discussion of the variables making up the index. peacekeepers (Henke 2019). These are suitable performance indicators not only because they reflect the core components of peacekeeping mandates, but also because they tend to receive extensive media coverage, making bad performance visible to the public. ...
... Similarly, the African Union Mission's deployment in Sudan (AMIS) witnessed the absence of a peace agreement and non-adherence to the proposed formula of peace. In addition, the resource constraints and capacity of AMIS had made the situation on the ground even more challenging (see, e.g., Henke, 2016;Vic Mansaray, 2009). A new model of inclusive peacekeeping with AU and UN cooperating for peacekeeping and peacebuilding under the flag of UNAMID was the first such experience of hybrid nature, where troops came from AU and financial resources came from UN (Luqman, 2012;Neethling, 2017). ...
Reference: Article