María Inclán’s research while affiliated with Center for Research and Teaching in Economics and other places

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Publications (18)


Union Affiliation, Socialization, and Political Identities: The Case of Mexico
  • Article

June 2017

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24 Reads

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5 Citations

Latin American Politics and Society

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María Inclán

The literature on voting behavior has generally accepted that party identification largely determines voter choice. While many studies have found that party identification is largely transmitted through social learning, less studied are the processes of the construction of party identity by way of group membership. This study seeks to understand how group identity influences party identification among Mexican workers through an analysis of the effects of union affiliation on political behavior. It assesses the utility of corporatist legacies in explaining party identity in Mexico and provides a first assessment of party affinities among independent unionists. The evidence draws from original survey data collected during six demonstrations in Mexico City. The study finds that union membership does condition the party identity of corporatist workers but not that of independent unionists.



Inclán, María and Paul Almeida. 2013. “Indigenous Peoples and Revolutionary Movements in Mesoamerica.” In D. L. Van Cott, A. Lucero, and T. Dale eds., Oxford Handbook of Indigenous People’s Politics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

January 2013

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28 Reads

This handbook is currently in development, with individual articles publishing online in advance of print publication. At this time, we cannot add information about unpublished articles in this handbook, however the table of contents will continue to grow as additional articles pass through the review process and are added to the site. Please note that the online publication date for this handbook is the date that the first article in the title was published online. For more information, please read the site FAQs.


Zapatista and counter-Zapatista protests A test of movement–countermovement dynamics

May 2012

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45 Reads

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15 Citations

Journal of Peace Research

This study represents the first systematic analysis of the interactions between pro-Zapatista and counter-Zapatista protestors in Chiapas, Mexico, and the first empirical test of movement–countermovement theories in a transitional democracy. Three claims are tested: (1) movement protests trigger countermovement protest activity; (2) different political parties at different levels of government trigger movement–countermovement protest activity; and (3) victories won by one side of a conflict, viewed as procedural concessions, trigger further pro- and countermovement protest activity. These hypotheses are tested using negative binomial models and data on Zapatista-related protest activity between 1994 and 2003. The results show that: (1) movement and countermovement protests have a positive, reciprocal effect on both groups' future protest activity; (2) movement and countermovement protesting groups use the dominant political party as a target of protest. The characteristics of the electoral cycle and rise of multi-party competition at all levels of government do not have a consistent effect on protest activity; (3) granting procedural concessions to pro-movement actors generates more protest activity among both groups. However, granting procedural concessions via social programs and public works to the population irrespective of its sympathy to either side of the movement–countermovement conflict decreases movement protests and increases countermovement protests.


Zapatista and Anti-Zapatista Protests: A Test to Movement and Countermovement Dynamics

January 2012

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55 Reads

Using negative binomial models and data on pro- and anti-Zapatista protest activity from 1994 to 2003, I test some of the claims made in the literature about the dynamics that exist between movement and countermovement actors. The results show that movement and countermovement protests may have no significant effect on one-another when one side has very concrete economic claims, like was the case of the anti-Zapatista protesting actors. Movement and countermovement actors did not discriminate against political parties in power. Their protests were as likely to occur when a political ally or opponent was in power and they tended to decreased as time passed. Neither relevant events around the movement nor media attention on the conflict were significant protest triggers for either of the groups. The most significant factor influencing protest activity of both sides of the conflict were the partial concessions granted to the Zapatistas.


Sliding doors of opportunity: Zapatistas and their cycle of

March 2009

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64 Reads

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11 Citations

Mobilization An International Quarterly

Using a cross-sectional time-series event-count model, this study analyzes the effects of local, national, and international variables on pro-Zapatista protests across the 111 localities (municipios) of Chiapas over a ten-year period (1994-2003). Protests were more likely to occur in localities with previous protest activity, a closed political system, and a larger presence of the military. Local and national electoral openings, as well as a larger local and national presence of the Zapatistas' presumed political ally, the Partido de la Revolucion Democrdtica (PRD), had a negative relationship with protest activity. Specific openings to the Zapatistas also worked as protest depressants. International attention did not show any significant effect on Zapatista protest activity. However, these institutional and specific openings were only ephemeral opportunities in that they did not translate into substantive concessions for the movement. They appear to have decreased the strength of the Zapatista protest cycle, while the international attention to the movement did not show any significant effect on it.


Sliding Doors of Opportunity: Zapatistas and Their Cycle of Protest

February 2009

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8 Reads

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6 Citations

Mobilization An International Quarterly

Using a cross-sectional time-series event-count model, this study analyzes the effects of local, national, and international variables on pro-Zapatista protests across the 111 localities (municipios) of Chiapas over a ten-year period (1994-2003). Protests were more likely to occur in localities with previous protest activity, a closed political system, and a larger presence of the military. Local and national electoral openings, as well as a larger local and national presence of the Zapatistas' presumed political ally, the Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), had a negative relationship with protest activity. Specific openings to the Zapatistas also worked as protest depressants. International attention did not show any significant effect on Zapatista protest activity. However, these institutional and specific openings were only ephemeral opportunities in that they did not translate into substantive concessions for the movement. They appear to have decreased the strength of the Zapatista protest cycle, while the international attention to the movement did not show any significant effect on it.


Zapatista and counter-Zapatista protests

9 Reads

This study represents the first systematic analysis of the interactions between pro-Zapatista and counter-Zapatista protestors in Chiapas, Mexico, and the first empirical test of movement–countermovement theories in a transitional democracy. Three claims are tested: (1) movement protests trigger countermovement protest activity; (2) different political parties at different levels of government trigger movement–countermovement protest activity; and (3) victories won by one side of a conflict, viewed as procedural concessions, trigger further pro- and countermovement protest activity. These hypotheses are tested using negative binomial models and data on Zapatista-related protest activity between 1994 and 2003. The results show that: (1) movement and countermovement protests have a positive, reciprocal effect on both groups' future protest activity; (2) movement and countermovement protesting groups use the dominant political party as a target of protest. The characteristics of the electoral cycle and rise of multi-party competition at all levels of government do not have a consistent effect on protest activity; (3) granting procedural concessions to pro-movement actors generates more protest activity among both groups. However, granting procedural concessions via social programs and public works to the population irrespective of its sympathy to either side of the movement–countermovement conflict decreases movement protests and increases countermovement protests.


Citations (8)


... Social movements have been approached from a variety of theoretical and conceptual perspectives across disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, political science, social psychology, and history (Almeida and Cordero Ulate 2017;Inclán 2018;Somma 2020). Inclán (2018) cites a number of notable interdisciplinary anthologies on the subject of social movements in Latin America. ...

Reference:

Social Movements, Social Change, and International Cooperation: Strategic Insights from Latin America and the Caribbean
Movimientos sociales en America Latina: perspectivas, tendencias y casos
  • Citing Book
  • January 2017

... Hükümeti ile yapılan görüşmelerde EZLN'nin taleplerinden biri de adalet, bağımsızlık, ev, toprak, sağlık, iş, demokrasi, yerli halkların kültürlerinin tanınması ve aktif politikaya katılmalarının önündeki engellerin kaldırılmasının yanında zorunlu ve nitelikli bir eğitimdir (Inclan, 2018). Zapatistalar yerli toplulukların eğitimle ilgili sorunlarının sonlandırılmasını, daha nitelikli ve özgür bir müfredatı uygulayabilecekleri ilk ve ortaöğretim düzeyindeki eğitimi ve üniversite eğitimi almış öğretmenlerin Chiapas'ta öğretmen olarak görevlendirilmelerini bültenlerinde talep etmişlerdir (Collier ve Quaratiello, 2005). ...

The Zapatista Movement and Mexico's Democratic Transition: Mobilization, Success, and Survival
  • Citing Book
  • July 2018

... Los movimientos sociales agrupan a personas y colectividades con distintos rasgos identitarios y necesidades diversas, pero que confluyen en el reconocimiento de reivindicaciones que reconocen como justas (Inclán, 2019). Al interior de estos actores colectivos se desarrollan lazos entre sus miembros, los cuales fortalecen las acciones colectivas y conducen a que se afirmen identidades colectivas (Chihu, 1999;Rodríguez, 2009;Gravante, 2020). ...

Mexican Movers and Shakers: Protest Mobilization and Political Attitudes in Mexico City
  • Citing Article
  • December 2018

Latin American Politics and Society

... Social movements have been approached from a variety of theoretical and conceptual perspectives across disciplines such as sociology, anthropology, political science, social psychology, and history (Almeida and Cordero Ulate 2017;Inclán 2018;Somma 2020). Inclán (2018) cites a number of notable interdisciplinary anthologies on the subject of social movements in Latin America. ...

Latin America, a Continent in Movement, but Where To? A Review of Social Movement Studies in the Region
  • Citing Article
  • May 2018

Annual Review of Sociology

... Klandermans (1984) argued that people tend to make rational decisions about whether to participate in collective actions depending on the likely costs and benefits of their activities and their fruitfulness rather than just protesting due to complaints and grievances. In line with Klandermans' approach, most social movement scholars -though they differ in the degree to which political efficacy plays a role in protest participation -consider that political efficacy is an important factor in protest participation, in the sense that individuals who believe that their actions have an impact are more likely to participate in politics (e. g., Chan, 2016;Hsiao, 2018;Inclan & Almeida, 2017;Schussman & Soule, 2005). On the other hand, nonparticipants would presumably see political protest as an ineffective method to communicate political opinions and impact social change (e.g., Inclan & Almeida, 2017). ...

Ritual Demonstrations versus Reactive Protests: Participation Across Mobilizing Contexts in Mexico City
  • Citing Article
  • Full-text available
  • September 2017

Latin American Politics and Society

... At a national level, it is the political and institutional context and political opportunity structures that determine the dynamics of not only contention, but also diffusion. Social movement scholars point out that contentious action always mirrors the institutions it challenges, because it is shaped by the existing opportunity structures (Almeida 2003;Inclán 2009;Osa 2003;Tarrow 2010;Tilly 1986;Tilly and Wood 2003;Traugott 1995a). In a similar vein, the ties between social actors are also shaped by their institutional and political context and the constraints it imposes, since this determines what kinds of channels are available and what content may be transmitted (Oliver and Myers 2003;Osa 2003;Osa and Schock 2007). ...

Sliding doors of opportunity: Zapatistas and their cycle of
  • Citing Article
  • March 2009

Mobilization An International Quarterly

... On one side, some view RWP movements as a threat to liberal democracy and claim that joining anti-populist rallies is important to challenge their claims to represent "the people" (Boone et al. 2018). On the other, previous research on movement-countermovement dynamics has shown that activities by opposing movements can lead to a reinforcing mobilization dynamic (Inclán 2012;Banaszak & Ondercin 2016). ...

Zapatista and counter-Zapatista protests A test of movement–countermovement dynamics
  • Citing Article
  • May 2012

Journal of Peace Research