April 2023
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2 Reads
The Developing Economies
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April 2023
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2 Reads
The Developing Economies
June 2022
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110 Reads
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12 Citations
Nationalities Papers
This article surveys nation-building in post-Soviet Azerbaijan over the country’s first quarter-century of restored independence. It examines the core dimensions of ethno-demographic and national minority issues, language policy, and the role of religion in the development of the state’s formal ideology Azerbaycançılıq (Azerbaijanism). The article highlights the nexus of nation-building and regime-building as a dominant trend over the last two decades, generating what we term “civic dominion”: the domination of a regime tradition, legitimated through the imagery and ideology of civic nationhood. Finally, the article considers the role of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict as a long-standing exception to the ostensibly civic ethos of post-Soviet Azerbaijani nation-building.
September 2020
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25 Reads
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3 Citations
Europe-Asia Studies
Azerbaijan is a state both confronting protracted minority group secessionism and culturally associated with large co-ethnic minority groups in neighbouring states. This context has generated conflicting pressures on the visualisation of territory in Azerbaijani geopolitical culture. This article surveys contemporary cartographic practices in Azerbaijan and identifies two salient traditions, one reproducing consensus on the territorial integrity of the Azerbaijani state and the other mobilising grievance at truncations of an Azerbaijani ethnic homeland. It identifies the emergence of hybridity between these modes of seeing Azerbaijani territory and discusses their implications for the resolution of the Armenian–Azerbaijani conflict.
March 2020
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389 Reads
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5 Citations
October 2018
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8 Reads
September 2016
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46 Reads
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3 Citations
Caucasus Survey
Introducing this special issue of Caucasus Survey on networked insurgencies in Eurasia, this article discusses some of the key themes discussed in the issue. We present the case for the networked character of insurgencies in Eurasia, in which distinct insurgent fronts borrow, incorporate and transform ideas, goals and human experiences among themselves in a constantly shifting constellation. We briefly discuss the shifting role of networks and ideology in mediating Caucasian foreign fighter pathways to varying insurgent fronts in Iraq, Syria and Ukraine, the role of religious repression and the securitization of Salafism in security governance as a push factor, and the role and possible security threats that returning foreign fighters could present to their states of origin.
July 2016
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39 Reads
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5 Citations
East European Politics
This article applies the concepts of linkage and leverage to the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. While other post-Soviet conflicts feature cross-border linkages reinforcing the axes of conflict, this study reveals patterns of multi-directional, fragmented and cross-cutting linkages with a wide range of external actors. This pattern has diffused leverage potentials of external actors, accounting for the lack of decisive shifts in the direction of either conflict escalation or resolution, or regime renewal. The resulting linkage/leverage structure has proven stable but hinges on a tension between diffuse international leverage and a collective default among international actors to conflict management rather than resolution.
November 2015
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45 Reads
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18 Citations
Caucasus Survey
Political economy is a consistently under-researched aspect of unrecognized statehood. Countering homogenizing accounts centred on illegality, this article argues for a comparative analysis in order to arrive at a more differentiated and case-sensitive understanding of how the political economies of de facto jurisdictions in the post-Soviet space function. Drawing on theoretical insights from the literatures analysing late, peripheral and post-colonial political economies, this article argues that de facto elites in such entities strategize differently according to the resources and external relationships available to them. Three contrasting ideal-type models of resource extraction are proposed for contemporary de facto jurisdictions: subsistent, rentier and monopoly mediator. Each model has follow-on implications for the nature of political regime, pluralism and development, and examples of each model drawing on cases in Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorny Karabakh are briefly surveyed.
September 2015
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178 Reads
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20 Citations
Caucasus Survey
Introducing this special issue of Caucasus Survey on the unrecognized politics of de facto states in the post-Soviet space, this article discusses some of the key problems involved in the study of these entities. It relates the origins of the articles contained in this collection and briefly introduces the main themes they deal with: the definition, representational politics, resourcing and engagement of de facto states.
July 2015
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141 Reads
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43 Citations
Nationalities Papers
This article draws on international relations theory to attempt a reframing of the Armenian–Azerbaijani conflict in Nagorny Karabakh as an enduring rivalry (ER): a particular kind of interstate conflict known for its longevity and stability. The article begins by identifying a number of conceptual deficits circulating around this conflict, notably the notion that it is a “frozen conflict,” before introducing the ER framework and its analytical dividends for this case. Different layers of the ER between Armenia and Azerbaijan are then explored at systemic, interstate, domestic, decision-maker, and temporal levels, with a view more toward identifying directions for future research than conclusive findings. Among the article's tentative conclusions are the primacy of endogenous over exogenous factors in explaining the durability of the rivalry between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the impacts of the passage of time on the human and physical geography of the territory under dispute, and the convergence of conflict dynamics across disparate levels.
... Prompted by former president Heydar Aliyev (1993Aliyev ( -2003 and since independence, the threat of foreign religious penetration into the Azerbaijani multi-ethnic society has been used to neutralize the challenges associated with conceptualizing and developing 'Azerbaijani Islam' or 'Traditional Islam' [Ənənəvi İslam] which applies complete government intervention in religious affairs. Heydar Aliyev's state-building policy marked reestablishing the enduring dominance of the Aliyev dynasty and transitioning the nation's ideological emphasis from Elchibey's secular nationalism inspired by Turkey to a personality cult centred around Azerbaijan's Islamic heritage (Broers and Mahmudlu 2022). This policy entails comprehensive domestic oversight to uphold state-approved interpretations of Islam, thereby preserving the predominantly secular character of the state. ...
June 2022
Nationalities Papers
... Various aspects of this topic, both in the present and in the historical context, have therefore become the subject of research by political scientists, sociologists, anthropologists and other academics. Among such studies, the work of A. Malashenko (2007Malashenko ( , 2010, G. M. Yemelianova (2002Yemelianova ( , 2010Yemelianova ( , 2019Yemelianova ( , 2020, S. T. Hunter (2004) or S. E. Merati (2017). Russian domestic and foreign policy is also favourite and frequent topic of the research. ...
March 2020
... Considerable research regarding Abkhazia has concentrated on the ethnic-or elite-driven origins of the conflict, or the (geo-)political situation that emerged after the war of 1992-1993 and the South Ossetia War of 2008 (King 2001, Kolstø and Blakkisrud 2008, Trier, Lohm and Szakonyi 2010. When de facto states are discussed they are often "dismissed as criminal strips of no-man's-land or as the 'puppets' of external states" (Lynch 2004, 832) or are treated as the objects of conflicts instead of being centrally involved subjects that deserve separate treatment (Broers 2016, Ó Beacháin, Comai, and Tsurtsumia-Zurabashvili 2016, O'Loughlin, Kolossov, and Toal 2014, Oltramonti 2016, Smolnik 2016, Trier, Lohm and Szakonyi 2010. Although recent literature has started to give more attention to the societal dynamics and processes on both sides of the conflict (Peinhopf 2020, Toria 2020) the current literature lacks a robust ontological foundation of the situation on the ground in Abkhazia. ...
July 2016
East European Politics
... Although the armed conflicts led to the regions' true independence, they had a destructive effect on the internal situation of the new entities. First and foremost, the negative implication of military action included destruction of infrastructure, market crippling, and war blockades (Broers 2015). The unregulated status of de facto states entailed a lack of ability to attract external investors to revitalize economies, concomitantly fostering illegal trade, which led to the degeneration of political elites (e.g., in Transnistria). ...
November 2015
Caucasus Survey
... 1 Холина 2012;Ильяшевич 2014;Цвицинская 2014;Бударагина 2016. 2 Платонова 2012. 3 Маркедонов 2018Сергеева 2014;Цховребов 2013Цховребов . 4 O'Loughlin et al. 2017Kolstø et al. 2012;O'Loughlin et al. 2011;Dembinska et al. 2017;Kopeček et al. 2016;Balmaceda 2013;Broers et al. 2015 ...
September 2015
Caucasus Survey
... The first adopts a conflictological stance, drawing from international relations (Gamaghelyan 2010;Kazimirov 2014), area studies (Coene 2011), international security studies (Alieva 2023;Kaufman 1998;Luchterhandt 2013), ethnopolitical studies (Cornell 2005), and legal studies (Krüger 2010). This lens focuses on episodic intensifications, relegating intervening periods to a "frozen conflict" status, seemingly devoid of major developments (Broers 2015). Key epochs highlighted are 1988-1994 and 2020-23, while historical analysis often refers back to the 1920s establishment of the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO), a Soviet geopolitical construct within the Azerbaijani SSR (Aivazian 2001;Gamaghelyan 2010). ...
July 2015
Nationalities Papers
... It is not clear, however, what exact territory is referred to under the term Artsakh. For example, in 2005 archeological excavations on then Armenian-controlled Azerbaijani territory outside NKAO "proved" that this territory was part of the ancient Artsakh (Toal and O'Loughlin 2013a, 164;Broers and Toal 2013). At the same time, Artsakh (NKAO territory plus surrounding areas)with "rediscovered" and "rehabilitated" monasteries, churches, and archeological sites (Toal and O'Loughlin 2013a, 171) is "an essential part of the cradle of the Armenian nation's ethnogenesis" (Vardanyan quoted in Toal and O'Loughlin 2013a, 171). ...
May 2013
Problems of Post-Communism
... In the 2010s, ASP opened an office in Gal/Gali, with two local staff from the district where the majority of the population is Georgianor, more specifically, Mingrelian, a subgroup within the larger Georgian ethnic group (Broers, 2012). This is of importance, with a view to the ethno-nationalist nature of the broader Abkhaz power structures (Broers, 2013) and because Abkhaz citizenship remains the "gateway to a range of rights," including for those of non-Abkhaz ethnicity (Human Rights Watch, 2011: 31). Since 2006, Abkhazia issued passports to replace the old Soviet documents, but Georgians living in the Gal/Gali district could not easily receive these, hindering their access to social services and their ability to move across the Engur/Inguri river dividing Abkhazia from Georgia. ...
April 2015
Caucasus Survey
... Georgians, too, distrust Megrelians because their group provides numerous features that could justify national independence: a separate language, a fairly clearly demarcated settlement area, and periods of political sovereignty (see Broers 2001). For this reason, Georgian scholars attach great importance to concepts. ...
... Furthermore, while civil society is instrumental in bridging the gap between the state and the citizenry, its effectiveness is frequently undercut by a lack of coordination and a proliferation of smaller and less influential groups that struggle to exert meaningful influence on political processes. This fragmentation within civil society can lead to a dilution of efforts and a reduction in the potential to drive substantial democratic reforms (Broers, 2005;Jones, 2006;Muskhelishvili & Jorjoliani, 2009;Wheatley, 2010). Thus, for civil society in Southeast Asia to fully realize its role as a cornerstone of democracy, these critical gaps need addressing through enhanced legal protections, greater local funding opportunities, and stronger intrasectoral alliances that align diverse initiatives towards common democratic goals. ...
September 2005
Central Asian Survey