Kimberly A. Lonsway's research while affiliated with California State Polytechnic University, Pomona and other places

... Хотя, как показано в многочисленных исследованиях обман сам по себе не связан с уникальным паттерном поведения [10,12,27,29,32], в то же время известно, что лжецы могут испытывать конкретные эмоции, в числе которых: страх, возбуждение и чувство вины [12,13]. Исследователи показали, что, обращая внимание на признаки утаиваемых эмоций -микроэкспрессии лица [15] и основного тона голоса [14], можно выявить обман с точность до 80%. В серии экспериментов, с высокой экологической валидностью, было установлено, что ложь на «высоких ставках», когда угроза наказания высока, легче обнаружить, чем ложь на «низких ставках», когда ответственность не предусматривает серьезных санкций [9,18,30]. ...

... Other evaluations have measured changes in participants' knowledge about sexual assault, attitudes toward rape victims, acceptance of rape myths, and levels of self-efficacy and anxiety. [8][9][10][16][17][18][19][20][21] The findings of the majority of these studies are limited because of small sample sizes, short follow-up periods, lack of control groups, and the use of nonbehavioral outcome measures. Moreover, researchers generally find limited evidence for long-term knowledge and attitude-related change as a result of sexual assault prevention program exposure. ...

... Only a few studies have examined attorneys' case strategies. Again, the focus has been on the defense, with researchers emphasizing defense attorney's attempts to imply that children are dishonest or that children's memories have been tainted (Brennan, 1995;Hanna, Davies, Crothers, & Henderson, 2012;Mertz & Lonsway, 1997). However, this research is largely impressionistic, in that examples of different strategies are presented with little quantitative data and no systematic assessment of content. ...

... For example, gender has been found to influence decisions in child custody cases and workplace discrimination cases; decision-makers in such cases may be guided by gendered ideologies of women in caregiving roles and in the workplace (Miller, 2019). Both historic and recent research confirm the pervasiveness of gender biases, defined here as being predisposed to decide in favor or against a particular group of people in accordance with their perceived gender, and endorsement of relevant stereotypes in the courts (Lonsway, 2002;Miller, 2019). Some recent findings of differential treatment of men and women specifically cite subtle biases as a catalyst for the behavior (Tran et al., 2019). ...

... However, since the passage of these laws, the increase in the number of women entering the police profession has slowly started to stagnate or even reverse in some cases. Researchers such as Cordner and Cordner (2011); Kurtz (2012); Lee (2005); Lonsway (2007); Rabe-Hemp (2011a); Schuck (2014); and Shelly, Morabito, and Tobin-Gurley (2011) noticed this stagnation and began to question why this decrease has occurred, suggesting that failing legislation, increased barriers for women, additional obstacles for women, and the policing culture may be to blame. ...

... This issue is overlooked and under-reported all over the world, especially in developing countries and particularly in Pakistan. Studies that have inspected harassment among police personnel have indicated that female workers experienced more instances of harassment than their male counterparts (Lonsway et al., 2013;DeHaas et al., 2009;Somvadee & Morash, 2008;Thompson et al., 2006). These events ranged from being just touched in a manner that made someone uncomfortable, to being earshot of dirty jokes and stories, to being sexually victimized on account of being a woman. ...

... This scale also has the potential to be useful in the field of prevention work for sexual assault and rape, particularly on college campuses. Many interventions that aim to prevent sexual assault and rape on college and high school campuses focus on decreasing RMA (i.e., Fay & Medway, 2006;Lonsway et al., 1998). As such, the development of the GIRMA presents a way for clinicians working in the field of prevention to easily measure RMA in a more holistic way that is more sensitive to current beliefs core to rape culture. ...

... Here we present models built with manifest variables since we already investigated the underlying factor structures of the relevant constructs. In testing the relationship with appraisals and coping responses we controlled for the effect of gender and age on coping responses because one's gender and age may relate to the experience of and coping with mistreatment in the workplace (e.g., Cortina et al., 2002;Hobfoll et al., 1994;Jóhannsdóttir & Ólafsson, 2004). Additionally, given that previous experience of mistreatment can impact how one copes with it (e.g., Cortina & Magley, 2009), we also controlled for the effect of previous experience of workplace ostracism on all coping responses. ...

... For instance, when failing the physical competency test, there are no consequences for officers of one law enforcement agency. Further, the assessments in place are rarely representative of the on-duty work that police officers perform (Lonsway, 2003;Tipton et al., 2013;Petersen et al., 2016;Koedijk et al., 2021). Similar to the modular, segmented structure of training components in the training curricula, currently applied assessment and testing methods evaluate isolated skills such as static shooting on the shooting range or self-defense technique evaluations. ...

... Our findings are consistent with existing research that initial police training is brief (3-6 months in North America; Cordner, 2019;Sloan & Paoline, 2021) and training specific to sexual assault is limited (Lathan et al., 2019). Criticisms of police training include a primary focus on laws and dynamics of the crime as opposed to the victim's response or investigative process (Lonsway et al., 2001). Likewise, the consistency and efficacy of sexual assault training is reported as variable in both quantity and quality (Venema et al., 2020). ...