Keith Bottomley’s research while affiliated with University of Hull and other places

Leading contributors here demonstrate the importance of understanding the processes behind statistical tabulations, clarifying the meaning of the statistics available in several areas of criminal statistics by asking experts in numerous fields to contribute their knowledge. The emphasis throughout is on clarity of the construction and meaning of data, rather than on the details of the meaning of individual findings. * Should the public be concerned that the police detection rate for crimes in the UK has dropped from 44% in 1962 to just 26% in 1992? That depends on how one views the figures; the former represents less than a third of the number of crimes detected in 1992, and hides a large increase in the detention rate per officer. * If conviction rates for non-serious offencers for men is six times that of women prior to the age of 21, but only twice that of women over 21, does that mean that women typically take to crime at a later age? Not exactly - three quarters of those female offences consisted of failing to possess a TV licence - and the licence inspectors prosecute whoever answers the door when they visit a household without a licence. * Is it possible to compare homicide statistics for different countries and draw realistic conclusions? Not unless one knows that some countries include attempted murder in their homicide statistics, or death by traffic accident, or if they include deaths that occur as a result of another serious crime such as robbery or rape. Although the examples used all relate to crime in the United Kingdom, the principles demonstrated would apply to statistics used anywhere and in any country.

The Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE) introduced new procedures to place limits on the length of detention before charge and safeguard the rights of suspects while in custody; these were intended to counterbalance increased police powers. This article reviews the evidence from research conducted in a police force in the north of England on the impact of PACE upon the length of time suspects are held in custody and upon the use of two of the safeguards: the suspect's right to have someone informed of their arrest (intimations) and the right to legal advice. Although there was no significant change in the mean length of detention before charge in the year the new procedures were introduced (1986), 1987 saw a significant increase. PACE appears to have brought about increases in the proportion of suspects recorded as requesting intimations, and in the proportions requesting and receiving legal advice.

Reporting findings from research on the impact of the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984 (PACE), this paper assesses the effectiveness of rights provided for suspects in police custody which were intended to counterbalance increased police powers. It discusses (1) the involvement in the detention and questioning process of parents, social workers, and legal advisers; (2) the procedures which regulate the detention and questioning of suspects before charge; and (3) the effectiveness of sanctions and supervision. It concludes that these safeguards have had a significant, although variable, impact. Factors that have limited this impact are assessed. Claims that suspects’ rights are excessively hampering the detection of crime are criticized.