Johan Sandberg’s research while affiliated with Lund University and other places

The article analyses policy contingencies and welfare conditionality of school allowances in Swedish upper‐secondary education. In contrast to most countries' use of positive incentives toward school attendance through added cash‐benefits for targeted students, Sweden employs sanctions on a universal study allowance that in essence constitutes an age‐extension of the universal child benefit. We analyse register data from 2012 to 2018 and find significant discrepancies in required school‐reporting when controlling for school populations and key official school‐parameters. These results indicate that negative conditioning through sanctions constitutes an often‐forfeited measure against the rather complex interplay of factors driving truancy, while enforcement of conditionality seems largely contingent upon schools' different reporting strategies and processes. We identify a set of veto points whereby school officials may opt not to enforce conditionality, and further problematize additional findings that the overwhelming majority of students with retracted allowances fail to return to school and complete their educational cycles on time. Our findings contribute to ongoing research on welfare conditionality, hitherto largely dominated by studies on labour market activation policies and social services.

This article presents an analysis of multidimensional segregation in Stockholm. Drawing on official statistics and existing empirical research, spatial and socio-economic segregation are found to be increasingly tied to ethnicity, in a global city largely divided between affluent inner-city and marginalized peripheral boroughs. The analysis finds that migration flows’ impact on Stockholm’s asymmetric development must be understood in a historical perspective, as particular interactions between structural constraints and individual factors, generated by ongoing processes of residential segregation and labour market segmentation. Coinciding with Sweden’s shift towards refugee and family dependent immigration, these processes are traced to public policies driving housing market liberalization and financialization, and labour market bifurcation. Reversal of the city’s pronounced segregation, where cumulative interactions of segmentation processes cause a vicious circle of downward assimilation of less-qualified migrants and reactive ethnicity among marginalized immigrant youths, constitutes a formidable task Swedish Governments have so far failed to properly address.

In line with recent trends in sociology of migration, the paper presents major research findings on Swedish immigrant organizations (SIOs) and their labor market integration activities. Analyses of engagement in these activities are particularly important as Sweden wrestles with significant problems of labor market marginalization, particularly among non-European migrants. Drawing on official data and interviews, we find surprisingly low incidence in direct labor market support but quite active indirect support. Our regression model shows significant correlation between region of origin and labor market activities, and further analyses using regional typologies indicate that SIOs’ activities are partly driven by members’ different modes of incorporation and relative integration, where Middle-Eastern SIOs stand out as particularly active. Our findings further indicate potential for scale-up of SIO-assistance in the Swedish Government’s efforts towards increased immigrant labor market integration.

Within the migration-development nexus, cooperation with immigrant organizations is often considered useful by governments and aid agencies. Due to acquaintance with home-country conditions and capacity to transfer remittances, migrants are increasingly viewed as contributors to aid and development. The Swedish government has a similar approach and views migrants and their associations as an asset. At the same time, research on home-country activities among Swedish immigrant organizations (SIOs) is scarce and little is known about their contributions. Based on qualitative and quantitative data on publicly funded SIOs, we explore the alignment between their activities and the Swedish policy goals of humanitarian aid and development cooperation. While few activities align directly, other activities align indirectly since they mainly reflect sectoral targets of the policy goals. We also find few cases of formalized and systematic collaboration with Swedish aid financiers. In comparison with cooperation practices in other European contexts, this suggests deficits in terms of professionalization of SIOs, marginalization in development cooperation and lack of opportunity structures for SIOs. Few SIOs are also engaged in home-country development and humanitarian assistance. A possible explanation is the institutional role that immigrant organizations historically have been granted in the Swedish context. If these deficits are addressed, SIOs could potentially enhance the Swedish approach to aid and development assistance.

This paper explores the activities of Swedish state supported ethnic associations (most of which are immigrant organizations), thus shedding empirical light on how immigrants organize with the help of state support, both nationally and transnationally, in a welfare state context. The paper is based on a study of annual reports of 52 state supported national associations, representing more than a thousand (1046) local immigrant organizations, as well as 17 interviews with representatives of the said organizations. The findings indicate that the welfare state did not crowd out civil societal integration-promoting initiatives, but the state supported immigrant organizations came to occupy a niche in which they primarily offered complementary services with the aim of helping members to navigate the public welfare system. Neither did state support directly shape the content and direction of the political activities of the said organizations. However, the state support seems to have generated welfare channeling effects, in that more immigrant organizations came into existence than would have been the case in the absence of grants. The paper comes down in favor of the thesis that state support in some circumstances can promote political incorporation through immigrant organizations (with a few caveats). Finally, the paper proposes a hypothetical mechanism, homeland-oriented integration, for political incorporation through immigrant organization.