J. M. J. Doomernik’s scientific contributions

What precisely belongs to the domain of politics and hence should be considered political participation is not without contention. Most definitions of political participation include both conventional forms of political participation related to electoral politics – such as voting or standing for elections – and various alternative forms of political participation and expressing political voice. Some definitions also include forms of civic participation into a broad definition of political participation. For the purpose of this paper, we define political participation as participation in political procedures, structures and institutions of the political system at the local, national or supranational level. In so doing, we follow a broad understanding of politics and also include civic participation as an important dimension of the involvement in the political and democratic life of a country. Based on this broad conceptualisation, we distinguish five types of political participation: (1) Voting behaviour and political preferences (type A), (2) party membership, standing for election and holding political office (type B), (3) non-electoral and less conventional forms of political participation (type C), (4) labour union participation (type D), and (5) civic participation (type E). Political participation is related to a variety of factors, including the structural integration of migrants (such as demographic characteristics, socio-economic status, and residential stability), social capital, individual political characteristics (such as political socialisation and attitudes towards politics,) and political opportunity structures. Our analysis of available data suggests that only few countries collect data on all five types of immigrants‟ political participation, while available data in some countries does not permit such an analysis at all. However, we also find that the majority of countries do collect some of the core type A data. An improvement of type A data might thus be a sensible first step in increasing our knowledge on political participation of migrants and their descendants. To gain a fuller understanding of patterns of political and civic participation of immigrants, however, systematic and comprehensive collection of all A, B, C, D and E data would be ideal. What data is available and which is not, however, is also an expression of political opportunity structures and the civic and political culture of individual countries. European countries differ widely in respect to the opportunities offered to non-nationals and migrants more generally to participate in political and civic activities, but they also differ in terms of unionisation or the relationship between civil society organisations and the state. Finally, statistics do certainly reflect political priorities, but their quality and scope also depend on financial means. Not all EU member states are equally able to build and maintain structures for the collection of extensive social statistic. In respect to political participation, improving the European Social Survey as the coverage and sampling of migrants is concerned, might provide some middle ground.

A fundamental issue in society today, migration has been undergoing a new dynamic transformation, calling for new policy approaches. This new dynamic is not yet understood clearly, let alone that adequate policy answers for ‘the managing’ of these new migration processes and the consequences for receiving and sending societies are within.This comprehensive overview of migration research conducted throughout the IMISCOE network of European research analyses the influx of various types of immigrants in Western Europe post World War II, mostly to large cities, as well as the reactions of the native populations and governments to the changes and pressures brought about by immigration.

Deze studie gaat over de immigratie van vreemdelingen die komen werken. Wij hanteren de begrippen arbeidsimmigrant en buitenlandse werknemer door elkaar. Deze studie gaat in eerste instantie niet over vreemdelingen die voor een ander doel komen zoals het vragen van asiel of voor gezinshereniging, en hun positie op de arbeidsmarkt. Ook wordt in de door ons geraadpleegde bronnen onderscheid gemaakt tussen tijdelijke arbeidsimmigratie en permanente arbeidsimmigratie. Het begrip tijdelijke arbeidsimmigratie kan betekenen dat een arbeidsimmigrant volgens de regels maar een maximaal aantal maanden of jaren mag blijven, zoals seizoensarbeiders of een universitair gastdocent (juridisch tijdelijk). Uit cijfers van het CBS blijkt dat een groot aantal arbeidsimmigranten binnen zes jaar uit Nederland vertrekt (feitelijk tijdelijk). Van permanente arbeidsimmigratie is sprake als het de arbeidsimmigrant is toegestaan zich permanent te vestigen (juridisch permanent). Of de arbeidsimmigrant dat ook daadwerkelijk doet is daarmee nog niet gezegd. Er zijn ook arbeidsimmigranten die in eerste instantie tijdelijk komen maar toch langer blijven, bij dezelfde of een andere werkgever, al dan niet illegaal, of op grond van bijvoorbeeld gezinsvorming (feitelijk permanent).