Holger Lengfeld's research while affiliated with University of Leipzig and other places

... While a large number of publications is concerned with capturing the effect of income inequality on societal polarisation and populist voting on the country-i.e., macro-level (Duca & Saving, 2016;Guiso et al., 2017;Mukand & Rodrik, 2020;Persson & Aggeborn, 2017), only a small set of studies is concerned with income inequality on the meso-or micro level. The few existing studies, however, use the Gini coefficient on the meso-level (Jesuit et al., 2009) or the income shares of certain portions of the population on the micro-level (Hartmann et al., 2022;Stoetzer et al., 2021;Voorheis et al., 2015). Due to the previously outlined limitations of these measures of inequality, these studies are not able to capture the desired concept of within country inequality. ...

... Der Aspekt der Gefährdung der gesellschaftlichen Integration oder des gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalts stellt dabei ein diffuses Hintergrundszenario dar, welches über Gedanken wie Polarisierung und Konflikt innerdemokratische Krisenszenarien in Zusammenhang mit dem Rechtspopulismus aufwirft (S. Pickel und Pickel 2020b, S. 2-8;Lengfeld et al. 2021). Interessant ist nun, inwieweit eine in den Bevölkerungen vorhandene Offenheit für populistische Argumente eine demokratische politische Kultur unterhöhlen und damit auch die Qualität der Demokratie negativ beeinflussen kann. ...

... Eine durch den Verfasser 78 Prinzipien bzw. Kriterien zur Gerechtigkeitsbeurteilung (Clark, 1984;Lengfeld, 2004;Leventhal, 1976) zur Verfügung gestellt würden. Auch in diesem Instrument sind die Korrelatio- nen zwischen den Gerechtigkeitsdimensionen hoch (r = .70 ...

... There are good reasons to expect the same for European-level assistance: trust is lower across than within countries (Deutschmann et al., 2018) and fears of moral hazard are higher. Thus, imposing tough conditions, particularly fostering labor-market adjustment through activation and education and training policies, can be attractive remedies to risks associated with EURS (but see Lengfeld and Kley, 2021, for opposing findings). ...

... Ergebnis sind Vergleiche zwischen den Bevölkerungen einzelner Mitgliedsländer, Vergleiche zwischen Mitgliedsländern und Beitrittskandidaten und Vergleiche zwischen den Einstellungen der Bevölkerungen und textförmig dokumentierten Elitenvorstellungen auf EU-Ebene (vgl. Gerhards 2006;Hölscher 2006;Gerhards/Hölscher 2003Gerhards/Lengfeld 2006 In den Schlussfolgerungen finden sich die Ausgangsannahmen wieder: Übereinstimmungen werden als integrationsförderlich, Divergenzen als Integrationshindernisse interpretiert. Jan Delhely (2008) findet dafür die zutreffende (Selbst-)Bezeichnung "identity approach". ...

... First, even if solidarity is not placed at the centre of deliberation (as in our cases), some basic sense of interdependence and shared identity may be a precondition for the legitimacy of certain policy changes (and court rulings). Here, research suggests a much stronger sense of solidarity and support for social provision for EU migrant citizens than is often assumed (Gerhards et al. 2016;Ferrera and Pellegata 2017). Second, social assistance is, to our best knowledge, not based on place of birth or citizenship in any EU Member State, which could reduce tensions relating to membership where federal citizenship derives from state citizenship as seen in NGC and Switzerland. ...

... The argument is that people's attitudes towards economic and environ Signoretta et al. Health and Place xxx (xxxx) xxx-xxx mental actions might be determined not only by people's own political and personal interests -as individuals who are younger, hold a higher educational level, and on the left of the political spectrum object to the domination of economic over ecological issues (Jürgen and Holger, 2008) -but also by their own country's engagement with environmental issues in terms of environmental policy and organisational and performance dimensions (Jakobsson et al., 2017;Koch and Fritz, 2014). For instance, Jakobsson et al. (2017) examined the relationship between citizen attitudes towards income redistribution and citizen willingness to pay for environmental protection. ...

... Rather, as the definition emphasises, it is the willingness to support a concrete measure or action for people in one or more other European countries. The argument is not to deny the existence of a European solidarity space -the idea that Europeans are more willing to show solidarity with each other than with 'outsiders' (Gerhards et al., 2018) -but to underscore that, within Europe, recipient country attributes play a role. ...

... The first experiments focus on direct bilateral medical and financial aid, varying the political proximity/membership and control dimensions; we also account for the cost dimension, which has proved relevant not only for support for European solidarity (Lengfeld, Kley and Häuberer 2020), but also in other policy areas, including climate policies (see, for example, Bechtel and Scheve 2013; Beiser-McGrath and Bernauer 2019). The second experiments directly build on and extend the first experiments. ...

... B. in Bezug auf den Widerspruch zwischen der nicht unbedingt als benachteiligt zu beschreibenden sozial-räumlichen Verortung eines großen Teils der AfD-Wählenden und ihrer Selbstwahrnehmung als gesellschaftlich marginalisierte Gruppe (z. B.: Deppisch et al., 2019;Lengfeld, 2017;Lux, 2018). ...