Gisela Müller-Brandeck-Bocquet's research while affiliated with University of Wuerzburg and other places
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Publications (17)
In the decades since German unification, restrictions have emerged that severely limit the aspiration, ambition, and openness to the future of Berlin’s European policy. Germany’s federal system comes in here. Thus, the rights of participation of both the Bundestag and the Bundesrat as well as of the Länder (the federal states) to Germany's European...
At the outset of this book, the thesis was put forward that European policy in the Angela Merkel era continued to adhere to the prevailing German reason of state, which aims to preserve, further develop, and secure the future of the European integration process and therefore also the future of the EU as a whole. Trying to take stock of German Europ...
Under the pressure of the COVID-19 (Corona) pandemic that has been gripping the world and the EU in particular since the beginning of 2020, Chancellor Merkel, toward the end of her time in office, embarked on a European policy path that was tantamount to a paradigm shift. Indeed, in order to enable the EU to resolve the severe consequences of the p...
In ihrer langen Amtszeit hat Angela Merkel den Gang des europäischen Integrationsgeschehens geprägt wie noch kein deutscher Kanzler vor ihr. Nachdem der Lissabonner Vertrag mit ihrer starken Unterstützung finalisiert und in Kraft gesetz werden konnte, erfassten zahlreiche Krisen die EU. Merkels zahllose Beiträge zur Linderung oder Lösung dieser Kri...
Die rot-grüne Bundesregierung trug durch zahlreiche und innovative Initiativen markant zum Verfassungsprozess der EU bei, der die Integrationsgemeinschaft substanziell vertiefen sollte. Da dieses ehrgeizige Projekt jedoch während ihrer Amtzei nicht abgeschlossen werden konnte, blieb den Regierungen Schröder/Fischer der ganz große europapolitische E...
The present international context could act as a catalyst for the European Union and India to enhance and improve their bilateral relationship. Even though the strategic partnership struck in 2004 between the two largest democracies of the world has not yet delivered clearly convincing results, the changing world order pushes India and the EU to re...
India and the European Union bear a particular responsibility: as international relations change, not least because of the global COVID-19 pandemic, the two largest democracies in the world have the unique potential to jointly demonstrate that trusting cooperation and mutual understanding are both indispensable and fruitful—all the more so in the c...
Das Buch bietet eine gestraffte Darstellung der wesentlichen Ausrichtungen, Zielsetzungen und Leistungen der deutschen Europapolitik von den Anfängen der Integrationsgemeinschaft bis heute. Die Neuauflage geht insbesondere auf die europapolitische Agenda und die deutschen Antworten auf die Herausforderungen der Kanzlerschaft Angela Merkels ein.
D...
In the context of the Eurozone crisis, Germany is widely seen to have emerged as the EU’s most influential member state. More is now expected of Germany also in the area of security and defence, where its ability and willingness to provide leadership have traditionally been highly circumscribed. Currently, Germany’s role in this policy area is evol...
2016 war zweifelsohne das annus horribilis der EU, ein bislang unübertroffener Tiefpunkt des an Rückschläge gewohnten europäischen Einigungsprojektes. Visions- und Ideenlosigkeit sowie – vor allem – nachlassende Integrationsbereitschaft und nicht zuletzt zunehmende einzelstaatliche Egoismen und krude Interessensvertretung hatten bereits den qualvol...
In the midst of the EU’s current “polycrisis “, several serious dangers threaten the future of Europe’s unity. The looming Brexit vote as well as the refugee crisis and–above all–the rise of nationalistic, right-wing extremist parties demonstrate the fragility of the EU. One of the EU’s fundamental problems is its institutional design in general. I...
India's economic rise since the 1990s has been followed by a more prominent global role for the country. Despite economic setbacks in recent years and huge domestic challenges like poverty, caste issues, and gender inequality, India today is almost universally characterised as an “emerging power”. At the same time, the country continues to show an...
Die Europäische Union ist ein außenpolitischer Akteur, der sich vorrangig in seiner Nachbarschaft für Frieden, Freiheit, Sicherheit und Wohlfahrt einsetzt. Daher war und ist die Union in der aktuellen Ukraine-Krise in besonderem Maße gefordert. Nach 1991 hat die EU mit Kiew intensive Beziehungen aufgebaut, die den Erwartungen der Ukraine aber nicht...
Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre sind die Beziehungen der Europäischen Union zum afrikanischen Kontinent in einem fundamentalen Wandel begriffen. Politische Elemente wie die Einhaltung von Menschenrechten, Demokratisierung, Good Governance sowie Konfliktprävention inkl. Krisenmanagement nehmen mittlerweile einen zentralen Stellenwert in der EU-Afrikapol...
Am Ende dieses Bandes zur deutschen Europapolitik von Konrad Adenauer bis Gerhard Schröder soll ein knappes Resümee gezogen werden, das für den gesamten Untersuchungszeitraum deren wesentlichen Merkmale und grundlegenden Ausrichtungen sowie die Veränderungen und Erweiterungen, die sich durch die fortschreitende Integration ergeben haben, herauszuar...
Citations
... This treaty led to the creation of the EU, which was no longer con ned to the economic realm like its predecessors, but extended cooperation to the realms of foreign and security policy as well as justice and home a airs. By placing Germany at the center of a deepened European integration process, Kohl was able to alleviate fears among the country's neighbors regarding a reunited Germany.Whereas Kohl has been a European by conviction, who-not least in light of his own biography (Kohl was born in 1930)-considered the integration process integral to the preservation of peace in Europe, his successors-both of whom were born after World War II-have developed a more pragmatic position(Müller-Brandeck-Bocquet et al. 2010). While clearly not calling into question Germany's continued participation in the integration process, Schröder and Merkel have placed greater emphasis on the costs and bene ts of integration. ...
... Unsurprisingly, given that we are nearing three-decades since the initial articulation of the concept of strategic partnerships -and two-decades since the EU first embraced the termthere has been much written on the concept of strategic partnerships generally (Kay, 2000;Wilkins, 2008) and on the EU's individual relationships with its strategic partners (Ferreira-Pereira & Vieira, 2021;Gieg et al., 2021;Holslag, 2011;Michalski & Pan, 2017a;Renard, 2013;Saraiva, 2017;Smith & Xie, 2010;Vahl, 2013). Initial work on strategic partnerships focused principally on the task of describing the phenomenon, with a view to establishing what the concept referred to and how it might be situated in relation to alternative concepts in international politics (Blanco, 2016;Ferreira-Pereira & Vieira, 2016;Tyushka & Czechowska, 2019). ...
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... The German government can discursively invest the notion of European strategic autonomy because there has been an evolution of Germany's perception of its own role in international security in the recent years, following the Munich consensus (Bunde 2021). The "Munich Consensus" refers to the German Foreign and Security Policy Review published by the German government in 2014, which introduced a normative shift that was necessary in order to be able to advocate bilaterally for a material and ideological strengthening of European defence (Giegerich and Terhalle 2016;Simon 2017;Iso-Markku and Müller-Brandeck-Bocquet 2020). This German evolution initiated by Ursula Von der Leyen as she was Federal Minister of Defence, continued with the recognition in the German White Paper on Security and Defence, published in July 2016, of the fundamental importance of European defence and the role that Germany should play in it together with its partners, especially France. ...
... Doch gleichzeitig ist die deutsche Afrikapolitik vielfältiger Kritik ausgesetzt: die Politik sei uninformiert paternalistisch, zu inkohärent und undurchsichtig für politische Partner*innen und adressiere historisch gewachsene sozio-ökonomische Ungleichheiten kaum. 13 Die Gegenwart zeigt weiterhin eine große Disparität zwischen der BRD und ihren afrikanischen Partnerstaaten in der globalen politischen Ökonomie. Ungleiche Strukturen der Zusammenarbeit werden zudem bis heute durch die Kontinuität von strukturellem Rassismus in der deutschen Gesellschaft konsolidiert. ...
