Gabor Simonovits's research while affiliated with Central European University and other places

... Citizens may downplay dirty campaigning by their most favored party and overrate dirty campaigning by their least favorite party, which can amplify partisan biased information processing (Taber & Lodge, 2006). Citizens may also adopt a partisan "double standard" by forgiving norm-violating behavior and democratic transgressions of their most favorite party compared to other parties (Graham & Svolik, 2020;Simonovits et al., 2022). ...

... Since 2006 several field experiments have been carried out in Hungary, mostly to explore the mechanisms of discrimination in the labour market against various vulnerable social groups, i.e. the Roma, overweight people, and people with disabilities (Pálosi et al., 2007;Sik & Simonovits, 2008). Most recently discrimination by local governments was studied using randomized field experiments Simonovits et al., 2021). ...

... When we observe the latter three characteristics (gender, age and material status), it can be noticed that these individuals/partcipants belong vulnerable social categories. This confirms the fact that it is precisely the vulnerable social groups that have greater sensitivity not only for their own, but also for other vulnerable groups (Lane, 2001;Lee et al., 2004;Bor and Simonovits, 2021). Nevertheless, in general, the majority of citizens attribute homelessness to life circumstances, which primarily refers to impaired health, substance abuse or loan debts. ...

... Others have found no significant evidence of a connection and have cautioned that affective polarization is a concept best confined to understanding social interactions (Broockman, Kalla, and Westwood 2020;Touchton, Klofstad, and Uscinski 2020). Some studies have found mixed support, with polarization impacting some democratic principles and not others (Carey et al. 2020;McCoy, Simonovits, and Littvay 2020). And others still have found polarization to have an asymmetric impact with Republicans displaying greater effects of partisan bias than Democrats (Bartels 2020;Carey et al. 2019;Stolle, Gidengil, and Bergeron-Boutin 2019). ...

... Partisanship and political polarization have been identified as two of the major reasons behind the "democratic hypocrisy" in the US (Graham & Svolik, 2020;McCoy et al., 2020). The hypocrisy entails that public commitment to democracy coexists with willingness to support politicians who would violate basic tenets of democratic rule. ...

... While p-hacking may occur within studies, entire studies may be suppressed by editors, reviewers, or the authors themselves, if, for example, publication is deemed unlikely due to a lack of statistically significant findings. Such selective reporting at the study level is known as the file-drawer problem or publication bias (Franco et al. 2014;Rosenthal 1979). Several studies have diagnosed the presence of selective reporting in multiple scientific fields, including economics Ioannidis et al. 2017), management (Harrison et al. 2017;Baum and Bromiley 2019;Rost and Ehrmann 2017), innovation research (Bruns et al. 2019), impact evaluation studies (Vivalt 2019), political science and sociology (Gerber andMalhotra, 2008a, 2008b), and the biomedical sciences (Turner et al. 2008;Albarqouni et al. 2017). ...

... A rich literature has investigated the behavior of U.S. state governments. One important area of focus has been the relationship between public opinion on the one hand and state legislative votes and policy outcomes on the other (Caughey and Warshaw 2018;Erikson, Wright, and McIver 1993;Flavin and Franko 2017;Gay 2007;Lax and Phillips 2009;Pacheco 2013;Rogers 2017;Simonovits, Guess, and Nagler 2019), including whether state governmental responsiveness to the mass public is affected by the influence of concentrated interest groups and wealthy individuals (Anzia 2011;Hertel-Fernandez 2014;Rigby and Wright 2013). An additional large body of research has asked how state electoral policies affect participation (e.g., Burden et al. 2014;Gerber, Huber, and Hill 2013). ...

... A frame could be embedded at the level of words, as-conducted in research labs (e.g., Iyengar, 1990); some have been conducted in classrooms (e.g., McLeod & Detenber, 1999); and especially in the last couple of decades, more and more studies have been conducted using experiments embedded in online surveys (e.g., de Vreese et al., 2011). Many of these studies have used convenience and student samples (e.g., Chong & Druckman, 2007a), while others have been conducted with the assistance of research suppliers who provide access to pre-recruited online panels that provide a more diverse, if not entirely representative audience of respondents (e.g., Peterson & Simonovits, 2018). ...

... The intuition behind this strategy is simple: voters living in areas with high unemployment will tend to believe the general unemployment rate is higher than will voters living in areas with low unemployment. The link between the local economic context and voting patterns is well-documented (Simonovits et al. 2018;Park and Reeves 2018;Reeves and Gimpel 2012;Elinder 2010;Ansolabehere et al. 2014;Hansford and Gomez 2015;Simonovits et al. 2018). Nevertheless, how local is local enough for voters? ...

... In this context of moral education, it is especially important to identify strategies that encourage the privileged to better understand the structural plight of the oppressed. Consider in this vein a preregistered study that tested the effects of a twenty-minute, online "choose-your-own-adventure" game, in which Hungarians in their mid-20s occupied the perspective of an individual in the comparatively marginalized Hungarian Roma minority (Simonovits et al. 2018). Both immediately after the game and at least one month later, participants reported much less anti-Roma prejudice, as well as less prejudice toward another social group (refugees) who were not mentioned in the game. ...