Florian Hartleb’s research while affiliated with Catholic University of Eichstätt-Ingolstadt and other places

... resulting in sanctions and diplomatic tensions (Hartleb and Schiebel 2023). In a remarkable departure from its longstanding foreign policy stance, Germany finds itself at the centre of a geopolitical Zeitenwende (political paradigm shift), as it takes unprecedented steps to support Ukraine in the face of the Russian invasion (Blumenau 2022;Fröhlich 2023;Mader and Schoen 2023;Masch et al. 2023). ...

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On the Association of Attitudes Towards NATO and Weapon Deliveries for Ukraine with Vote Intentions in Germany

... Antisemitische und rassistische Verschwörungstheorien werden auf 8chan und ähnlichen Imageboards, Foren und sozialen Medien geteilt. Dies schließt die Gamingplattform "Steam" ein (Hunold/Peschke 2022;Hartleb 2023). Diese Kommunikationselemente werden sogar in der analogen Welt verbreitet. ...

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Antisemitismus als Kitt einer vermeintlich heterogenen Bewegung: Reichsbürger und Staatsverweigerer im Blick

... For instance, radical rightwing actors and their supporters demanded the implementation of the "people's" court-martial against the former German chancellor Angela Merkel and the virologist Christian Drosten as a response to their suggestions regarding anti-Covid-19 measures which were framed by RPAs as characteristic of a dictatorship (Stolz 2020). Other instances of violent articulation were a murder plot against Saxony minister-president Michael Kretschmer and other members of the Saxony cabinet in the Telegram-chat of a group associated with Querdenker (Heinke 2022;Hartleb 2022) and the murder of a cashier by a Covid-19 denier in Idar-Oberstein, which reportedly followed the cashier's demand to respect masks-wearing requirements (Hövermann 2021). These requirements were often framed as the "antidemocratic" measures of an "authoritarian" government in the right-wing populist narratives (see the "Covid-19 crisis" in Pegida's narratives below). ...

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Appropriating the civil sphere: the construction of German collective identity by right-wing populist actors during the Covid-19 pandemic

... Differences within digital parties explain why cases such as the Five Star Movement are sometimes conceptualised in studies as movement parties (Della Porta et al. 2017) or associated with the concept of a business-firm party run by a political entrepreneur (Hartleb, Tsutsumi, and Chen 2021). Similarly, pirate parties are sometimes defined as a specific phenomenon related to their origins and programmatic outlook. ...

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A digital party organisation? Evolution of the Czech Pirates

... The evidence of the existence of a lone wolf attacker suggests that such a changing role may challenge the stereotypical notion of women as merely victims of VE. However, for the disconnected-disordered type of lone wolf radicals, they may move to violence not only from radical ideas of grievance but from elements of unfreezing, escape, and status-seeking (Hartleb, 2020;McCauley & Moskalenko, 2014). ...

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When Violent Extremism is No Longer a Man’s World: Some Evidence From Malaysia

... In Estonia, a country regarded as a digital pioneer (Hartleb, 2020) with E-voting on the national and local level since 2005, a value aspect comes into the debate. "Trust" is the central currency to enforce digital tools and e-services and to create a unique platform such as the "X-road" and secure authentication systems (Solvak and Vassil, 2016;Vinkel and Krimmer, 2017). ...

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Debating E-voting throughout Europe: constitutional structures, parties' concepts and Europeans' perceptions

... However, the old traditional means of mobilisation are also holding their ground, such as door-to-door campaigns. The Christian Democratic Union Deutschlands (CDU Deutschlands) has been successful in this door-to-door campaign, but has also made use of new communication technologies (Initiative Connect 2017) [13]. ...

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Political participation in the context of contemporary media: the case of refugees in Lithuania

... Para facilitar a visão dos dados, adaptações foram realizadas, assim, partidos de extremaesquerda e centro-esquerda foram considerados de esquerda, a mesma lógica foi aplicada às variações de partidos alinhados à direita. (Fergusson et al., 2021;Silva, 2013;Wilpert, 2007) quanto à direita (Hartleb, 2015;Mcdonnell;Newell, 2011;, e há uma série de trabalhos que consideram a estratégia desses partidos focada em discursos radicalizados (à direita ou à esquerda) e no sentimento anti-establishment político, como uma característica muito mais marcante e definidora de sua atuação política do que a ideologia partidária (Fella;Ruzza, 2013;Hartleb, 2015;Schedler, 1996;. (Borel, 2019;Navia, 2004 La iniciativa tiene por finalidad establecer un sistema electoral mayoritario, que dé expresión, fundamentalmente, a las grandes corrientes de opinión, que tenga um cierto efecto reductivo en el número de partidos, que no reitere la nefasta experiencia electoral y partidista del pasado, que ofrezca claridad al elector sobre el significado y consecuencias de su voto y que introduzca el pragmatismo en las decisiones en bien del país, favoreciendo la moderación de todos los actores políticos (Historia de la Ley 18799, p. 39 appud (Borel, Chilenas continuaram a obter a grande maioria dos votos (Borel, 2019;Gamboa; Morales, 2020). ...

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Como identificar parlamentares outsiders? Uma proposta de índice para Brasil, Chile e Argentina

... There is a relative consensus among scholars that the categories of left and right or inclusionary versus exclusionary are useful to discriminate among the diverse manifestations of populism, even though some parties may escape this classification axis 1 (see Mudde and Rovira Kaltwasser, 2013;Mouffe, 2018;Katsambekis, 2017;Ivaldi et al., 2017;March, 2017;della Porta, 2017;Roch, 2021). There is also abundant research on the Eurosceptic profile of radical right parties (Taggart and Szczerbiak, 2002;Hartleb, 2012;Werts et al., 2012;McDonnell and Werner, 2018). Yet, the question of how RLP articulate their discourses on Europe and the European Union (EU) together with populism remains unclear, even though some scholars have addressed the relevance of the topic and the analytical problems to classify these parties as Eurosceptic (Usherwood and Startin, 2013;Stavrakakis and Katsambekis, 2014;della Porta et al., 2017). ...

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Introduction: populism and EU contestation

... The development of ICT has led to the emergence of parties whose internal processes and communication are based on digital participatory tools that draw from the logic of corporate entities (Gerbaudo 2019). These parties have been described in various ways as cyber-parties (Margetts 2006), anti-elitist cyber-parties (Hartleb 2013), connective parties (Bennett et al. 2018), and digital parties (Gerbaudo 2019(Gerbaudo , 2021. Deseriis (2020a) in his essay differentiates digital parties into platform and network, with platforms characterized as centralized and networks as decentralized. ...

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Digital Tools, Democratic Affordances and Participation in a Networked Party: the Czech Pirate Party