Esther Ademmer's research while affiliated with Kiel Institute for the World Economy and other places

... In both accounts, however, the impact of trust (in government) is contingent on race and ideology, respectively. In the European context, the impact of political trust (in government) has been found to be influential to explain support for welfare state reform (Gabriel and Trüdinger 2011), environmental policy instruments (Harring 2018), and migration and asylum policy preferences (Jeannet et al. 2020). ...

... Other findings from the recent literature on the topic indicate that the strategic use of resettlement might hold political promise for governments that seek to escape the liberal paradox of asylum policy with its competing political pressures. Public opinion research suggests that while citizens generally support humanitarian protection and small resettlement numbers, most people want to see limits and control in the admission process (Jeannet et al. 2019). Moreover, the use of resettlement as a rhetorical strategy to delegitimise the arrival of asylum seekers resonates with some segments of the population (McKay, Thomas, and Kneebone 2012). ...

... Considering the closed nature of Belarus's authoritarianism -as marked by the absence of free and fair elections, a lack of horizontal accountability and political rights, combined with an alldominating role of the ruling elite in the economic sphere and the control of mass media (Ademmer, Langbein, and Börzel 2019;Levitsky and Way 2010) as well as in the sphere of education (Manaev, Manayeva, and Yuran 2011) 2 -we would not expect an increase in liberal attitudes in Belarus, neither in the political nor economic sphere. That is because autocracies are expected to undermine democracy-supporting attitudes and to foster autocracy-supporting ones (Rohrschneider 1999;Neundorf 2010). ...

... According to Michailidou (2015), '[o]nline media, particularly social media, appear instrumental in amplifying EU contestation and popular discontent' (325) as public participation in debates on EU affairs has added another layer to the European public sphere. Contrary to these claims, Ademmer, Leupold, and Stöhr (2019) argue that the politicization of Europe has remained low among social media users in Germany even in the context of the immigration crisis. Thus, while the EU's politicization at the level of institutional and elite actors finds research evidence, according to Ademmer, Leupold, and Stöhr (2019), 'these findings do not seem to travel easily to the arena of citizens actively commenting on the social media' (307). ...

... On the one hand, ethno-territorial conflicts fuelled by Russia weakened their overall reform-capacity and made their integration into the Euro-Atlantic structures more difficult and the consistent use of EU democratic conditionality less likely. On the other hand, however, Russia has been pushing the post-Soviet regimes towards the EU, increasing the EU's leverage, and making them more vulnerable to EU democratic conditionality (Ademmer, 2016;Börzel, 2015;Lebanidze 2016). The exception is Armenia, where Russia prevented the regime from establishing closer ties with the EU. ...

... Since the world war 2, liberal market economy (e.g., U.K., United States) and a coordinated market economy (Germany) were regarded as the two main models of the political economy of capitalism (Hall & Soskice, 2001). This dichotomy has been criticized for its simplification; however, it provides the basic theoretical discussion on the types of capitalist economic systems, and since the second half of this millennium it has also been applied with various modifications toward post-socialist Central and Eastern Europe (Jasiecki, 2018;Ademmer, 2018). In this regard, sociologists tend to be more likely to use the qualitative typology of market economies presented by Hall and Soskice; whereas, economists use the statistically sophisticated typology of capitalism suggested by Amable (2003) which includes market-based economies, social democratic economies, Asian capitalism, Continental European capitalism, and South European capitalism. ...

... This latter position is the self-serving government view of financial repression enunciated in the writings of Alesina and Roubini (1992) and Nordhaus (1975). With reference to opportunistic and partisan preferences, Beckmann et al. (2017) opined that the autonomy of the monetary authority would have to be re-evaluated, especially for developing economies such as Nigeria. This diverges fairly from those of developed economies that are only confronted with partisan preferences; even though strong institutions are established (Park et al. 2017). ...

... The European Union (EU) is often presented as the textbook example of the liberal (or energy markets) approach to external energy relations, and Russia and China of the realist (or energy geopolitics) approach (Goldthau and Sitter 2015). and multiple cross-cutting influences exerted on the neighborhood countries" (Ademmer, Delcour, and Wolczuk 2016), a geopolitical analysis of regulatory competition in the region is necessary. ...

... In line with the European neighborhood policy and the Eastern partnership, the European Union's depend so much on policy conditionality as it ties the benefits of visa-free travel to the adoption of specific policies by neighboring countries to better manage and organize and manage movement of tourists and migration. Ademmer and Delcour (2016) examined what effect the historically grown relations and current foreign policy actions exert on compliance with European Union's requirements for visa liberalization three countries (Armenia, Georgia, and Moldova). In all 3 countries, patterns of change have been identified over years and show them according to the interplay of partner countries' political preferences with European Union's policy conditionality and incentives by Russia. ...

... Others have focused on the influence of institutions, such as electoral rules and forms of government (Persson & Tabelini, 2003), fiscal rules (Bails & Tieslau, 2000;Dahan & Strawczynski, 2013;Ademmer & Dreher, 2016;Lautenschlage, 2017;Heinemann et al., 2018;Gootjes at al., 2020), pressures by interest groups (Grossman & Helpman, 1996), or voters' preferences (Lindbeck & Webull, 1987;Cox & McCubbins, 1986). Electoral competition (Besley et al., 2010;Aidt et al., 2011), as well as the rotation in office of parties of different ideologies (Alesina & Tabellini, 1990) have also been identified conditional factor of economic policies. ...