Esther Ademmer’s research while affiliated with Kiel Institute for the World Economy and other places

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Publications (16)


Figure 1. Moldova's trade openness
Figure 1. Belarus Trade Openness (%)
Figure 1. Ukraine's trade openness (%)
Figure 2. Trade partner concentration, 2000-16: Share of Russia and the EU in Belarus trade ( %)
Figure 2. Trade partner concentration, 2000-15: Share of Russia and the EU in Ukrainian trade (%)

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Interdependences with external actors and regime persistence in Eastern Partnership countries*
  • Article
  • Full-text available

October 2020

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185 Reads

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5 Citations

East European Politics

Esther Ademmer

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Katharina Hoffmann

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This article addresses how both external democratic and non-democratic actors impact the persistence of non-democratic regimes in third countries. We focus on asymmetrical interdependences and advance the literature on the role of transnational flows by highlighting under which conditions and based on which mechanisms interdependences contribute to the persistence of non-democratic regimes. We investigate if the dominant mechanisms emerging from interdependences vary with the type of interdependence (vulnerability or sensitivity). We draw on evidence from empirical studies of Armenia, Belarus and Azerbaijan and their interdependences with Russia and the EU in the period of 2005–2015.

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What asylum and refugee policies do Europeans want? Evidence from a cross-national conjoint experiment

October 2019

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186 Reads

This article provides the first-ever analysis of the structure of public preferences for asylum and refugee policy, a highly politicized policy area that has attracted little scholarly attention to date. We first conceptualise the core dimensions of asylum and refugee policy and then conduct an original conjoint experiment with 12,000 respondents across eight European countries to examine how different policy designs impact on public support. Our results demonstrate that Europeans are generally committed to policies that provide protection to asylum-seekers and refugees but this commitment tends to be contingent upon policy features which allow for a means of control, namely through the implementation of limits or conditions. We find this pattern of preferences to be remarkably similar in both the old and more recent EU Member States that we surveyed. Our results imply that some aspects of the current model of the international refugee system are misaligned with the more control-based model that Europeans would prefer. We conclude by discussing our findings in the context of existing research and ongoing political debates about policy reforms.


Comforting immigration critics? Public opinion toward development aid as a tool to reduce refugee inflows to Germany

May 2019

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138 Reads

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Esther Ademmer

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[...]

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Tobias Stöhr

This policy brief shows that there is no consensus across partisan groups in Germany when it comes to ODA as a tool to tackle refugee inflows. Rather, attitudes toward refugees predict whether respondents consider development aid an effective tool for addressing migration issues or not. We concluded that relying on development aid per se as a tool to address immigration issues is likely to prove ineffective in bridging in the divides in the German population that have opened during the European ‘refugee crisis.’


Varieties of Limited Access Orders: The nexus between politics and economics in hybrid regimes

April 2019

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601 Reads

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18 Citations

Governance

This article advances our understanding of differences in hybrid stability by going beyond existing regime typologies that separate the study of political institutions from the study of economic institutions. It combines the work of Douglass North, John Wallis, and Barry Weingast (NWW) on varieties of social orders with the literature on political and economic regime typologies and dynamics to understand hybrid regimes as Limited Access Orders (LAOs) that differ in the way dominant elites limit access to political and economic resources. Based on a measurement of political and economic access applied to seven post‐Soviet states, the article identifies four types of LAOs. Challenging NWW's claim, it shows that hybrid regimes can combine different degrees of political and economic access to sustain stability. Our typology allows to form theoretical expectations about the kinds of political and/or economic changes that will move different types of LAOs toward more openness or closure.



Much ado about nothing? The (non-) politicisation of the European Union in social media debates on migration

October 2018

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121 Reads

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5 Citations

European Union Politics

The widespread view that the refugee crisis has sparked unprecedented levels of European Union politicisation has rarely been backed by systematic empirical evidence. We investigate this claim using a novel dataset of several thousand user comments posted below articles of German regional media outlets on Facebook. Despite considerable European Union authority in the policy area, extensive media coverage of the crisis and the rise of a populist party in Germany, our results suggest that the politicisation of Europe remains low among social media users, especially when compared to national and subnational levels of governance. When talking about Europe, users hardly refer to European Union institutions or policies. Instead, other member states and notions of the geographic or cultural space dominate the debate.


Capitalist diversity and compliance: economic reforms in Central and Eastern Europe after EU accession

February 2017

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24 Reads

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18 Citations

This paper investigates whether different capitalist varieties in Central and Eastern Europe have different records of post-accession compliance. Drawing on an explorative cluster analysis of 25 EU member states and additional case study evidence, its results suggest that there are two broader clusters of Central and East European countries, which are associated with different Varieties of Capitalism and privilege certain explanatory factors for (non-) compliance over others: I identify a cluster comprising the Baltic States and Slovakia that leans toward a liberal market economy type. I argue that post-accession compliance processes in this cluster are dominated by market-based modes of coordination, in which government ideologies and effectiveness gain greater explanatory power. The second cluster is associated with coordinated market economies marked by a more inclusive political process that privileges the interplay of preferences of various state and non-state actors to explain compliance after EU accession.


The Political Economy of the Impossible Trinity

November 2016

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258 Reads

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20 Citations

European Journal of Political Economy

This paper reconsiders the policy trilemma in an open economy by incorporating political economy concerns. We argue that the impact of government ideology on monetary independence, exchange rate stability, and capital flow restrictions should be analyzed in the broader context of restrictions imposed by the impossible trinity instead of the usual single-dimensional constraints. Employing a de facto measurement of these restrictions for a sample of 111 countries from 1980 to 2010, we show that the impact of government ideology on a country's position in this trilemma is highly context dependent: We find that the impact of partisan preferences on exchange rate stability and monetary independence varies between developed and developing countries. We also show that the impact of government ideology on these two trilemma components is contingent on the stance of the respective economy's business cycle. Left-leaning governments seem to favor exchange rate stability over monetary independence in case of a negative output gap; suggesting a reversal of their commonly assumed partisan preferences in economically tight times.


Russia's Impact on EU Policy Transfer to the Post-Soviet Space: The Contested Neighborhood

September 2016

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89 Reads

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23 Citations

Russia's impact on EU policy transfer to the post-Soviet space has not been as negative as often perceived. EU policies have traveled to countries and issue areas, in which the dependence on Russia is high and Russian foreign policy is increasingly assertive. This book explores Russia's impact on the transfer of EU policies in the area of Justice, Liberty, and Security and energy policy - two policy areas in which countries in the EU's Eastern neighborhood are traditionally strongly bound to Russia. Focusing especially on Armenia and Georgia, it examines whether it is the structural condition of interdependence, the various institutional ties and similarities of neighboring countries with the EU and Russia, or their concrete foreign policy actions that have the greatest impact on domestic policy change in the region. The book also investigates how important these factors are in relation to domestic ones. It identifies conditions under which different degrees of EU policy transfer occur and the circumstances under which Russia exerts either supportive or constraining effects on this process. This book will be of key interest to students and scholars of EU and European politics, international relations and comparative politics.


Citations (14)


... К примеру, многим государствам Партнерства понадобятся годы для достижения экологических целей, установленных ЕС, учитывая текущие темпы перехода к зеленой экономике и возобновляемым источникам энергии 24 . Кроме того, несмотря на официальную позицию членов Партнерства, заключающуюся в желании следовать политическому примеру ЕС и признании зависимости от европейских стандартов политического управления, далеко не все правительства готовы к развитию ожидаемой ЕС транспарентности политической системы из-за распространенности коррупции 25 . Соответственно, ставя такие цели, ЕС предполагает не столько их выполнение, сколько демонстрацию приверженности своим целям со стороны правительств стран Партнерства. ...

Reference:

Evolution Of The Eastern Partnership Project: Strategic Use Of “Soft Power” Of The European Union Against Russia
Interdependences with external actors and regime persistence in Eastern Partnership countries*

East European Politics

... In both accounts, however, the impact of trust (in government) is contingent on race and ideology, respectively. In the European context, the impact of political trust (in government) has been found to be influential to explain support for welfare state reform (Gabriel and Trüdinger 2011), environmental policy instruments (Harring 2018), and migration and asylum policy preferences (Jeannet et al. 2020). ...

A Need for Control? Political Trust and Public Preferences for Asylum and Refugee Policy
  • Citing Article
  • January 2020

SSRN Electronic Journal

... Dolmas and Huffman, 2004;Helbling and Kriesi, 2014;Hanson et al., 2007;Ilias et al., 2008, Neureiter, 2022Turper et al., 2015;Wright et al., 2016). Most recently, a number of studies employ survey experiments to test the effect of different policy features including rights provisions on public support of immigration policies (Helbling et al., 2023;Jeannet et al., 2021). They find mixed evidence with effects varying across different rights and obligations assigned to immigrants, providing a first empirical indication for the argument that I systematise in the following: The idea that the perceived costs of immigration in the public opinion results at least in part from immigrants' post-entry rights, and that immigrants with fewer such rights should be conceived as a lesser burden to the receiving country. ...

What Asylum and Refugee Policies Do Europeans Want? Evidence From a Cross-National Conjoint Experiment
  • Citing Article
  • January 2019

SSRN Electronic Journal

... and small businesses. Of fundamental importance is the question of what political institutions complement economic institutional orders and agency components. In non-western countries, the hybrid economic structure organically corresponds with a hybrid institutional political regime, combining authoritarian and democratic institutions (Mufti, 2018;Ademmer et. al., 2020). This regime involves a targeted limitation of the opportunities for political activity that is significant in its effect for the majority of citizens and their voluntary associations. It can, without any doubt, be classified as a limited access order (LAO) according to its widely known interpretation (North et. al., 2007(North et. al., ...

Varieties of Limited Access Orders: The nexus between politics and economics in hybrid regimes

Governance

... According to Michailidou (2015), '[o]nline media, particularly social media, appear instrumental in amplifying EU contestation and popular discontent' (325) as public participation in debates on EU affairs has added another layer to the European public sphere. Contrary to these claims, Ademmer, Leupold, and Stöhr (2019) argue that the politicization of Europe has remained low among social media users in Germany even in the context of the immigration crisis. Thus, while the EU's politicization at the level of institutional and elite actors finds research evidence, according to Ademmer, Leupold, and Stöhr (2019), 'these findings do not seem to travel easily to the arena of citizens actively commenting on the social media' (307). ...

Much ado about nothing? The (non-) politicisation of the European Union in social media debates on migration
  • Citing Article
  • October 2018

European Union Politics

... Recent literature on the EU's external influence and regime transformation has sought to counter the Euro-centric and top-down focus of the Europeanisation literature. Furthermore, the lack of realistic EU membership prospects in the face of "enlargement fatigue" has reduced the EU's capacity to incentivise political reforms in its neighbourhood, which has also facilitated researchers turn towards the nuances of domestic actors' agency and influence over reform implementation (Lavenex & Schimmelfennig, 2009;Freyburg et al., 2015;Ademmer, 2017;Delcour, 2017b). This turn facilitated a more granular focus on a range of influential actors on the ground, which offers a rich theoretical and empirical body of work, directly applicable to the study developed in this book. ...

Russia's Impact on EU Policy Transfer to the Post-Soviet Space: The Contested Neighborhood
  • Citing Book
  • September 2016

... Though, not only in contrast to Western European countries, but also within the geographic grouping CEE significant difference can be observed, as some countries remained in the sphere of influence of the Russian Federation. (e.g., Ademmer, 2017;Niebuhr and Schlitte, 2009). Given the different historical developments of these countries, the question arises to what degree innovation and institutions have influenced the economic growth of these countries. ...

Capitalist diversity and compliance: economic reforms in Central and Eastern Europe after EU accession
  • Citing Article
  • February 2017

... Endogeneity can be the consequence of two main mechanisms: unobserved heterogeneity and simultaneity. Unobservable such as the historical phases of financial globalization (Obstfeld and Taylor 2002) or the abilities and preferences of the incumbent political administration (Bodea 2010) or the government ideology (Belke and Potrafke 2012;Beckmann et al. 2017), are likely to affect both exchange rate choice and monetary autonomy. Since these variables are not included in the regression, they will be in the residuals. ...

The Political Economy of the Impossible Trinity
  • Citing Article
  • November 2016

European Journal of Political Economy

... Regarding the rest of the post-Soviet space, after 1991, it suffered the fate of a (post-) imperial periphery treated as 'security nothings' (Mälksoo, 2022) and 'unimportant others' (Alejandro, 2021), understudied and deprived of epistemic and historiographic legitimacy (von Hagen, 1995). Their importance as constitutive Others took shape gradually: first, as the EU's 'new neighbours' after the 'big bang' enlargement and, later, as countries constituting a 'shared' and even 'contested' neighbourhood with Russia (Ademmer et al., 2016;Delcour, 2017;Dragneva-Lewers and Wolczuk, 2015;Nitoiu and Sus, 2019). In terms of policy, the ENP was meant to create 'a ring of friends […] sharing everything but institutions' with the EU (Prodi, 2002). ...

Beyond geopolitics: exploring the impact of the EU and Russia in the “contested neighborhood”

... While some of these conditions are of a more technical nature (e.g., capability to issue biometric passports), others are more substantive. For example, the third benchmark includes issues such as the fight against corruption, organized crime and terrorism, while the fourth benchmark includes human rights issues such as discrimination (Ademmer and Delcour (2016), 92). An important reason why Turkey's efforts to secure visa liberalization agreement with the EU have foundered is the shortcomings of Turkey's democratic system. ...

With a little help from Russia? The European Union and visa liberalization with post-Soviet states