July 2021
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29 Reads
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5 Citations
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July 2021
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29 Reads
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5 Citations
July 2021
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3 Reads
July 2021
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5 Reads
June 2021
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16 Reads
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6 Citations
Government and Opposition
We have limited knowledge of how the insecure environment characteristic of personalist dictatorships affects the behaviour of provincial leaders. In this article, we argue that such provincial leaders face a trade-off: either they can keep a low profile but remain vulnerable to the capriciousness of the ruler (the acquiescent strategy), or they can gamble and try to build a power base of their own as a defence against the whims of the dictator (the power-accruing strategy). Next, we specify three contextual conditions, each of which makes provincial leaders more likely to choose and succeed with a power-accruing strategy, which in turn allows them to rule their province with an iron fist. Finally, empirically, we illustrate our arguments through a number of example cases and an in-depth study of a contemporary, very powerful provincial leader in a personalist authoritarian regime: Ramzan Kadyrov, leader of the Chechen Republic within Vladimir Putin's Russia.
January 2021
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450 Reads
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48 Citations
Political Science and Politics
This reflection article presents insights on conducting fieldwork during and after COVID-19 from a diverse collection of political scientists—from department heads to graduate students based at public and private universities in the United States and abroad. Many of them contributed to a newly published volume, Stories from the Field: A Guide to Navigating Fieldwork in Political Science (Krause and Szekely 2020). As in the book, these contributors draw on their years of experience in the field to identify the unique ethical and logistical challenges posed by COVID-19 and offer suggestions for how to adjust and continue research in the face of the pandemic's disruptions. Key themes include how contingency planning must now be a central part of our research designs; how cyberspace has increasingly become “the field” for the time being; and how scholars can build lasting, mutually beneficial partnerships with “field citizens,” now and in the future.
January 2021
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105 Reads
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4 Citations
Comparative Politics
Islamic law denotes as haram any forbidden behavior, object, beverage, or food. Despite subscribing to a similar Salafi ideology, very few jihadi groups use violence against haram targets (e.g., brothels, casinos, statues, liquor stores, mixed sex schools, and gay clubs). This study argues that haram-centered violence unites ethnically-mixed jihadi groups by fostering a superordinate Islamic identity that enables them to overcome their collective action problems. As a result, ethnically-mixed Salafi jihadi groups deploy haram targeting much more than homogenous ones. Using new disaggregated group-level data, our analyses demonstrate that the ethnic structure of Salafi jihadi groups shapes haram targeting, both in Dagestan and on a global scale. The article discusses these findings and directions for future research on religious violence.
July 2020
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70 Reads
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2 Citations
Middle East Policy
January 2020
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15 Reads
osteuropa
December 2019
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42 Reads
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1 Citation
Europe-Asia Studies
Disengagement from militant groups has often been explained in individual terms such as battle fatigue or the desire to rejoin family and friends. We seek to examine empirically which other factors, beyond individual-level determinants, have influenced disengagement processes among militants belonging to different types of Chechen militant organisations. Drawing empirical insights from unique in-depth interviews with former members of the Chechen insurgency, their relatives, eyewitnesses to the Chechen wars and experts with first-hand knowledge of the researched phenomena, this study examines disengagement among jihadist and nationalist Chechen militants. Focusing on group-level factors, such as the capacity to resist external pressures, the use of violence, in-group social bonds and group cohesion, this article demonstrates that disengagement has been a less viable course of action for Chechen jihadists than for nationalist militants.
November 2019
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277 Reads
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15 Citations
Dynamics of Asymmetric Conflict
In the second half of the 1990s, the label “asymmetric” conflict rose to prominence among scholars and strategists, as a term for capturing the rising challenge that violent non-state actors posed to the liberal world order. However, the concept soon became a catch-phrase for a range of disparate phenomena, and other buzzwords arose to describe the threats of concern to decision-makers. Conceptual confusion beset the field. This article dissects the notion of asymmetric conflicts, and distinguishes between asymmetries involving differences in (1) status, (2) capabilities, or (3) strategies between belligerents. It argues that “asymmetric” conflicts can take numerous forms depending on the combination of differences present, and offers a blue-print for keeping track of the meaning of this concept in the hope of bringing greater precision to future debates.
... These strategies often leverage existing trade agreements and regional alliances (Bove et al., 2021), as exemplified by Russia's leadership in the EAEU and various free trade agreements with neighboring countries. Noteworthy examples include Georgia's dual role as a significant trade partner with Russia and a participant in the EU's Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA) (Karapetyan, 2023;Souleimanov & Fedorov 2023). ...
August 2023
Middle East Policy
... There is also considerable structural violence, with high loss of economic opportunity and infrastructure, which indirectly harms civilians throughout the territory (Collier & Hoeffler, 1998;del Castillo, 2008). In addition, civil war violence often also relates to local and private conflicts or "blood revenge", which may not relate to the main cause of the war (Kalyvas, 2003;Souleimanov, Siroky, & Colombo, 2022). For example, the formation of local alliances, allegiance, and violence on the ground often relate to family feuds, individual vendettas, and rivalry. ...
December 2022
Security Studies
... Governments benefit from PGMs because they provide valuable intelligence to combat rebels effectively and increase support by encouraging defections to the government side (Joo and Sosa 2023, 1-3). A similar perspective is shared by Klosek and Souleimanov (2022), who identify three factors influencing the utilization of PGMs: topography, regime type, and wartime conditions. Aliyev (2016) argues that armed conflict is a factor leading to the rise of PGMs. ...
September 2022
Studies in Conflict and Terrorism
... These developments will be consolidated as Azerbaijan decided to open an embassy in Israel after 30 years of close relations (Lis, 2022). However, Azerbaijan's increasing cooperation with Israel enrages the Islamic Republic of Iran (Abbasov & Emil, 2022). ...
March 2022
Middle East Policy
... Other scholars seem to agree. For instance, Siroky et al (2022) find that "haram" (locations where certain behaviors are interpreted as being forbidden by Islam) targeting is a mechanism for overcoming collective action problems among mixed-ethnicity Salafists, while enhancing internal cohesion on the basis of the religion as a superordinate guiding force. This is supported by Braun and Genkin's (2014) finding that collectivist culture reduces the cost of suicide bombing. ...
January 2021
Comparative Politics
... Although foreign mercenaries were operating in Ukraine (Habtom, 2022), it is not clear to what extent they fortified or weakened society's security, and how much they were in the war zone merely to profiteer (Pizzi, 2023). At that time, law enforcement, alongside the Ukrainian military and paramilitary (Aliyev, 2022;Laryš, Souleimanov, 2022;Aliyev, 2023;Käihkö, 2023;Mutallimzada, Steiner, 2023;Gomza, 2024;Thomson, Pankhurst, 2024), which were maintained under some state control via "undermining, co-option, incorporation and coercion" (p. 147) (Käihkö, 2018), not only served as national defense, they also offered civil protection, but in war-torn locations where there was active warfare and bombing, law enforcement sometimes appeared to be sparse, overwhelmed, or even non-existent. ...
July 2021
Problems of Post-Communism
... They are carried out in accordance with the scientific model, in which breaking, intimidating and terrorizing the society leads to the loss of the will to resist by the state leadership. Such actions are supposed to cause unacceptable costs for society and, consequently, an attitude of submission and passive acceptance of the new order, so that the defenders cannot find support in the civilian population (Colombo & Souleimanov, 2022). An essential executive subsystem of the model of brutalization of warfare is the creation of a network of filtration camps whose task is to identify civilians hostile to the aggressor. ...
July 2021
... This study has demonstrated that regional patrons who gain the support of local elites are better able to solve emerging problems on the ground. On the other hand, the previous literature shows that strong governors may establish "boundary control" in their provinces and to monopolize local power (Gibson 2012;Tolstrup and Souleimanov 2022). During normal times, the national ruler can restore central control by dismissing strong regional incumbents. ...
June 2021
Government and Opposition
... These concerns and debates have been made even more complex by the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic and its legacy (P. Krause et al. 2021). ...
Reference:
COVID-19 and Conflict Research Spaces
January 2021
Political Science and Politics
... 8), has the potential to sink its roots exceptionally deep into a person's sense of self. Disengaging can therefore present a serious shock to the core of an individual's identity, making for a profoundly destabilizing experience which is perhaps best compared to losing one's moorings (Barrelle, 2014;Kruglanski et al., 2019;Souleimanov & Aliyev, 2020). ...
December 2019
Europe-Asia Studies