Emil Aslan Souleimanov's research while affiliated with Ústavu mezinárodních vztahů and other places
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Publications (18)
Drawing on original interviews with ex-insurgents and eyewitnesses of the Second Chechen War (1999–2009), this article develops a theory of “kin killing,” defined as the use of lethal violence against insurgents’ relatives as a deliberate counterinsurgency tactic. Family-based targeting works by coercing insurgents to surrender or defect, deterring...
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, political commentators and students of international relations alike have been puzzled by an increasingly cordial relationship between Israel and Azerbaijan, a Muslim‐majority republic in the South Caucasus. Indeed, the unfolding alliance of the Jewish state and a tiny, energy‐rich, post‐Soviet country sandwi...
Drawing on original interviews with ex-insurgents and eyewitnesses of the Second Chechen War (1999-2009), this article develops a theory of “kin killing,” defined as the use of lethal violence against the relatives of insurgents as a deliberate counterinsurgency tactic. Family-based targeting works by coercing insurgents to surrender or defect, det...
The literature on delegated rebellion has treated principals (external states) and their agents (rebel groups) as the main factors in the inception of rebellion. Intriguingly, no attention has been paid to subnational elites as a separate, third actor. This article takes a novel perspective on delegated rebellion by ascribing agency to subnational...
This reflection article presents insights on conducting fieldwork during and after COVID-19 from a diverse collection of political scientists—from department heads to graduate students based at public and private universities in the United States and abroad. Many of them contributed to a newly published volume, Stories from the Field: A Guide to Na...
Islamic law denotes as haram any forbidden behavior, object, beverage, or food. Despite subscribing to a similar Salafi ideology, very few jihadi groups use violence against haram targets (e.g., brothels, casinos, statues, liquor stores, mixed sex schools, and gay clubs). This study argues that haram-centered violence unites ethnically-mixed jihadi...
Disengagement from militant groups has often been explained in individual terms such as battle fatigue or the desire to rejoin family and friends. We seek to examine empirically which other factors, beyond individual-level determinants, have influenced disengagement processes among militants belonging to different types of Chechen militant organisa...
In the second half of the 1990s, the label “asymmetric” conflict rose to prominence among scholars and strategists, as a term for capturing the rising challenge that violent non-state actors posed to the liberal world order. However, the concept soon became a catch-phrase for a range of disparate phenomena, and other buzzwords arose to describe the...
Many scholars have suggested that organized violence in Chechnya has ended, and that Russia’s Chechenization policy and Ramzan Kadyrov’s presidency deserve the credit. We suggest that Putin has created a Frankenstein-like ruler over whom he risks losing control. As a result, the conflict only appears resolved, and we draw attention to both vertical...
Citations
... Innovations in sourcing quality data about tourism-dependent communities' experiences were necessary. Similar to other social scientists having to adapt to the pandemic circumstances, we came up with practical solutions to conducting fieldwork remotely (Krause et al., 2021). Our plan for data collection involved three key components. ...
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... 8), has the potential to sink its roots exceptionally deep into a person's sense of self. Disengaging can therefore present a serious shock to the core of an individual's identity, making for a profoundly destabilizing experience which is perhaps best compared to losing one's moorings (Barrelle, 2014;Kruglanski et al., 2019;Souleimanov & Aliyev, 2020). ...
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... As the conflict in Libya evolved, Turkey has offered diplomatic and military support to the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Tripoli, which is the legitimate authority representing the country in the eyes of the UN, while Russia has decided to back the Libyan warlord Haftar, who is currently controlling a considerable part of Libyan territory. Many analysts indicated that in addition to maintaining its economic interests in Libya, Russia could emerge as a powerbroker in the war-torn country just like it has done so in Syria (Souleimanov, 2019). However, in June 2020, Turkish-backed GNA forces stopped a fourteen-month siege of Haftar forces in Tripoli. ...
... Despite this, however, Kadyrov's impunity coupled with outrageous violations of the law, his servile loyalty to Putin, his suppression of the Chechen population, and the way he flaunts his wealth -which contrasts with the impoverished majority of the population -undermines Kadyrov's efforts at self-legitimation (Russell, 2009;Souleimanov, Abbasov, and Siroky, 2019). Kadyrov understands that the orchestrated rallies of loyalty and support for the current regime do not represent the genuine feelings of the population. ...
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