Daniela Pioppi’s research while affiliated with University of Naples - L'Orientale and other places

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Publications (7)


RISĀLAT AL-TA‛ĀLĪ M: A TRANSLATION AND HISTORICAL CONTEXTUALIZATION OF ḤASAN AL-BANNĀ 'S «LETTER OF THE TEACHINGS»
  • Article
  • Full-text available

February 2022

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361 Reads

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3 Citations

Rivista Degli Studi Orientali

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Daniela Pioppi

This article provides a first edition and an annotated translation of al-Banna's Risālat al-ta‛ālīm introduced by an analysis of the historical and ideological meaning of the text. The Risālat al-ta‛ālīm, most probably written in its final form in 1943 by the Muslim Brothers' founder and main ideologue Ḥasan al-Bannā, strongly reflects a crucial moment in the history of Egypt, and in that of the largest and oldest Islamist movement. At the same time, the Risālat al-ta‛ālīm is until today the single basic ideological and creedal text that every full member of the Jamā‛at al-Ikwān al-Muslimīn is required to know, especially as it lays down the ten pillars of the oath of allegiance (arkān al-bay῾a) due to the Society and its leader. The «Letter of the teachings» has so far not been the object of a full scholarly translation and commentary in any Western language.

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Working class youth transitions as a litmus test for change: labour crisis and social conflict in Arab Mediterranean countries

April 2020

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45 Reads

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8 Citations

Mediterranean Politics

The article reconceptualizes the issue of youth precariousness and unemployment by taking empirical data from five Arab Mediterranean countries, namely Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt, Occupied Palestinian Territories and Lebanon. It demonstrates that youth worsening labour conditions point not only to the problems of a specific age-cohort in entering the labour market but also to a much larger process of change that can be best understood as the creation of a new working class which is by far more precarious and fragmented than the post-independence one. The reaction to the profound reconfiguration of labour relations is intense, as the unparalleled labour-related protests in the region demonstrate. However, current dynamics of mobilization reveal many tensions between wage, secure workers, and precarious unemployed youth, as well as between secure-workers themselves due to growing fragmentation of the working class, but also to repressive and divide et impera strategies carried out by regimes.


Youth as Actors of Change? The Cases of Morocco and Tunisia

April 2018

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120 Reads

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3 Citations

The International Spectator

In the last decades, ‘youth’ has increasingly become a fashionable category in academic and development literature and a key development (or security) priority. However, beyond its biological attributes, youth is a socially constructed category and also one that tends to be featured in times of drastic social change. As the history of the category shows in both Morocco and Tunisia, youth can represent the wished-for model of future citizenry and a symbol of renovation, or its ‘not-yet-adult’ status which still requires guidance and protection can be used as a justification for increased social control and repression of broader social mobilisation. Furthermore, when used as a homogeneous and undifferentiated category, the reference to youth can divert attention away from other social divides such as class in highly unequal societies.




Citations (5)


... P recarious work has been recognized as a key feature of the global economy and a growing concern in the global North and South. In addition to job insecurities in private sectors and the proliferation of an informal economy, many Arab and Mediterranean societies have witnessed increasing precariousness in public-sector employment (Paciello and Pioppi 2021). Compared to workers in the neighboring countries, however, workers in Tunisia have more actively and successfully defended their job security, as marked by annual wage increases and the formalization of a large number of casual workers in the public sectors after 2011. ...

Reference:

Mobilizing within and beyond the Labor Union: A Case of Precarious Workers’ Collective Actions in North Africa
Working class youth transitions as a litmus test for change: labour crisis and social conflict in Arab Mediterranean countries
  • Citing Article
  • April 2020

Mediterranean Politics

... The state was also controlling economy in order to foster political control over the population and Ben Ali's popularity (Sadiki, 2002). However, episodes of revolt have taken place during Ben Ali's regime, despite the centralized state having created mechanisms of co-optation of the young generation in order to control them and foster national identity through programs of public administration employment (Paciello and Pioppi, 2018). He started economic restructuring (until the end of 1990s) by introducing neoliberal reforms that include abolishing price control and state subsidies as well as fostering privatization. ...

Youth as Actors of Change? The Cases of Morocco and Tunisia
  • Citing Article
  • April 2018

The International Spectator

... The youth of Egypt played a vital role in the AS uprisings (LaGraffe, 2012; United Nations Development Programme [UNDP], 2016; Paciello and Pioppi, 2018). The AS is often described as a youth rebellion against the political status quo, low economic opportunities and unemployment (Campante and Chor, 2012;Hoffman and Jamal, 2012). ...

Is Arab Youth the Problem (or the Solution)? Assessing the Arab Human Development Report 2016: Assessment: The Arab Human Development Report 2016
  • Citing Article
  • February 2018

Development and Change

... Salafists argue that 'urfi marriages are a 'remedy to high wedding costs and premarital sex' and have in recent years advocated for its legalization. 53 Student protesters of Islamist persuasion have argued that the state had no right to forbid a custom that is now religiously authorized and thus called halāl marriages. ...

Youth in Tunisia: Trapped Between Public Control and the Neo-Liberal Economy

... On Casablanca's margins, this has meant the growing presence of NGOs and CBOs, such as the one directed by Mr. B. whose programs I attended, focused on helping "youth at risk" through activities that employ "street arts" and the language of "children's rights" as a way of combating the pernicious infl uences of the street, and preemptively "de-radicalizing" disenfranchised youth. 17 When their rebelliousness was not channeled into sanitized artistic pursuits, lower-class youth were "responsibilized" through a variety of public privately funded programs and activities meant to incorporate them into vocational training schemes or develop their "entrepreneurial" skill sets (see Paciello et al. 2016). 18 As Susanna Trnka and Catherine Trundle (2014) point out, this limited conception of responsibility does not do justice to the many other available forms and meanings that local communities may enact on the basis of other logics and within a variety of potentially competing frameworks. ...

Public Action towards Youth in Neo-Liberal Morocco: Fostering and Controlling the Unequal Inclusion of the New Generation