Czeslaw Tubilewicz’s research while affiliated with University of Adelaide and other places

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Publications (36)


The Pacific Islands and Chinese power as presence, influence, and interference
  • Article
  • Full-text available

November 2024

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28 Reads

European Journal of International Security

Joanne Wallis

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Czeslaw Tubilewicz

Dominant debates about China’s growing presence in the Pacific Islands – through infrastructure, aid, trade, and investment – suggest that Chinese material power directly translates to influence and effective interference in Pacific states’ domestic and foreign affairs. These perspectives fail to clarify the causal link between Chinese economic statecraft and Pacific governments’ alignment with Beijing’s interests. They also deny Pacific people agency, overlooking how power relations are mediated by Pacific state and non-state actors operating across complex political and socio-economic structures. We challenge such rationalist conceptualisations of Chinese power by developing a constructivist taxonomy of power as presence (dormant capability), influence (socialisation), and interference (incentives), and applying it to the Melanesian subregion. We argue that Chinese power is not merely material, causal, and unidirectional. Chinese power can also (re)shape the identities and interests of Pacific elites and publics in a constitutive manner, potentially aligning their ideas about substantive norms, rules, and practices guiding their foreign relations with Chinese ‘core interests’ and perspectives on regional and global politics.

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Foreign capital and US states’ contested strategies of internationalisation: a constructivist analysis

November 2021

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17 Reads

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3 Citations

Contemporary Politics

The article presents a Constructivist framework for subnational diplomacy (aka paradiplomacy), critiquing the Neoliberal assumptions regarding US states' search for foreign capital as driven by ‘objective' market forces, free of intra-subnational conflicts and geopolitical implications. Using Formosa Plastics' investment projects in Texas and Louisiana as case studies, it argues that paradiplomatic agency—rather than restricted to subnational executives—is located across a range of state and non-state subnational actors, who form intra-subnational, national and international coalitions when advancing or challenging US states' economic internationalization. Their contests over the purpose of international action and the locus of authority that speaks for subnational communities in the global marketplace reflect their intersubjective constructions of reality. Such constructions not only provide subnational actors with an understanding of themselves and their interests, but also delineate the boundaries of what is permissible and necessary, rendering certain internationalization strategies as ‘obvious’, while precluding others.









Citations (15)


... Formosa Plastics is a vertically integrated, Taiwanese multinational corporation with a long record of malfeasance and what commentators have called "mafia-like" behavior toward environmental activists and other critics (Democracy Now! 2020; Patton et al. 2021). In recent years, activists in Formosa plant communities in Taiwan, Vietnam and the United States have extended the ways they work together for corporate accountability (Tubilewicz 2021). Nearly 8,000 fisher people affected by a toxic-release disaster caused by a Formosa-owned steel mill in Vietnam have taken legal action in Taiwan, for example (Fan, Chiu, and Mabon 2022). ...

Reference:

Late Industrialism, Advocacy, and Law: Relays Toward Just Transition
Foreign capital and US states’ contested strategies of internationalisation: a constructivist analysis
  • Citing Article
  • November 2021

Contemporary Politics

... As a growing sub-discipline in international relations realm, there has had a consensus on neither definition nor research foci in para-diplomacy study. Paradiplomacy can be defined, some of which, as the "international activity" (Lecours, 2002), the "foreign policy capacity and participation" (Wolff, 2007), a "form of political communication" (Kuznetsov, 2015), and the "engagement in foreign relations" (Tubilewicz & Omond, 2021) of the actors other than state or national governments. Despite differences, scholars likely refer to sub-national governments as the main actors in para-diplomatic practices in order to pursue their specific interests. ...

The United States’ Subnational Relations with Divided China: A Constructivist Approach to Paradiplomacy
  • Citing Book
  • March 2021

... In the context of China-Europe relation, paradiplomatic ties have frequently served as channels for business forums and official visits, often involving business delegations (Kamiński et al. 2023: 13). One study has also highlighted how Yunnan uses paradiplomacy to attract resources from the Chinese central government by exploiting the province's status as a land bridge with Southeast Asia (Tubilewicz 2017). Even comprehensive studies that discuss various drivers of paradiplomacy, such as seizing global economic opportunities, providing citizen service, or promoting decentralization, treat subnational governments as rational actors that engage in foreign relations to gain benefits for themselves and their constituencies (Tavares 2016: 42-46). ...

Paradiplomacy as a Provincial State-Building Project: The Case of Yunnan’s Relations With the Greater Mekong Subregion
  • Citing Article
  • May 2016

Foreign Policy Analysis

... This framework of localization is distinct from the pursuit of a grounded theory in communication studies (Jinghong et al., 2019). The processes of localization are akin to the dynamics of news 'domestication' (Gurevitch et al., 1991;Tubilewicz, 1999). Both localization and domestication reveal multidirectional processes that transcend mere local appropriations of the global involving multiple social actors, complex flows and interactions, and polyvalent and ambivalent outcomes (Kavalski, 2009a;Yang, 2012). ...

Comrades No More: Sino–Central European Relations after the Cold War
  • Citing Article
  • March 1999

Problems of Post-Communism

... By funneling trade and aid fueled by its economic growth, the ROC maintained a strategy of "dollar diplomacy" with its Central American allies well into the twenty-first century. [10] Much of the pre-2000s scholarship corroborates observations that Taiwan's "handsome foreign aid programs" could "buy" or "rent" diplomatic ties with small and developing countries indefinitely. [12][13][14] In Central America, aside from funneling cash into anonymous bank accounts to purchase the goodwill of various political leaders, Taiwan actively groomed the elites by identifying high-potential bureaucrats and military officers and developed ties with them for long term sympathies. ...

State transformation and the domestic politics of foreign aid in Taiwan
  • Citing Article
  • July 2015

The Pacific Review

... Nye's essay, in contrast, takes as its starting point Charles Kindleberger's observation that a key factor in the global economic chaos that erupted beginning in 1929 was the failure of the then-rising United States to assume Great Britain's function as the lead global stabiliser. Drawing from this insight, Nye contends that, rather than focus so heavily on the danger of a Sino-American 'Thucydides Trap', greater attention should be given to what he identifies as a potentially more imminent limited and it has restricted participation by Taiwan (Tubilewicz, 2012;Youde, 2018). This behaviour recalls Samuel Kim's early study of China's conduct in international regimes, which characterised China as operating according to a 'maxi/mini principle' or seeking to maximise its rights with the minimum level of responsibilities (see discussion in Lampton, 2001: 232). ...

Friends, Enemies or Frenemies?China-Taiwan Discord in the World Health Organization and Its Significance
  • Citing Article
  • December 2012

Pacific Affairs

... China's long-standing relationships with many African and Pacific island countries are based on this diplomatic tie, limiting Taiwan's efforts to become an influential player in these regions. However, researchers revealed that trade with China and humanitarian assistance are less likely to be affected by this foreign policy issue (Johnston et al. 2015;Tubilewicz 2012). ...

The politics of compassion: examining a divided China's humanitarian assistance to Haiti
  • Citing Article
  • August 2012

International Relations of the Asia-Pacific

... Just like with Estonia, apart from a short period when Riga had de-facto diplomatic relations with Taiwan in 1992-1994, 11 the relations between Latvia and China have been those of distant, while not disinterested parties. Latvia's strategic focus on a European and transatlantic alignment meant that the nation's limited resources were dedicated primarily to joining the EU and NATO. ...

The Baltic States in Taiwan's Post-Cold War 'Flexible Diplomacy'
  • Citing Article
  • July 2002

Europe-Asia Studies

... Comparing these approaches can shed light on the structural differences and constraints in their relationships. However, with a few exceptions (e.g., Lai, 2007, Atkinson, 2010Tubilewicz & Guilloux, 2011;D'Arcy, 2015;Dayant & Pryke, 2018;Marinaccio, 2019Marinaccio, , 2021, there has been relatively little research into Taiwan's role and perspectives in the Pacific, not to mention the study of economic relationships and diplomatic recognition (Rich & Dahmer, 2022). This chapter presents a preliminary study of the implications of diplomatic relations with either Taiwan or China on economic development in Oceania's island countries. ...

Does size matter? Foreign aid in Taiwan's diplomatic strategy, 2000-8
  • Citing Article
  • May 2011

Australian Journal Of International Affairs