April 2024
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10 Reads
Social Sciences & Humanities Open
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Publications (32)
January 2023
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20 Reads
Social Sciences & Humanities Open
December 2022
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196 Reads
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2 Citations
Conflict and Society
This article looks at the everyday security practices of local residents in violent local orders, where capacities and strategies of state and non-state armed actors to produce regularity and stability are weak and contested. It discusses the case of gang-controlled neighborhoods in the metropolitan area of Greater San Salvador, El Salvador, in the years 2017–2018, when security “provision” of armed state and nonstate actors was weak and contested, and as a result civilians mostly took care of themselves. The article analyzes the main characteristics of local violent orders, the insecurity experiences of local residents, and the everyday practices of local residents to deal with these circumstances. It argues that in neighborhoods where security provision by state and non-state actors is weak and contested, everyday security practices of local residents are key to understanding the functioning and reproduction of the local forms of “disordered order.
December 2021
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13 Reads
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics
Between 2010 and 2015, as Myanmar transitioned from authoritarian rule to a more liberal and democratic state, its Muslim population increasingly faced hate speech and violence. This article goes beyond analyses that regard the growing anti-Muslim sentiment as a consequence of a liberalized media environment, enabling people to voice long-standing grievances and prejudice. Rather, the notion of a “Muslim threat” to Myanmar’s Buddhist population is approached as the outcome of a dynamic process of securitization in which an alliance of political and religious elites was forged whose discourse changed the rules of the political field, forcing the reform-oriented opposition into strategic silence. It is argued that in the early period of liberalization, anti-Muslim frames were normalized and thus shaped the securitization of Muslims.
November 2021
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48 Reads
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7 Citations
Journal of Civil Society
Shrinking civic space is a global trend in governance impeding citizens’ enjoyment of the fundamental freedoms of association, expression and peaceful assembly. While deeply affected by this phenomenon, civil society organizations and collectives in Lebanon have cultivated a series of non-sectarian opposition movements that warrant an assessment of how these may contribute to reconciling deeply divided identities. The authors examine the specific challenges imposed on civil society in Lebanon’s hybrid democratic setting, where power and resources are allocated along confession-based cleavages. Additionally, they discuss the strategies through which Lebanese civil society collectives push back against government pressures and defend, as well as expand, their available room for manoeuvre. The strategies of two recent opposition movements are analysed: (i) the coalition ‘Kollouna Watani’, a crossover into politics for the 2018 Lebanese elections by actors originally associated with civil society organizations, and (ii) the mass protest movement starting in October 2019. The findings highlight these non-sectarian movements’ potential to promote cooperation among the fragmented realms of civil society, as well as the hardships of challenging well-established elites and their interests via formal politicization. In doing so, they also show the potential and agency of civil society to counter the phenomenon of shrinking civic space.
February 2021
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25 Reads
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4 Citations
Journal of Illicit Economies and Development
This paper aims to contribute to our understanding of the feasibility and effectiveness of development interventions in situations of chronic violence, paying particular attention to the capacity and room of manoeuvre of intervening organisations in contexts where illicit groups have built up a power position. It analyses the interventions of two faith-based NGOs (FBOs) that aim to reduce violence and promote community development in selected gang-controlled neighbourhoods of the Metropolitan Area of San Salvador (AMSS). Based on a literature study and data from fieldwork in several municipalities of the AMSS, it focuses on the ways the organisations navigate in extremely complex contexts. It is argued that the factors that contribute to the capacity of the FBOs to work in gang controlled neighbourhoods include their evangelical identity, the acceptance by and independence from gang and government, their longer-term engagement in selected neighbourhoods, and the combination of social interventions that have a local impact (education, healthcare) with the promotion of moral values. The paper also discusses some of the dilemmas and limitations of these kinds of approaches.
January 2021
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49 Reads
In the internationally supported Salvadoran peace process of the 1990s, high levels of consensus were reached about the road to peace and the type of legitimate order to make peace sustainable. While security arrangements based on liberal norms are widely considered as legitimate and preferable, there is a lack of consensus about the road to peace today. In that regard, the case of El Salvador reveals the tensions between the ideals of state power, rule of law and liberal norms, which still underpin most of the public and political discourses about El Salvador’s security governance, and the de facto strategies to contain violence and provide security, both at local and national levels. The first is about a type of order that is considered legitimate but only partly functioning, while the latter is about the really existing practices of (national and local) actors dealing in different ways with new power configurations and informal sovereignties. Van der Borgh illustrates these tensions with an analysis of the peace agreement of 1992 between rebel movement and government, and of a truce signed among El Salvador’s gangs in 2012.
June 2020
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1 Read
August 2019
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355 Reads
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23 Citations
Journal of Latin American Studies
This paper analyses a government-facilitated truce, begun in 2012, between El Salvador's three principal street gangs. Using field theory and securitisation theory, it maps the evolution of the truce, distinguishing between the three related processes of making the deal, keeping the truce, and resisting it. It analyses the complex and intriguing political processes in which various actors, such as gang leaders, government officials and international organisations, interacted with each other and made deals about the use and visibility of violence and ways of diminishing, preventing or hiding it.
March 2019
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398 Reads
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15 Citations
Revista europea de estudios latinoamericanos y del Caribe = European review of Latin American and Caribbean studies
Citations (18)
... Entre as mudanças na forma de pensar tal fenômeno, vários autores chamam a atenção, a partir de diferentes enfoques, para aspectos como: o papel ativo, as práticas, os conhecimentos e as experiências de atores não estatais na regulação do crime, na redução da violência e na produção de segurança (SHEARING; JOHNSTON, 2003;ZEDNER, 2009;VALVERDE, 2014;SANDERS, 2005;MUNIZ;CRAWFORD;HUTCHINSON, 2016;GUILLAUME;HUYSMANS, 2018;GUNNING;SMAIRA, 2022;BORGH, 2023;LIMA;MELGAÇO, 2022). ...
- Citing Article
- Full-text available
December 2022
Conflict and Society
... What we know so far points strongly toward path dependencies of trust relations in protest events and their aftermath (Hassan et al., 2020;Sika, 2020). We are also cautioned not to have a positive bias toward the role of civil society actors for instance in highly divided societies (Vértes et al., 2021); this mirrors earlier criticism of Putnam's view on civic associations as creating social capital that does not factor in the role of social capital (and, likewise, trust) in enabling violent conflict and perpetuating existing cleavages (see, e.g. Siisiäinen, 2003). ...
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- Full-text available
November 2021
Journal of Civil Society
... The focus on FBOs and their activities continues. In the last years, much of the publishing that can be connected to religions and development have been case studies of FBO activity in specific contexts (another non-exhaustive list from only the last few years includes Freeman 2019; Koehrsen and Heuser 2020; Khafagy 2020; Adamtey, Mensah, and Kovor 2020; Skjortnes 2020; Ngin et al. 2020;Aderayo and Olayinka 2020;Glatzer and Manuel 2020;Ali and Tayeb 2021;Borchgrevink 2021;Berger 2021;Nelson 2021;Borgh 2021). These publications cover a broad range of disciplines, from social work to politics to theology, but all relate back to development themes and offer case studies on how FBOs work. ...
- Citing Article
- Full-text available
February 2021
Journal of Illicit Economies and Development
... As others have noted in similar areas of gang violence, gangs often function as de facto rule-enforcement and even service-providing institutions, although often if not always in their own interests. Violence, including but not limited to gun violence, constitutes what Savenije and Van der Borgh call "perverse social organizations" that maintain a kind of social order, to be sure, but in ways that benefit some individuals (gang members and those they protect, who often reciprocally protect them) but damage entire communities ( [23], p. 155). In fact, one line of business for gangs is precisely the "protection racket," a form of "violent entrepreneurship" in which gangs extract payment from citizens in exchange for the citizens' "rights" to use their land, do business, even travel through their neighbors, or seek gang "justice" for local disputes ([14], p. 28). ...
- Citing Chapter
January 2004
... 10 In a later phase, investigations examined the gangs' growing criminal involvement; 11 debunked myths surrounding their transnational structure; 12 delved into the changing relationships in gang-affected communities; 13 and probed how the gangs appropriate prisons 14 or influence political participation. 15 third strand of this literature considers how gang policies kindled these transformations; 16 analyzes how media content helped justify and promote these strategies; 17 reveals that truces give gangs more legitimacy in return for short-term political benefits; 18 and shows how evangelical church affiliation enables gang exit. 19 In Mexico researchers have used mixed methods to explain how the country's transition to multiparty democracy prompted criminal groups to resort to violence; 20 explained that the drug war, focused on repressing a lucrative illicit economy, cannot reduce violence; 21 dissected leaked government databases to document the armed conflict's death toll; 22 and demonstrated how drug cartels fragmented 23 or diversified their criminal activities, 24 including by forcibly recruiting irregular migrants into organized crime. ...
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August 2019
Journal of Latin American Studies
... Mafias and drug cartels, by contrast, want to shape governments' preferences. 5 They want governments to "look the other way" and maybe even offer a degree of tacit support. They do not care who is in charge so long as authorities are tolerant, and may prefer (because it is safer and cheaper) to lobby them informally rather than fight them. ...
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- Full-text available
March 2019
Revista europea de estudios latinoamericanos y del Caribe = European review of Latin American and Caribbean studies
... Although civil space literature is distinct and differing [20,21], it becomes challenging to define NGOs, especially with growing restrictions on independent civil society organizations. Dupuy et al. [22] defined non-governmental organizations in the context of 'civil space' , citing that they are non-profit organizations. ...
- Citing Article
January 2014
... The truce was mediated by Raúl Mijango, a former guerrilla commander and former Member of Parliament, and Monsignor Fabio Colindres, the bishop who serves the military, with the explicit support of the Minister of Justice and Public Security, Munguía Payés. Initially, a large part of the Salvadoran population distrusted the truce, but during the first year, it counted on considerable political support, since it led to a significant drop in the homicide rates (Whitfield, 2013;van der Borgh & Savenije, 2016). However, by May 2013, the truce started to unravel, and when a new government took office on 1 July 2014, the truce was largely considered to have failed. ...
- Citing Working Paper
October 2016
... The third one is the challenge of some of the critical assumptions of rebel governance. They have been titled under different names, such as 'hybrid political orders' (Aslan, 2020;Boege, Brown, and Clements, 2009;Ficek, 2023;Meagher, Herdt, and Titeca, 2014), 'negotiated statehood' (Kursani, 2024;Willems and van der Borgh, 2016), and 'governance without a state' (Börzel and Risse, 2010;Risse, 2011). The fourth one aimed at revealing variations in rebel governance and the environments in which they take an active role (Mampilly, 2015;Weinstein, 2007). ...
- Citing Article
July 2016
Conflict Security and Development
... Tuntutan masyarakat untuk mengembalikan kebebasan pers di indonesia dapat dilihat ketika disahkannya UU No. 40 tentang Pers serta UU No. 32 Tahun tentang Penyiaran membuat media dan pers mengalami perubahan dalam hal perlindungan hukum dan peran pers dalam menjaga demokrasi khususnya sebagai kontrol sosial terhadap pemerintah (Khairida dkk., 2017). Lahirnya UU ini juga membuat Indonesia mengalami kenaikan Indeks Demokrasi yang sebelumnya berada di level Authoritarian Government menjadi Partly Free (Borgh & Terwindt, 2014). pencapaian pada tahap ini sudah dianggap kemajuan besar dalam perkembangan demokrasi indonesia dari sudut pandang media dan pers karena artinya selangkah lagi sembari proses pematangan demokrasi indonesia bisa memasuki level Full Freedom. ...
- Citing Chapter
January 2014