Catherine Eschle's research while affiliated with University of Strathclyde and other places
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Publications (27)
This article critically examines the character and extent of transoceanic solidarity in feminist anti-nuclear activism. Drawing on archival research into a British-based solidarity network, Women Working for a Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (WWNFIP), the article centralises the rhetorical question ‘Why Haven’t You Known?’ demanded by Māori ac...
Women have long been fierce and committed advocates for peace. They have worked to end particular conflicts, prevent the use of certain weapons or military tactics, and build peace in specific post‐conflict situations; and they have also campaigned against war in general, against the arms trade and everyday militarism, and in pursuit of a more peac...
This article serves as an introduction to the International Affairs special section, ‘Feminist interrogations of global nuclear politics’. In this article, we argue that feminist International Relations scholarship on the global nuclear order and its discontents should be revitalized, in ways that reckon more fully with the colonial matrix of power...
In the context of efforts to revive and reconfigure the left, fraught solidarity relations between feminism and other left forces are again under the political spotlight. This article revisits the widespread use of the ‘unhappy marriage’ metaphor to characterise these relations, given that metaphors play a significant role in structuring political...
This article reviews contemporary academic debates about feminist organising in and against neoliberalism, which we see as structured by a co-optation–resistance dichotomy. We outline three narratives: a high-profile ‘strong’ co-optation thesis; a more nuanced co-optation discourse; and an emergent counter-narrative of resistance. While sympathetic...
This article offers a feminist take on the question of why Occupy camps closed down, in the form of a narrative analysis of interviews from participants in Occupy Glasgow. In response to the emergence of an activist discourse emphasising the role of external forces in camp closure and the existence of a longer-term legacy in terms of individual and...
This article extends the emergent focus on ‘the everyday’ in critical security studies to the topic of nuclear (in)security, through an empirical study of anti-nuclear peace activists understood as ‘everyday security practitioners’. In the first part of the article, I elaborate on the notion of everyday security practitioners, drawing particularly...
This article investigates the discursive construction of gendered identities in anti-nuclear activism and particularly in peace camps. My starting point is the now substantial academic literature on Cold War women-only peace camps, such as that at Greenham Common. I extend the analysis that emerges from this literature in my research on the mixed-g...
This article aims to rehabilitate women campaigners against nuclear weapons as a focus of study and interlocutor for feminist International Relations scholars. Highlighting the recent tendency in gender and security studies to ignore or stereotype these campaigners, I first show how their critical re-investigation has been facilitated by recent sys...
This article engages with the influential narrative about the co-optation of feminism in conditions of neo-liberalism put forward by prominent feminist thinkers Nancy Fraser, Hester Eisenstein and Angela McRobbie. After drawing out the twin visions of ‘progressive’ feminist politics that undergird this narrative – couched in terms of either the ret...
This roundtable develops arguments presented at the 2008 International Studies Association (ISA) annual convention. The theme of the convention was `Bridging Multiple Divides' and its aim to enhance dialogue among the diverse research communities within international studies. The aim of the `Limits of Bridge-Building' panel at ISA, and the present...
In this short essay we consider, first, the reasons why feminist IR academics should seek to build bridges with each other, with other academics and with those outside the university. Second, we develop some tentative guidelines for how we should go about the task of bridge-building, drawing on our research into feminist activism at the World Socia...
This article enquires into the connections between gender and discourses of the nuclear weapons state. Specifically, we develop an analysis of the ways in which gender operates in the White Paper published by the UK government in 2006 on its plans to renew Trident nuclear weapons (given the go-ahead by the Westminster Parliament in March 2007). We...
This article argues that a feminist approach to the ‘politics of resistance’ offers a number of important empirical insights which, in turn, open up lines of theoretical inquiry which critical theorists in IR would do well to explore. Concretely, we draw on our ongoing research into feminist ‘anti-globalisation’ activism to rethink the nature of th...
This book provides a comprehensive and nuanced analysis of the 'anti-globalisation' struggles taking place around the world. It shows the complexity and diversity of these movements and illustrates this with detailed empirical studies of local, national and transnational resistance in the United States, Europe, Asia and Africa. The authors introduc...
This article interrogates the claim that a transnational anti-globalisation social movement has emerged. I draw on constructivist social movement theory, globalisation studies, feminist praxis and activist websites to make two main arguments, mapping on to the two parts of the article. First, a movement has indeed emerged, albeit in a highly contes...
This article offers a distinctive mapping of the feminist literature on globalisation. Part I sets the “new wave” of debate in the context of long-standing feminist theorising and organisation around global power and politics, drawing attention to a growing focus on economic processes. Part II explores the marginalisation of feminist arguments with...
The inadequacies of hegemonic liberal democratic ideas and institutions have been exposed by feminist theorists focusing on the marginalisation of women and by global theorists examining the impact of globalisation. These theorists have developed two distinct sets of reconstructive strategies that, until very recently, have remained in ignorance of...
Citations
... We demonstrate that actors in the nuclear weapons industry have sought to transform their (increasingly politically damaging) machismo image by appropriating the language, aesthetics, and ideas of liberal feminism, thus future-proofing the enterprise. The performance of liberal feminism by actors in the nuclear weapons industry, we argue, can function to silence or counter the history of critical and antiwar feminist activism, loosening the association between masculinity and nuclearism (see Choi and Eschle 2022;Taha 2022;Rosengren 2022). While many gender and equality initiatives discussed in this article may be well-intentioned, their effects on the traditional anti-war feminist agenda are often less clear, and like other women-centred agendas (see Haastrup and Hagen 2021), they can still reify global hierarchies. ...
... Notes 1. These critiques can also be read as one instantiation of the long-standing 'unhappy marriage' of feminism and the left (see, e.g., Alexander, Eschle, Morrison, & Tulbure, 2017) or of ongoing 'gender conflict' in progressive social movements both past (McKee Hurwitz & Taylor, 2018) and present (for parallel dynamics in the so-called Arab Spring, see, e.g., Al-Ali, 2012; Anonymous, 2013). 2. Zamponi's analysis is an exception, defending explicit and reasonable criteria for judgement. ...
... This literature has often focused on gender experts as a category of actors, and examined how they navigate mainstream institutions seeking to produce feminist change from within ( Ferguson 2015 ; Altan-Olcay 2020 ). Highlighting the tensions and dilemmas that this entails, this research echoes debates about the co-optation of feminist ideas ( Eschle and Maiguashca 2018 ). While acknowledging the dangers of feminism in "governance mode" ( Halley et al. 2018 ) and the potential of such feminism "doing violence itself" ( Zalewski and Runyan 2013 , 299), research positioning gender experts as feminist insiders, like similar work on feminist bureaucrats and on gender mainstreaming ( True 2003 ;Eyben 2010 ;Chappell and Mackay 2021 ), also emphasize the subversive potential and small victories in the pursuit of incremental change from within. ...
... The conflicts drain resources to engender losses and exhaustion, thus eroding life satisfaction (Burch 2020; Soons et al. 2009;van den Berg and Janoski 2005). For instance, poor hygiene alone is already disgusting and dissatisfying (Winslow 2017 and unruliness in protest participation (Eschle 2018;Kohn 2013;Hammond 2015). The participation is also contagious, diffusing grievances as well as disease (Baek 2018;Matthews 2018;C. ...
... Here, the term "everyday" says something about power, about where power lies and where it doesn't. For some scholars, this links the everyday with "ordinary people" or "nonelite knowledge" (Vaughan-Williams and Stevens 2016;Stump 2017;Eschle 2018). At other times, there is a concern with what happens in ordinary spaces, as opposed to what we might conventionally see as spaces of power or politics. ...
... Such gendered divisions are also racialised, in which the western white male is separated 4 Recent work by Hebatalla Taha (2022) on visualisations of the bomb in Egypt shows an alternative to the dominant discourse in which the bomb is feminised, challenging feminist scholars to further examine the gendered construction of nuclear discourses outside the west. 5 For work engaging with and complicating this representation of women's protests see Eschle (2017). from and superior to the non-western 'other' (Gusterson 1999). ...
... There have been at least three sets of prefigurative practices at Faslane Peace Camp, the first involving the transformation of gendered power relations and identities. Notably, campers have challenged the allocation of domestic and affective work to women, aided by the reorganization of domestic space and also the rejection of the institution of waged labour, effectively bypassing the capitalist dichotomy between a feminized sphere of reproductive labour and masculine-dominated world of waged work (Eschle, 2016b). Cooking, cleaning, repairing infrastructure and gathering wood for fuel has been organized either by rota or on a voluntary basis, sometimes through meetings or at meal-times, often through self-selection. ...
... Some argue that NGOs are more formal and institutional, while SMOs are more broadly based (Eschle and Stammers 2017;Estévez 2012 NGOs can be defined as "a non-profit group or association organized outside of institutionalized political structures to realize particular social objectives or serve particular constituencies" that "have sufficient influence to impact a decision taken in an intergovernmental body" (Saunier and Meganck 2009:197-199). They operate in the civic public realm as key representatives of interested groups concerned with the public good 1 . ...
... This was followed in 1989 by the French ça suffit comme ça, in which protestors opposed the G7 and advocated the cancellation of Third World debt incurred as a result of SAPs. There were then the 1994 Madrid riots, which drew attention to exploitation and ill-administered industrial practices implemented in LDCs by powerful multinationals (Lloyd 2001), the 'J18 protests' on 18 June 1999 in Oregon, Eugene, and London, and the N30 protests that restricted access to WTO meetings in Washington and Seattle (Eschle and Maiguashca 2005). In the early 2000s, anti-globalisation demonstrations continued and were accompanied by the establishment of civil entities such as the World Social Forum (2001) and European Social Forum (2002), which proposed alternatives to neoliberal economic planning (Escobar 2004). ...
... The intersectional gender perspective adopted in this study leads us to the work of Alexander (2005) and Moganty (2003), who advocate for a transnational feminist approach to teaching (social) justice. To achieve this, it is necessary to address a series of critical imperatives (colonialism, political economy and racial formation), which contemporary neoimperialism and neocolonialism have rendered more visible in a reconceptualization of modernity seeking to justify the heteronormative regulatory practices of modern state systems. ...
