Beverly I. Fagot’s research while affiliated with Oregon Social Learning Center and other places

Are gender labeling and gender stereotyping in 24-, 30-, and 36-mo-old children related to each other and to mothers' sex-role attitudes and responses to sex-typed behavior in a free-play situation with their children? The gender stereotyping measure indicated that gender schemata include information that is metaphorically rather than literally associated with each sex. Children who understood labels for boys and girls displayed more knowledge of gender stereotypes than children who did not. Mothers whose children had mastered labels for boys and girls endorsed more traditional attitudes toward women and toward sex roles within the family. The same mothers also initiated and reinforced more sex-typed toy play with their children. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)

To examine differential socialization of boys and girls by mothers and fathers, home observations were completed for families of 92 12-month-old children, 82 18-month-old children, and 172 5-year-old children. Mothers gave more instructions and directions than did fathers, while fathers spent more time in positive play interaction. Differences in parents' reactions to 12- and 18-month boys and girls were as expected, with the exception that boys received more negative comment for communication attempts than did girls. The suggestion in the literature that fathers would be more involved in sex typing than mothers was not confirmed in this study. The only 2 significant sex-of-parent x sex-of-child effects occurred at 18 months; fathers gave fewer positive reactions to boys engaging in female-typical toy play, and mothers gave more instruction to girls when they attempted to communicate. We argue that the second year of life is the time when children are learning many new skills and when parents are still experimenting with parenting styles and may well use stereotypical responses when unsure of themselves.

This study examined the relationships among five measures that assess various cognitive components of the child's acquisition of gender. At around 2 years of age, children were given a task assessing their ability to accurately label as a boy or a girl some head-and-shoulders pictures of boys and girls. At 4 years of age, these children were given tasks measuring (1) the degree to which they found gender a salient parameter of categorization, (2) the amount of gender-related knowledge they could display (SERLI-SRD), (3) the degree to which their preferences were gender-typed (SERLI-SRP) and (4) the accuracy of their memory for gender-typed information. There was no consistent pattern of relationship among the children's scores on these five tools for measuring gender acquisition. Our findings suggest that gender is a multidimensional construct in children's development, and thus these results challenge the undimensional manner in which gender is repeatedly addressed in developmental theory and research.

Attractiveness ratings of 50 children aged 12–38 months were investigated in relation to adult socializing agents' behavior toward the children in their homes and play groups and their attitudes toward the children. Attractiveness scores were derived from 43 judges' ratings of facial photographs of the children. The same children were observed in play groups with female care givers; 40 of them were also observed in their homes with their parents. Play-group care givers rated the children for likability, tractability, and peer relations. Parents rated their attitudes toward giving routine care to their child. Attractiveness scores were not correlated with any adult attitude measures. Girls' attractiveness scores were positively correlated with their attempts to communicate in home and play group, and with mothers', fathers', and care givers' instructional responses, but negatively correlated with passive behavior in the home and with mothers' positive reactions. Boys' attractiveness scores were negatively correlated with passive behavior in the play group; no other significant correlations were found in the data for boys.

In the present research, 400 undergraduates were asked to describe their various construals of the male and female stereotypes using a modified form of the Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1974). Half of these subjects described their construals in terms of personality trait-adjectives and half described their construals in terms of appearance trait-adjectives. One-fourth of each subject pool were females describing males, one-fourth were females describing females, one-fourth were males describing females, and one-fourth were males describing males. All construals were scored such that each was depicted by a single score of stereotypicality ranging from nonstereotypic to extremely stereotypic. The scores from the various construals of the male and female stereotypes were averaged within subject and target groups, and the group means were compared for significant patterns of difference. Regardless of whether the subjects described the stereotypes in terms of personality trait-adjectives or in terms of appearence trait-adjectives, construals of maleness were framed more stereotypically than were construals of femaleness. In addition, construals of maleness were framed in particularly more stereotypic terms by females when the descriptions were phrased in terms of appearance trait-adjectives. Finally, the social construal of the male stereotype (How does society view males?) was more stereotypically framed by females using both personality and appearance adjectives, while the ideal construal male stereotype (Describe your ideal male) was more stereotypically framed by males using both personality and appearance adjectives.

Children are exposed to differences in adult interactive styles from an early age. The Ainsworth Strange Situation. designed as a standard measure to activate attachment behaviors in the young child, allows us to examine the child's reaction to individual differences in strangers' styles. In the present study, the effect of 11 different strangers was examined to determine if different stranger styles influenced the scoring of behavioral ratings of the child's behavior in the Strange Situation. Boys and girls reacted differently to the different strangers. Eighteen-month-old children showed more variations in their reactions to different interactional styles than did 12-month-olds. Boys showed more resistance and avoidance to strangers who used more direction and initiation. Girls did not react this way. The results are discussed in terms of the child's expectations of sex-determined styles of interaction learned from past social interactions.

109 Children were classified using the Ainsworth Strange Situation at 18 months. 81 children who were unequivocally classified as insecure/avoidant (A1, A2) or securely attached (B1, B2, B3) were used in this study. The children's parents reported on occurrences of problem behaviors at 24 months, 27 months, 30 months, and 48 months using several methods. The children were observed at 18 and 30 months in their homes with their families and in toddler playgroups during the same period. The only significant effect for attachment classification was that teachers and observers of the playgroups rated girls classified as insecure/avoidant as more difficult to deal with and as having more difficulty with peers than girls rated as securely attached.

The relation among children's ability to apply gender labels, their tendency to emit sex-typed behavior, and their parents' attitudes and reactions toward sex-typed behaviors was studied. The children were observed at home with their parents when the children were 18 months old, before any of them had passed the gender-labeling task, and at 27 months, when half had passed (early labelers) and half had not (late labelers). At 18 months, there were no differences in the children's sex-typed behavior, but parents of future early labelers gave more positive and negative responses to sex-typed toy play. By 27 months, early labelers showed more traditional sex-typed behavior than late labelers; parents of early and late labelers no longer differed in their responses. At age 4, when given an inventory of sex stereotyping, early labelers scored higher on Sex Role Discrimination; there were no differeces on Sex Role Preference scores.

Behavioral observations were performed on three groups of preschool children: nonabused, physically abused and neglected, and sexually abused. Physically abused and neglected children were more antisocial, disruptive, and aggressive yet passive. Sexually abused children were relatively quiet and engaged in more female-type activities. Peer interaction in the two groups of clinically referred children was significantly less positive than in the control group.

Male and female coping behaviors were compared in order to test the theory that men use instrumental coping strategies more frequently than women, who are thought to use emotion-focused coping solutions. We interviewed 51 female and 39 male first-year undergraduates by telephone three times a week for 8 weeks, using an inventory developed for 28 chronic stressors. Analyses of variance were used to test gender differences in frequency of daily stressors, concomitant perceptions of stress, and utilization of problem-solving behaviors. The majority of analyses showed no gender differences. The implications of these findings are discussed in light of cultural expectations.