June 2003
·
10 Reads
·
12 Citations
Middle East Policy
This page lists works of an author who doesn't have a ResearchGate profile or hasn't added the works to their profile yet. It is automatically generated from public (personal) data to further our legitimate goal of comprehensive and accurate scientific recordkeeping. If you are this author and want this page removed, please let us know.
June 2003
·
10 Reads
·
12 Citations
Middle East Policy
January 2003
·
188 Reads
·
56 Citations
With the end of the Cold War, the focus of US foreign policy changed--and so did that of economic sanctions. Partly because of increased cooperation within the UN framework, economic sanctions were imposed so routinely in the early 1990s that scholars called that period the sanctions decade. This proliferation sparked intense debate about the effectiveness of sanctions as a policy tool and moved US sanctions policy to the center of public discourse.
January 2002
·
8 Reads
·
2 Citations
The House and Senate will soon meet in conference to decide whether to enact unprecedented sanctions that would deny access to US capital markets to foreign companies that do business with a sanctioned nation. The narrow objective of the Sudan Peace Act--the House version of which includes these capital-market sanctions--is to persuade the Sudanese government to enter into peace negotiations. Its broader but unstated objective is to enlarge the scope of "acceptable" sanctions. This is a new idea, a bad idea, and a frontier that should not be crossed.
February 2001
·
33 Reads
·
19 Citations
Five years ago, European officials proposed the negotiation of a transatlantic free trade area (TAFTA) linking the United States and the European Union in the world's largest free trade zone. Flush from their successful conclusion of extensive multilateral trade reforms in the Uruguay Round, it seemed logical that the two leaders of the world trading system could work together to resolve their remaining trade problems and in the process set powerful precedents for the rest of the world to follow. In so doing, they would accelerate progress toward the ultimate goal of "global free trade". Transatlantic free trade seemed such an easy task. Bilateral trade and investment was already large and largely unfettered (except in agriculture) and the proposals garnered support from both business and labor organizations. After the acrimonious debate over the ratification of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), proponents felt that the TAFTA would not raise the same concerns about social and environmental dumping that nearly killed the North American pact. However, the initial fervor for such talks soon dissipated when it became clear that sharp differences in US and European regulatory policies, as well as agricultural support measures, made the negotiating task exceedingly difficult. Moreover, officials failed to assess the potential damage to the nascent World Trade Organization (WTO) that could result if the world's most powerful trading nations struck a deal that discriminated against suppliers from the world's developing countries. The grand vision of TAFTA was shelved and replaced by
January 2001
·
88 Reads
·
10 Citations
Following the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center and Pentagon, President Bush prepared the country for a "war on terrorism". As outlined in his speech before the joint session of Congress on September 20, the war on terrorism will be fought on many fronts: diplomatic, intelligence, covert action, economic sanctions, law enforcement as well as military. Diplomacy, intelligence, covert action, and economic sanctions have historically served as auxiliary measures in wartime. Economic sanctions, in particular, have routinely foreshadowed or accompanied broader war efforts.
January 1998
·
123 Reads
·
268 Citations
Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting
... The influence network contains belief statements related to politic, military, social, economy, information and infrastructure, so called PMESII (DARPA, 2005; Silverman, 2007) in military planning. The network helps evaluating on which sector friendly forces should act to lower the IED attack frequencies in the region (Hufbauer et al, 2001 ). This approach is different from the traditional action-based operation, which focuses on sweeping regions, setting up multiple checkpoints , and ignoring the cultural and sociological consequence of such actions. ...
January 2001
... While the Congress can override the veto with a two-thirds vote in both houses, it has only overridden vetoed sanctions legislation once in the time period that this paper examines, when it imposed sanctions on South Africa (Stewart and Harness, 1992;Thomson and Davis, 2001). Even then, most sanctions legislation allows the president to waive enforcement if he or she thinks that doing so is in the national interest (Hufbauer and Oegg, 2003). Therefore, for a diaspora to influence sanctions policy, it will have to influence the president. ...
June 2003
Middle East Policy
... The tangible effect of sanctions on trade -the free movement of goods and services -stands out as a direct blow to economic freedom. Hufbauer et al. (2007) reinforce this in their extensive analysis, revealing that sanctions reduce trade volumes, increase transaction costs, and stimulate economic isolation. Similarly, Cipriani et al. (2023) observe that the severing of global financial ties via asset freezes or exclusion from payment systems can deter the flow of foreign investment and accelerate capital flight, exacerbating unemployment and poverty. ...
January 1998
Proceedings of the ASIL Annual Meeting
... The concept of sanctions evasion has attracted considerable attention, particularly for its extraterritorial effects on third countries alongside their primary effects on interacting nations. The shifts in trade patterns resulting from sanctions not only alter trade diversion but also have broader implications on market dynamics and trade outcomes (Hufbauer & Oegg, 2003;Kohl & Reesink, 2019). The strategic ramifications of sanctions evasion extend beyond economic considerations, encompassing political alignment, foreign policy objectives, and long-term relationships with sanctioning entities and international bodies. ...
January 2003
... These agreements are overlapping with TAFTA and require complex procedures in order not to violate WTO non-discrimination rules. Schott and Oegg (2001) raise this issue under the "TAFTA-South" label for EU preferential trade relations with Latin America, in particular with respect to the still spending EU-Mercosur agreement, but also to the EU-Mexico FTA. While they acknowledge some trade diversion concerns in in the US to be relevant because EU producers in the US would prefer sourcing from Mexico rather than from the US, their general assessment is positive. ...
February 2001