B. Vaughn’s scientific contributions

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Publications (5)


China's "soft power" in Southeast Asia
  • Article

January 2013

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2,517 Reads

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57 Citations

T. Lum

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W.M. Morrison

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B. Vaughn

China's growing use of "soft power" in Southeast Asia-non-military inducements including culture, diplomacy, foreign aid, trade, and investment-has presented new challenges to U.S. foreign policy. By downplaying many conflicting interests and working collaboratively with countries and regional organizations on such issues as territorial disputes and trade, Beijing has largely allayed Southeast Asian concerns that China poses a military or economic threat. China's diplomatic engagement, compared to the perceived waning or limited attention by the United States, has earned the country greater respect in the region. Its rise as a major foreign aid provider and market for Southeast Asian goods has also enhanced its relations with Southeast Asian states. Many analysts contend that China's growing influence may come at the expense of U.S. power and influence in the region. This report provides evidence and analysis of China's soft power in Southeast Asia. It does not discuss the considerable U.S. military presence in the region. The report describes China's evolving diplomacy and more active role in regional organizations such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Although China's foreign aid to Southeast Asia, as in other regions, is difficult to quantify and includes a broader range of economic assistance than official development assistance (ODA) offered by major industrialized nations, it is believed to be relatively large. China is considered to be the "primary economic patron" of the small but strategically important nations of Burma, Cambodia, and Laos, and also provides considerable economic aid to Indonesia and the Philippines. China's trade with ASEAN countries is less than U.S. trade with the region (160.9billioncomparedto160.9 billion compared to 168.5 billion in 2006), but is expected to exceed that of the United States in 2007 and beyond. Furthermore, although China runs a trade surplus with the world, it runs a trade deficit with ASEAN countries (18.2billioncomparedtotheU.S.ASEANtradedeficitof18.2 billion compared to the U.S.-ASEAN trade deficit of 53.9 billion). China appears to have moved more quickly than the United States in promoting trade with the region through establishing free trade agreements (FTAs).However, although the importance of the United States to ASEAN trade has declined somewhat relative to that of China, the United States is still a major source of the region's foreign direct investment (FDI), ranking 4th from 2002 through 2006 compared to China (ranking 10th). Analysts differ over China's longer-term intentions in Southeast Asia and their implications for the United States. Some observers argue that the consequences of China's growing soft power, and Beijing's aim, is the decline of U.S. influence in the region. Others contend that the implications of China's rise are not zero sum, and that, at least in the next 15-25 years, Beijing's priority will be economic development and that China's leaders, as well as the leaders of other Southeast Asian countries, view the United States' continuing leadership role in the region as beneficial. Competing U.S. policy approaches include continuing the current level of U.S. political and economic engagement in the region, containing China's rise, or bolstering the U.S. diplomatic, foreign aid, and economic presence in tandem with China's rise. This report will be updated as events warrant. Foreign policy observers often attribute China's growing influence in Southeast Asia, and other parts of the world, to its use of ?soft power?-diplomacy, foreign assistance, trade, and investment, and the view of China as a vast, potential market.1 As part of its "charm offensive" in the region, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has projected a "benign national image" through adopting a more accommodating foreign policy, actively participating in regional organizations, providing significant amounts of foreign assistance, and boosting its economic ties, with considerable benefits accruing to Southeast Asian states2 According to some analysts, China's rising soft power has become all the more striking in relation to tepid or inconsistent U.S. attention to the region. The term "soft power," as originally conceived by Harvard Professor Joseph Nye, Jr., referred to the ability to affect the behaviors of other countries by attracting and persuading others to adopt one's goals. By contrast, "hard power" was described primarily as military might.3 The United States has exerted both hard and soft power in Southeast Asia. In terms of soft power, many Southeast Asian peoples historically have been attracted to U.S. popular culture, democratic values and institutions, human rights policies, free market system, high living standards, technological advances, and internationally renowned institutions of higher learning. The United States also remains influential as a large market for Southeast Asian exports. However, according to some indicators, in the past decade, many of these forms of U.S. soft power have declined in both absolute and relative terms. For many analysts, China's growing influence or soft power in Southeast Asia and elsewhere is mostly economic rather than military (hard power), cultural, or political. China's growing ability to affect the actions of state actors largely stems from its role as a major source of foreign aid, trade, and investment. The PRC has also wielded power in the region through diplomacy and, to a lesser extent, admiration of China as a model for development and ancient culture, and an emphasis on "shared Asian values." In addition, overseas Chinese communities have long played important parts in the economies, societies, and cultures of Southeast Asian states. Along with offering economic inducements, China has allayed concerns that it poses a military or economic threat, assured its neighbors that it strives to be a responsible member of the international community, and produced real benefits to the region through aid, trade, and investment.4 China may be gaining on the United States in the areas of cultural and political soft power as well, at least in some countries in the region. A 2007 Pew Research poll found thatonly 29% of Indonesians and 27% of Malaysians polled had a favorable view of the United States as opposed to 83% of Malaysians and 65% of Indonesians who had favorable views of China. Americans themselves are more popular than their country, with 42% of Indonesians having a favorable view towards Americans in 2007. The figure for Indonesia is up slightly from a favorable view of only 15% in 2003 but remains well below the 2000 rate of 75%.5 One striking exception to this trend is the Philippines, which ranks first in the world in trusting the United States to act responsibly in global affairs, according to a 2007 survey.6 Such trends in polls led Joseph Nye to state that "... although China is far from America's equal in soft power, it would be foolish to ignore the gains it is making.... It is time for the U.S. to pay more attention to the balance of soft power in Asia.".


Pivot to the Pacific? The Obama administration's "rebalancing" toward Asia

October 2012

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1,744 Reads

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133 Citations

M.E. Manyin

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S. Daggett

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B. Dolven

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[...]

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B. Vaughn

In the fall of 2011, the Obama Administration issued a series of announcements indicating that the United States would be expanding and intensifying its already significant role in the Asia-Pacific, particularly in the southern part of the region. The fundamental goal underpinning the shift is to devote more effort to influencing the development of the Asia-Pacific's norms and rules, particularly as China emerges as an ever-more influential regional power. Given that one purpose of the "pivot" or "rebalancing" toward the Asia-Pacific is to deepen U.S. credibility in the region at a time of fiscal constraint, Congress's oversight and appropriations roles, as well as its approval authority over free trade agreements, will help determine to what extent the Administration's plans are implemented and how various trade-offs are managed. Areas of Continuity. Much of the "pivot" to the Asia-Pacific is a continuation and expansion of policies already undertaken by previous administrations, as well as earlier in President Obama's term. Since President Obama's inauguration in 2009, the United States has given considerable time and emphasis to Southeast Asia and to regional multilateral institutions. Under President George W. Bush, the United States emphasized the strengthening of relations with existing allies in Asia, began moving toward a more flexible and sustainable troop presence in the region, concluded a free trade agreement (FTA) with South Korea, brought the United States into the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) FTA negotiations, and forged new partnerships with India and Vietnam. All of these steps have been furthered by the Obama Administration. Transformational Elements. That said, there are a number of new aspects of the shift. The most dramatic lie in the military sphere. As part of a plan to expand the U.S. presence in the southwestern Pacific and make it more flexible, the Obama Administration has announced new deployments or rotations of troops and equipment to Australia and Singapore. U.S. officials have also pledged that planned and future reductions in defense spending will not come at the expense of the Asia-Pacific (nor of the Middle East). Additionally, underlying the "pivot" is a broader geographic vision of the Asia-Pacific region that includes the Indian Ocean and many of its coastal states. Benefits, Costs, and Risks. Underlying the "pivot" is a conviction that the center of gravity for U.S. foreign policy, national security, and economic interests is being realigned and shifting towards Asia, and that U.S. strategy and priorities need to be adjusted accordingly. For many observers, it is imperative that the United States give more emphasis to the Asia-Pacific. Indeed, for years, many countries in the region have encouraged the United States to step up its activity to provide a balance to China's rising influence. There are a number of risks to the "pivot," however. In an era of constrained U.S. defense resources, an increased U.S. military emphasis on the Asia-Pacific region might result in a reduction in U.S. military capacity in other parts of the world. Another budgetary consideration is that plans to restructure U.S. military deployments in Asia and minimize cuts in the Navy may run up against more restrictive funding constraints than plans yet assume. Additionally, the perception among many that the "rebalancing" is targeted against China could strengthen the hand of Chinese hard-liners. Such an impression could also potentially make it more difficult for the United States to gain China's cooperation on a range of issues. Additionally, the prominence the Obama Administration has given to the initiative has raised the costs to the United States if it or successor administrations fail to follow through on public pledges made, particularly in the military realm


United States relations with the association of southeast Asian nations (ASEAN)

January 2011

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49 Reads

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8 Citations

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) is Southeast Asia's primary multilateral organization. Established in 1967, it has grown into one of the world's largest regional fora, representing a strategically important group of 10 nations that spans critical sea lanes and accounts for 5% of U.S. trade. This chapter discusses U.S. diplomatic, security, trade, and aid ties with ASEAN, analyzes major issues affecting Southeast Asian countries and U.S.-ASEAN relations, and examines ASEAN's relations with other regional powers. Much U.S. engagement with the region occurs at the bilateral level, but this chapter focuses on multilateral diplomacy. The United States has deep-seated ties in Southeast Asia, and it has viewed ASEAN as a useful organization since its inception during the Cold War. Today, U.S. policy towards ASEAN and Southeast Asia is cast against the backdrop of great power rivalry in East Asia, and particularly China's emergence as an active diplomatic actor in its geographic backyard. Some worry that the United States, preoccupied with other priorities, has been neglectful of ASEAN and of Asian multilateral diplomacy in recent years. The Obama Administration has expressed an intent to work more closely with multilateral organizations, particularly ASEAN. A number of steps in this direction include Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's visit to the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta in February 2009, the U.S. accession to ASEAN's Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) in July 2009, and President Obama's attendance at an ASEAN leaders meeting in November 2009. Congress has frequently played an important role in shaping U.S. diplomatic, security, and economic relations with Southeast Asia and ASEAN. Major U.S. and congressional interests in Southeast Asia include maritime security, the promotion of democracy and human rights, the encouragement of liberal trade and investment regimes, counterterrorism, combating narcotics trafficking, environmental preservation, and many others. In October 2009, Senator Richard Lugar introduced S.Res. 311, calling for the start of discussions on a free trade agreement with ASEAN. In August 2009, Senator Jim Webb visited five countries in mainland Southeast Asia and was the first Member of Congress in ten years to visit Burma. The United States exerts a strong military and economic presence in Southeast Asia, and through diplomacy it seeks to remain a major power-perhaps the major power-in the region. ASEAN, however, has been active in recent years in exploring a variety of diplomatic architectures for East Asia and the Pacific. ASEAN is at the center of several broader security- and trade-related groupings in the Asia-Pacific region, through which it has aimed to maintain regional multi- polarity or a balance of powers among itself and other states including the United States, China, and Japan. ASEAN is also the nexus for discussion of regional economic integration. ASEAN has launched an internal free trade accord, the ASEAN Free Trade Agreement (AFTA), which will go into full effect in 2015. ASEAN has also concluded FTAs with many external trade partners, though not with the United States. ASEAN has also been exploring ways to advance the ultimate creation of a broader European Union-like East Asia Community. Some within the group-but not all-support the inclusion of the United States in such a community. Human rights conditions, particularly in some ASEAN members such as Burma, have long been a source of friction between the organization and the United States. ASEAN's new Charter, enacted in 2007, attempts to bring more pressure to bear upon recalcitrant member states. However, ASEAN still operates on principles of consensus and non-interference in the internal affairs of its members, so it remains unclear how active an actor it will be in this area. 2013 by Nova Science Publishers, Inc. All rights reserved.


China and the U.S.: Comparing Global Influence

January 2010

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187 Reads

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6 Citations

This book compares the People's Republic of China's (PRC) and U.S. projections of global influence, with an emphasis on non-coercive means or "soft power," and suggests ways to think about U.S. foreign policy options in light of China's emergence. The global public images of the two countries are compared in this book and PRC and U.S. uses of soft power tools are described, such as public diplomacy, state diplomacy, and foreign assistance. Other forms of soft power such as military diplomacy, global trade and investment, and sovereign wealth funds are also examined. Furthermore, this book analyzes PRC and U.S. diplomatic and economic activities in five developing regions - Southeast Asia, Central Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and Latin America.


The Southwest Pacific: U.S. interests and China's growing influence

January 2008

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158 Reads

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17 Citations

This report focuses on the 14 sovereign nations of the Southwest Pacific, or Pacific Islands region, and the major external powers (the United States, Australia, New Zealand, France, Japan, and China). It provides an explanation of the region's main geographical, political, and economic characteristics and discusses United States interests in the Pacific and the increased influence of China, which has become a growing force in the region. The report describes policy options as considered at the Pacific Islands Conference of Leaders, held in Washington, DC, in March 2007. Although small in total population (approximately 8 million) and relatively low in economic development, the Southwest Pacific is strategically important. The United States plays an overarching security role in the region, but it is not the only provider of security, nor the principal source of foreign aid. It has relied upon Australia and New Zealand to help promote development and maintain political stability in the region. Key components of U.S. engagement in the Pacific include its territories (Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and American Samoa), the Freely Associated States (Marshall Islands, Micronesia, and Palau), military bases on Guam and Kwajalein atoll (Marshall Islands), and relatively limited aid and economic programs. Some experts argue that U.S. involvement in the Southwest Pacific has waned since the end of the Cold War, leaving a power vacuum, and that the United States should pay greater attention to the region and its problems. They contend that in some Pacific Island countries, weak political and legal institutions, corruption, civil unrest, and economic scarcity could lead to the creation of failed states or allow for foreign terrorist activity within their borders. According to some observers, unconditional and unregulated foreign aid and business investment from China and Taiwan, which may be attractive to some Pacific Island states, may exacerbate underlying political, social, and economic tensions in the region. While China's influence is largely limited to diplomatic and economic "soft power," many analysts disagree about the PRC's long-term intentions. In 2007, the Bush Administration pledged to "re-engage" with the region and declared 2007 the "Year of the Pacific." Among the main topics, aims, and initiatives under discussion at the Pacific Islands Conference of Leaders were: expanding U.S. public diplomacy efforts and foreign aid activities; strengthening U.S.-Pacific trade and preferential trade programs for Pacific Island countries; addressing global warming and other environmental concerns in the region; and enhancing educational and cultural exchanges. Several bills to increase U.S. foreign aid to the region have been introduced in the 110th Congress. This report will be updated as warranted.

Citations (5)


... Recently, there have been a number of commentators analysing different sources of soft power. First, there are those who study international foreign aid and donors as a process of attaining soft power (Kim 2019;Lum, Morrison, and Vaughn 2019;Blair, Robert, and Philip 2022;Mol et al. 2022). Such scholars draw on a multitude of case studies (states) to understand whether aid and donations can leverage or benefit diplomacy relations from a nation to a continent (like Africa and/or Southeast Asia). ...

Reference:

An analysis of Japan’s soft power strategies through the prism of sports mega-events
China's "soft power" in Southeast Asia
  • Citing Article
  • January 2013

... As Lum Beijing's phenomenal economic growth during the past three decades has provided a different model, based on what is termed the Beijing Consensus that largely rejects most Western economic and political values and models. 69 The main attribute of this PRC model is for people to be "brought out of poverty, ...

China and the U.S.: Comparing Global Influence
  • Citing Article
  • January 2010

... ASEAN has fundamental principles that all participating countries must adhere to. These fundamental principles are written in The Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC), which were signed at the first ASEAN Summit, on February 24, 1976 (Martin, 2019). This agreement is also a declaration of relations between ASEAN countries. ...

United States relations with the association of southeast Asian nations (ASEAN)
  • Citing Article
  • January 2011

... According to a Congressional Research Service report, American military, diplomatic, and economic initiatives have always been part of one package. The US utilizes various tools of economic, medical, trade, military, and political power to create strategic influence for future planning in target regions 15 . Economic competition between China and America has created a lot of misunderstandings and mismanagement between the two nations. ...

Pivot to the Pacific? The Obama administration's "rebalancing" toward Asia
  • Citing Article
  • October 2012

... The US shuttered the State Department's Office of Pacific Island Affairs, closed the embassy in Honiara, and relocated aid posts in PNG and Fiji to Manila. It also halved the number of Peace Corps volunteers, limited its participation in regional organisations, and only provided aid to those countries with which it maintained a formal association (Lum and Vaughn 2007). Indeed, in 2007 a senior State Department official admitted that: 'the nations of the Pacific have not always received either adequate diplomatic attention or development assistance' (Davis 2007). ...

The Southwest Pacific: U.S. interests and China's growing influence
  • Citing Article
  • January 2008