Arshad Isakjee’s research while affiliated with University of Liverpool and other places

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Publications (24)


Four seasons of border violence: The co-option of the seasons into the management of migration
  • Article

March 2025

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5 Reads

Geoforum

Karolina Benghellab

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Arshad Isakjee

Eco-coloniality and the violent environmentalism of the UK–France border

August 2024

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26 Reads

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1 Citation

Environment and Planning D Society and Space

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Tesfalem H Yemane

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Joe Turner

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[...]

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Arshad Isakjee

This article examines the eco-coloniality of the UK–France border by tracing the transformation of the notorious Calais “jungle” refugee camp into a nature reserve. We empirically investigate the ecological politics of the Calais borderzone, arguing that the environment plays a crucial role in both enacting and obscuring border violence. Based on long-term research at this site, we explore how the environment does political work by excluding, harming, and erasing the presence of racialized migrants from the shores of the English Channel. Taking a critical postcolonial approach, we argue that environmental ideas that were once forged during empire—including the imperial origins of environmentalism—continue to shape the marginalization of racialized groups today. By deepening our understanding of what counts as border violence and tracing the colonial genealogy of violent environmentalism, this article develops the concept of ‘eco-coloniality’. This builds upon burgeoning research at the intersection of border studies and political ecology, which has explored the co-option of ‘nature’ into violent border practices, and the deepening links between eco-fascism and exclusionary migration regimes. At a time of heightened environmental disruption, we emphasize the importance of unearthing the roots that connect contemporary politics with the perennial legacies of colonialism. Ultimately, we suggest that the protection of the environment, both at the border and during empire, has been used as a pretense for dispossessing racialized groups.


Small Boats, Big Contracts: Extracting Value from the UK 's Post‐Brexit Asylum ‘Crisis’

June 2024

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4 Reads

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1 Citation

The Political Quarterly

This article discusses post‐Brexit asylum policy in the UK. On the surface, Brexit had little impact on asylum, but Brexit, combined with the new phenomenon of small boat Channel crossings, created the conditions for a new and extreme UK policy agenda. It explains how politicians have sought to deliver border sovereignty performatively after Brexit by introducing extreme measures, ostensibly—though not practically—to stop small boat Channel crossings, and how private actors have sought to profit from people seeking asylum within this policy regime. These interrelated political and financial interests are pursued irrespective of the fact that none of the policies being advanced will ‘stop the boats’.


‘Bringing order to the border’: liberal and illiberal fantasies of border control in the English channel

May 2024

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10 Reads

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3 Citations



Violência liberal e a fronteira racial da União Europeia

December 2023

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6 Reads

Laje

Este artigo examina como a violência racial sustenta o regime de fronteiras da União Europeia. Por meio de dois estudos de caso, no norte da França e na região dos Balcãs, exploramos como a violência de fronteira se manifesta de formas divergentes: desde a violência física direta que é rotina na Croácia, até formas mais sutis de violência evidentes na governança de migrantes e refugiados vivendo informalmente em Calais, mais próximos do centro geopolítico europeu. O uso da violência contra pessoas em situações transitórias entra em contradição com a autoimagem liberal, pós-racial, da UE. Recorrendo ao trabalho de pesquisadores pós-coloniais e a teorias da violência, argumentamos que as várias tecnologias de violência utilizadas pelas nações da UE contra migrantes incorporam a lógica inerente da governança liberal, enquanto também reproduzem a tendência do liberalismo de negligenciar suas limitações raciais. Por meio de questionamentos sobre como e por que a violência de fronteira se manifesta, voltamos a atenção crítica para as ideologias racistas dentro das quais a violência é predicada. Este artigo caracteriza o regime de fronteira da UE como uma forma de “violência liberal” que busca omitir tanto a natureza da violência quanto suas bases raciais.


Figure 1. 7 October 2018: A still from hidden-camera footage obtained by BVMN showing a pushback in progress at the Bosnian border by men in Croatian police uniform (coordinates 44.7316124, 15.9133454). The policeman in the foreground has his gun drawn. Seconds later, the policeman in the background kicks a detainee.
Figure 2. Map showing the "flow/pressure" of migrants in the so-called Balkan Route, with no mention of violent pushbacks. This is a cartographic example of epistemic borderwork (Frontex 2018, 7).
Figure 3. Open-source map of refusal created by BVMN (2020) showing geographic instances of pushback by border authorities.
Figure 4. Map of refusal showing the location of major pushback zones along the Croatian-Bosnian border (BVMN 2019).
Epistemic Borderwork: Violent Pushbacks, Refugees, and the Politics of Knowledge at the EU Border
  • Article
  • Full-text available

July 2022

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359 Reads

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54 Citations

Borders are sites of epistemic struggle. Focusing on the illegal tactic of the “pushback,” which is routinely deployed by state authorities to forcefully expel asylum seekers from European Union territory without due process, this article explores the uneven politics of knowledge that helps to support or unsettle this clandestine border violence. Drawing on long-term qualitative research on the Croatia–Bosnia border, including interviews with pushback survivors and activists, as well as a database of border violence reports, we explore the competing truth claims and epistemologies that help to conceal, or counter, the pushback regime. Informed by postcolonial perspectives and contributing to political geographies of violence, we argue that “epistemic violence” (Spivak 1988) is a central feature of contemporary borders. We propose that epistemic borderwork is regularly used by state authorities to silence unwanted voices, undermine insurgent perspectives, and stifle the capacity of refugees to draw attention to their own mistreatment. In opposition to this injustice, activists are documenting, mapping, and archiving pushback survivor testimony to construct a counternarrative of refusal, which subverts the harmful knowledge claims of state authorities. In doing so, refugees and activists create epistemic friction, which helps to resist the ontological violence of borders, and “pushes back” against the pushback regime.

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Channel crossings: offshoring asylum and the afterlife of empire in the Dover Strait

May 2021

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87 Reads

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33 Citations

In 2020, over 8,400 people made their way from France to the UK coast using small vessels. They did so principally in order to claim asylum in the United Kingdom (UK). Much like in other border-zones, the UK state has portrayed irregular Channel crossings as an invading threat and has deployed a militarized response. While there is burgeoning scholarship focusing on informal migrant camps in the Calais area, there has been little analysis of state responses to irregular Channel crossings. This article begins to address this gap, situating contemporary British responses to irregular Channel crossers within the context of colonial histories and maritime legacies. We focus particularly on the enduring appeal of “the offshore” as a place where undesirable racialized populations can be placed. Our aim is to offer a historicized perspective on this phenomenon which seeks to respond to calls to embed colonial histories in analyses of the present.


Figure 1: Map of Europe showing case study locations. At the time of writing the UK was still part of the EU. (Source: authors) [Colour figure can be viewed at wile yonlinelibrary.com]
Figure 2: Two residents of the Calais "jungle" look out across the camp, with chemical factories in the background. (Source: authors) [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]
Figure 3: "2B Black is not a crime" written on a sign on the edge of the so-called Calais "jungle", 2015. (Source: authors) [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonline library.com]
Figure 4: A refugee shelter on the outskirts of Calais recently destroyed by French police in a cyclical act of domicide. (Source: authors) [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]
Figure 5: When returning from pushbacks, victims would often show us their phones, which are routinely smashed by police before they are expelled back to Bosnia. (Source: authors) [Colour figure can be viewed at wileyonlinelibrary.com]
Liberal Violence and the Racial Borders of the European Union

September 2020

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711 Reads

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88 Citations

Antipode

This paper examines how racial violence underpins the European Union’s border regime. Drawing on two case studies, in northern France and the Balkans, we explore how border violence manifests in divergent ways: from the direct physical violence which is routine in Croatia, to more subtle forms of violence evident in the governance of migrants and refugees living informally in Calais, closer to Europe’s geopolitical centre. The use of violence against people on the move sits uncomfortably with the liberal, post‐racial self‐image of the European Union. Drawing upon the work of postcolonial scholars and theories of violence, we argue that the various violent technologies used by EU states against migrants embodies the inherent logics of liberal governance, whilst also reproducing liberalism’s tendency to overlook its racial limitations. By interrogating how and why border violence manifests we draw critical attention to the racialised ideologies within which it is predicated. This paper characterises the EU border regime as a form of “liberal violence” that seeks to elide both its violent nature and its racial underpinnings.


Cultural Intermediaries Connecting Communities: Revisiting Approaches to Cultural Engagement

June 2019

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27 Reads

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10 Citations

This book explores the policy and social frames through which citizens and wider communities are being engaged with culture as a tool to mitigate the effects of social exclusion and deprivation. The study is based on an inter-disciplinary four-year research project investigating those individuals and organisations whose mission is to use culture, instrumentally, to help deprived communities in a variety of different ways. The project sought to examine the different scales of activity involved within cultural intermediation, examining national policy and practice, but grounded within specific community-level case studies. Although a number of sites across England were examined, two field sites in particular were the subject for a deep ethnographic engagement, including active interventions. These were Birmingham, with a focus on the Balsall Heath neighbourhood and Greater Manchester, with detailed work being undertaken in the Ordsall ward of Salford. These case studies feature throughout much of the book as a lens through which to see the impacts of wider policy trends. Research was undertaken during a period of quite dramatic change in policy and governance within the UK’s cultural sector. These changes were driven by one of the biggest experiments in refiguring the role of the public sector within the UK since 1945, as post-credit crunch governments have responded to the challenges of a struggling global economy by employing the discourse of ‘austerity’. As this book shows, what has emerged is a cultural intermediation sector that has refined its practices, adopting new funding models and arenas of activity.


Citations (18)


... In parallel with externalization policies, some governments and political parties in the European Union and the United Kingdom have engaged in public discourses that legitimize inaction or the withdrawal of sea rescues as a policy of deterrence, arguing that, if migrants were aware of the difficulty and danger of the journey, they would not set out to cross the sea. In the case of the UK, Mayblin et al. (2024) argue that the dominant humanitarian discourses around border policy are framed within either an illiberal discourse that criminalizes and dehumanizes boat crossings, or a technocratic liberal discourse that emphasizes the need for greater efficiency in border control and is based on legitimizing the current status quo and denying racism and contemporary capitalist imperialism. This paper presents data and an analysis of the approaches that underpin the increase in deaths along the Spanish southern border from 2017 to the present, and the way in which these approaches are embedded in transnational dynamics of externalization and militarization that not only hinder maritime rescue and put the lives of those trying to reach Europe at greater risk but which are also underpinned by a necropolitical framework of impeding the passage of people from the global South, in an escalation of securitization and borderization that leaves an increasing death toll in its wake. ...

Reference:

Necropolitics at the Southern European Border: Deaths and Missing Migrants on the Western Mediterranean and Atlantic Coasts
‘Bringing order to the border’: liberal and illiberal fantasies of border control in the English channel
  • Citing Article
  • May 2024

... Despite their ubiquity, informal migrant settlements in Europe have not received much attention in camp and mobility studies and have mostly been implicitly considered (Aris Escarcena, 2018;Aru, 2021;Dembour & Martin, 2011;Fontanari, 2019;Martin et al., 2020;Menghi, 2018;Minca, 2015;Picozza, 2017;Queirolo Palmas, 2017;Tazzioli & Garelli, 2018;Tazzioli, 2018b). The existing research focusing on informality has highlighted the living conditions or the lack of shelter, but without exploring the temporal dimensions associated with the phenomenon (Alarcon et al., 2016;Benedikt, 2019Benedikt, , 2020Davies & Isakjee, 2015;Davies et al., 2019;Mendola & Busetta, 2018;Pasquetti & Picker, 2017;Sanyal, 2017). ...

Informal migrant camps
  • Citing Chapter
  • February 2019

... Scholars from the field of public administration and human geography have studied the development of immaterial cultural environments. To investigate governance and economic management strategies related to CCDs, researchers have focused on the social dimension (e.g., Andres & Golubchikov, 2016;Jones & Perry, 2019;Joubert, 2004;Kong, 2009;Lindner & Meissner, 2015;Tang, 2016). However, the impact of the built environment characteristics of CCDs on human perception and experience should not be ignored . ...

Cultural Intermediaries Connecting Communities: Revisiting Approaches to Cultural Engagement
  • Citing Article
  • June 2019

... An area of particular concern that poses a substantial threat that may apply to large numbers of individuals relates to European border regimes, which have become increasingly dehumanising in recent years and failed to respect human rights in their treatment of those seeking refuge and asylum. [148][149][150] The Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights has highlighted four areas for urgent action to end the human rights violations taking place at Europe's borders and that relate to pushbacks involving the summary return of refugees, asylum seekers, and migrants by states without the observance of the necessary human rights safeguards. These areas involve the need for member states to re-focus on the implementation, in good faith, of their human rights obligations, in particular those set out in the European Convention on Human Rights; to enhance transparency of border control activities, in particular through strengthening independent monitoring to prevent and identify violations, as well as bolstering mechanisms to ensure accountability when such violations occur; and to acknowledge pushbacks as a pan-European problem requiring collective action by all member states; and for parliamentarians to mobilise to stand up against pushbacks, including by holding their governments to account and by preventing the adoption of laws or policies that are not human rights compliant. ...

Epistemic Borderwork: Violent Pushbacks, Refugees, and the Politics of Knowledge at the EU Border

... This is exemplified in the UK governments post-Brexit immigration regimes and the treatment of people crossing the English Channel to claim asylum, where the majority of people claiming asylum are from countries which have been exposed to colonial, warfare and imperial interventions. 3 As with other examples of migration 'hotspots' across Europe, a complex array of border infrastructure, surveillance and policing actively forces people to make increasingly perilous journeys across the English Channel (Tyerman 2022), just as these border practices I argue, are naturalised and justified by dominant conceptions of racialised intimacy. The increasing numbers of people crossing the Channel have become a spectacle for the right wing and pro-Brexit British press and UK Home Office (see Davies et al. 2021). Alongside the Islamophobic construction of 'terrorism', those crossing the Channel are frequently depicted as a racialised and sexualised threat, a drain on the UK welfare state and an 'invasion'. ...

Channel crossings: offshoring asylum and the afterlife of empire in the Dover Strait

... This approach is consistent with what Carpentier (2011) has called the "ideological" model of war-a modality in which a country takes action by placing itself in direct binary opposition to the enemy, with little space for nuance. This geopolitical discourse has been coupled with a strong identification with Western civilisation, which postcolonial scholars have understood as emerging only in contrast to an uncivilised, racialised Other-individuals or groups that, in Western imaginary, represent cultures and peoples outside the Western world, particularly those from the Middle East, Asia, and North Africa (Isakjee et al. 2020;Said 1978). In a press conference on 31 March 2022, following a bilateral meeting with Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen regarding their support for Ukraine, Lithuania's Prime Minister Ingrida ...

Liberal Violence and the Racial Borders of the European Union

Antipode

... When Muslims and people from other cultures purchase Halal food, their quality of life rises [99]. The quantity of geographical studies in the literature examining food/animal ethics that highlight the expanding importance of the Halal food business is rising [104]. In Malaysia, Muslim consumers commonly express reservations about the concept of a Halal food supply chain [110]. ...

Blood, body and belonging: the geographies of halal food consumption in the UK
  • Citing Article
  • April 2019

... One specific aspect of this problem is how to prevent or intervene in young people becoming radicalized into terrorist groups, particularly among populations most at-risk. While many programs come from a criminal justice framework, focused on surveillance, prosecution, and criminal punishment (Bhui et al., 2012;Weine et al., 2017), these are likely insufficient and can be counterproductive as they can make those most at risk of radicalization feel more isolated and disconnected from their surrounding community (Allen et al., 2019;Bhui et al., 2012). This is particularly problematic since feelings of alienation and perceived discrimination have been identified as risk factors for susceptibility to radicalization (Harpviken, 2019). ...

Counter-Extremism, PREVENT and the Extreme Right Wing: Lessons Learned and Future Challenges

LIAS Working Paper Series

... The first posited that the leave vote was driven by a 'left-behind Britain', largely located in former industrial and coastal towns, who had become dissociated with a globalising world (Eatwell and Goodwin, 2018, Ford and Goodwin, 2017, Goodwin, 2017. The second challenged this view, instead arguing that such conceptions of a 'left-behind Britain' were a spatial imaginary riddled with tensions (Sykes, 2018, Burrell et al., 2018 and that whilst there was a geographical intensity of 'leave' sentiment (Dorling, 2016, Dorling andTomlinson, 2019) it was perhaps an oversimplification to paint 'Brexit' in such a binary cities vs towns narrative (Nurse and Sykes, 2019, Nurse and Sykes, 2020, Creagh et al., 2019. Ultimately, however, these conceptualisations of a 'left-behind Britain' began to take hold in the popular narrative and in the 2019 General Election, Prime Minister Boris Johnson consolidated his power on a 'get Brexit done' platform which targeted those places and the residual 'leave' sentiment therein. ...

Brexit, race and migration
  • Citing Article
  • December 2018

Environment and Planning C Politics and Space

... . Others have cast light on the necropolitical conditions of abandonment inside the camps and their debilitating effects upon the thousands of people incarcerated within them (Iliadou, 2023;Pallister-Wilkins, 2022) -spaces that crystalise Europe's increasingly hostile politics of mobility control (Davies and Isakjee, 2019). Made up of camps and detention facilities on the islands of Lesvos, Samos, Chios, Leros and Kos, the Aegean archipelago, however, constitutes not only a spectacle of cruelty and one of the main sites of governmental experimentation in the deployment of carceral technologies. ...

Ruins of Empire: Refugees, race and the postcolonial geographies of European migrant camps
  • Citing Article
  • October 2018

Geoforum