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November 2020
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83 Reads
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9 Citations
The analytic perfect is found in Germanic and Romance languages, as well as in a couple of Slavic languages. Based on data from parallel corpora, we address the role of the perfect between tense and aspect, and show how its meaning is composed from aspectual properties of the participle and the tense marking on the auxiliary. Since the perfect is concerned with temporal relations, we focus on the interaction of the construction with temporal adverbials.
November 2020
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64 Reads
The aim of this chapter is to give an overview of the different accounts of decomposition. After briefly describing the binary feature approach to nouns we concentrate on the decomposition of verbs. We describe several semantic formula approaches that have been developed since the time of generative semantics. Besides being used as a proper means to give a compilation of a verb's semantic properties they are often considered to have a substantial impact on linguistic theory, in particular on the syntax–semantics interface. Decomposition plays a prominent role for many linking theories; that is, for the mapping of semantic arguments to syntactic positions. Beyond that, early approaches such as generative semantics and recent syntactic theories such as distributed morphology propose that lexical decomposition itself is completely projected to syntactic structures. We argue that this claim is supported by the syntacto‐semantic properties of adverbs.
August 2015
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17 Reads
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2 Citations
January 2015
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29 Reads
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2 Citations
May 2013
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78 Reads
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10 Citations
Language and Linguistics Compass
Part 1 of this article treats tense in relative clauses in English, Russian and Japanese. The temporal center in relative clauses can always be anaphoric, and sometimes it has to be the anaphoric Tpro. In Part 2, we investigate tense in temporal adverbial clauses (TACs) headed by ‘after’, ‘before’ and ‘when’. We argue for the following points: 1. English TAC Tense is bound in Present adjuncts under matrix ‘will’, in other constructions the TAC Tense is deictic. Tense licensing is non-local in bound constructions, while in deictic constructions it is local. 2. Russian TAC Tense is deictic, and the tense licensing is local. 3. Japanese TAC Tense is bound. We have a ‘tenseless’ construction in the adjunct, and tense licensing is local.
May 2013
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44 Reads
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7 Citations
Language and Linguistics Compass
Part 1 of Tense in Adjuncts presents a compositional analysis of tense in relative clauses (RCs). The languages under investigation are English, Russian, and Japanese. We introduce the syntax and semantics of tense and the theory of feature transmission under variable binding, which mediates between syntax/semantics and morphology. In sequence of tense languages such as English, the morphology of the tense in a RC will be licensed by a non-local tense if the RC is embedded under will. In other constructions, the RC tense is licensed by a local tense. In non-sequence of tense languages, the tense in the RC is also determined by a local tense. The paper says which factors are responsible for the tense distribution in the different languages under consideration.
January 2012
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22 Reads
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2 Citations
Oslo Studies in Language
Compared to other languages, the temporal organisation in Russian relative clauses and temporal adverbial clauses is as simple as it can possibly be: The tense morphology is licensed locally and the adjunct tense and matrix tense are independent of each other. It is tempting to give a purely deictic analysis of adjunct tense in Russian. However, there are some exceptions to the deictic story, the most important one being adjunct tense embedded under attitudes and modals. For these cases, we argue that the highest tense in the adjunct is anaphoric (Tpro). We show that our previous analyses of complement tense and adjunct tense can be combined to successfully treat adjuncts in such intensional contexts. Furthermore, we discuss some residual issues in our tense theory for Russian, such as the insertion of covert tenses at LF (Russian lacks overt perfect tenses) and the integration of aspect in our system of feature transmission via semantic binding.
December 2011
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35 Reads
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11 Citations
Scando Slavica
We treat the interpretation and motivate the morphology of tense in adjunct clauses in English and Russian (relative clauses, before/after/when-clauses) with a future matrix verb. The main findings of our paper are the following: 1. English has a simultaneous reading in present adjuncts embedded under will. This follows from our SOT parameter. Russian present adjuncts under budet or the synthetic perfective future can only have a deictic interpretation. 2. The syntax of Russian temporal adjunct clauses (do/posle togo kak) shows overt parts that had to be stipulated for English as covert in earlier papers. We are thus able to present a neat and straightforward analysis of Russian temporal adjuncts. © 2011 The Association of Scandinavian Slavists and Baltologists.
January 2011
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9 Reads
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1 Citation
January 2011
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50 Reads
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25 Citations
... Eine Analyse der internen Struktur adverbialer deutscher PK mit beiden Partizipien im Vergleich mit entsprechenden französischen Konstruktionen schlagen Helland und Pitz (2012 vor. Hinzu kommen schließlich Arbeiten wie Struckmeier (2007Struckmeier ( , 2010, Rapp (2015) und Rapp & von Stechow (2015), die sich mit den semantischen und syntaktischen Eigenschaften vorangestellter partizipialer Attribute befassen. ...
August 2015
... Neo-Kleinians often acknowledge this shortcoming, known as the imperfective paradox (Dowty 1979), and assume (often explicitly) that (22) could be enriched with a modal semantics. Bary (2009) takes this challenge head-on and builds on work by Gerö and von Stechow (2003) to propose the following modal extension: ...
January 2011
... (BORGES NETO; MÜLLER; PIRES DE OLIVEIRA, 2012, p. 133). Um dos estudos relevantes para o redirecionamento e consolidação da área é a contribuição de AngelikaKratzer (KRATZER, 1977, 1979 sobre as lógicas modais, trazendo para a linguística e o estudo das línguas naturais (do conhecimento e capacidade de interpretar qualquer sentença, da semântica) uma conversa direta com a lógica e com a matemática.Uma história da semântica (e da semântica formal) no Brasil, depois de trintas anos de aqui ser introduzida, pode ser encontrada em Pires de Oliveira (1999), num artigo do volume da Revista DELTA dedicado a perspectivas da inserção e consolidação das diferentes áreas dos estudos linguísticos. Nas palavras da autora, O fim da disputa semântica gerativa e semântica interpretativa se dá com a "morte" da semântica gerativa e o nascimento de um modelo de análise do significado de cunho funcional, que será conhecido como semântica cognitiva; esta nova abordagem vai congregar os dissidentes da abordagem gerativa: Lakoff, Fillmore, Langacker, entre outros, e tem na publicação de Metaphors we live by(1980)um marco fundacional. ...
January 1979
... To conclude this subsection, I note that there may be a reason other than the upstairs de dicto facts to doubt variants of my analysis that treat before/after as comparatives with -er: namely, the existence of empirical differences between before/after and morphological comparatives. To take two examples (among many, see Penka andvon Stechow 2011 andOverfelt 2021), after differs from morphological comparatives in NPI licensing, as shown in (75); both before and after differ from morphological comparatives in the licensing of gapping. ...
January 2011
... Within the framework of formal semantics, the two most relevant approaches are the Structured Meaning approach (von Stechow 1981;Krifka 1992) and the Alternative Semantics (Rooth 1992(Rooth , 1996. According to the Structured Meaning Approach, in Focus structures, the meaning of a proposition is partitioned into a Background part, which represents a property, and a Focus part, which identifies the element of which the property is true. ...
January 1981
... (See de Vries 2006 for a useful overview of syntactic "theories of appositive relativization" up to 2003.) In the DP adjunct account, NRCs are normally analyzed as sortal predicates (type <e,t>), that is, assigned the same semantic type as RRCs (section 4.1) (see, e.g., Stechow 1979;Heim and Kratzer 1998). Meeting a DP (type <e>) rather than an NP (type <e,t>), however, the NRC must be merged with its sister by Functional Application: the NRC is predicated of the entity denoted by the host DP; see (37 ′ ). ...
January 1979
... PROJECTION THEO-RIES model this by having FOCUS PROJECTION RULES set up in such a way that the focus can "project" from the object to the VP to the clause, but not, say, to the subject or the verb alone (see, e.g., Selkirk 1984Selkirk , 1995Rochemont 1986; Schwarzschild 1999 among many others). It is immaterial in this connection whether the projection rules actually work from words to potentially focal phrases ("bottom-up") or from the focal phrase to the word bearing the nuclear accent ("top-down") (as, e.g., in von Stechow and Uhmann 1986or Uhmann 1991; what is crucial is that the rules syntactically define the set of possible pairings of a prominent word and the different constituents in a tree containing that word that can be marked as focal by it. ...
January 1986
... 22 We capture this formally by 22 As discussed by Sharvit (2014), this might be true only for the attitude complement cases that we are concerned with, but not for relative clauses or temporal adverbial clauses. Relatedly, Grønn and von Stechow (2010) adopt a relative present analysis for attitude complements in Russian, but in their later work maintain that this relative present seems to be unavailable in adjunct clauses (Grønn and von Stechow 2012;von Stechow and Grønn 2013a,b). Since we cannot provide any new insights on tense in adjuncts in Polish, we simply adopt the fairly uncontroversial assumption that present in non-SOT languages is bound in attitude complements, and leave empirical investigation of the Polish tense in adjuncts for future research. ...
January 2012
Oslo Studies in Language
... Einen Spezialfall der im letzten Abschnitt behandelten Diskursanaphern finden wir in Konditionalen wie in (9), in denen sich ein Pronomen im Hintersatz auf "eine indefinite NP im Vordersatz bezieht. Sätze dieser Art sind nach dem Stoiker Chrysipp, der sie im Zusammenhang mit der Frage nach der Referenzart von Pronomen diskutierte, als "Chrysippsätze" bekannt geworden (Egli 1979;Heim 1982). Chrysippsätze, die oft bereits als einfachste Form der Eselssätze gelten, zeigen den engen Zusammenhang der Semantik indefiniter Nominalphrasen und anaphorischer Pronomen mit derjenigen des Konditionals. ...
Reference:
Eselssätze und ihre Pferdefüße
March 1981
Language
... If this restriction is not met, the sentence will express no proposition. In Stechow (1981b), I have called such conditions to be met by the context contextual presuppositions. So, sentence (1) contextually presupposes that I am an animate being. ...
Reference:
STRUCTURED PROPOSITIONS 1
January 1981
