Antonio Negri's research while affiliated with Duke University and other places

... The Polish edition of Commonwealth by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2009), which was prepared by the editorial collective between } praktyka t e o r e t y c z n a 4(38)/2020 2010 and 2012. Hardt and Negri's book contains a project of conceiving a radical and anti-capitalist theory and practice beyond the division into the private and the public, on the one hand, and beyond liberalism and socialism, on the other. ...

... In the digital economy, work, paid and unpaid, is under transformation. It has been described as abstract (Fuchs, 2010), immaterial and affective (Hardt and Negri, 2000;2004;Arvidsson and Colleoni, 2012), or virtual (Huws, 2003). Our occupation online hovers "ambiguously between work and play" (Huws, 2014: 11), reflecting our offline activity. ...

... Although this may seem like a criticism of Kant, they argue in Deleuze-Guattarian terms that a "minor voice" is audible in Kant's work alongside the "major voice" of the philosopher of transcendental reason and of duty centred on the categorical imperative, by implication promoting a life of political and social responsibility. The problem with this "major voice" is, according to Hardt and Negri (2009), that it leaves existing power relations as they are. The "minor voice," by contrast, points towards an alternative to the modern conception of power that is audible in Kant's "major voice," and can be heard in the minor Kantian text referred to above ("What is Enlightenment?"). ...

... Así, Zizek se define como un «marxista casi clásico» (Zizek y Daly, 2004: 152), donde el adverbio adquiere una importancia superlativa; Negri se define como «posmarxista» (Hardt y Negri, 2004), dando relieve al prefijo, mientras se nutre de favoritos que caen más bien en las redes del anarquismo, aunque la necesidad que siente de organizar a las masas revolucionarias le impide dar el paso final (Bates, 2012: 278) 6 ; por su parte, Graeber lo hace como un «marxista libertario», lo cual es curioso porque es difícil (al menos sobre el papel) ser marxista sin ser libertario, de modo que el recurso literario (esta vez, un pleonasmo) tiene su enjundia: es marxista en lo económico, pero anarquista en lo político: «libertarian, practice oriented Marxist» (Graeber, 2004: 6). En realidad, en otros libros Graeber se autodefine como un «small-a(narchist)» (Graeber, 2014: 192) y siempre como un «radical» (Graeber, 2015: 88), mientras que la síntesis entre el comunismo (de Marx) y el anarquismo reúne a través de Graeber a toda una corriente de teóricos y movimientos desde finales del siglo xx que no se dejan atrapar por el «rojo» ni por el «negro» (Kinna y Prichard, 2012: 6). ...

... 34 that allows us to work and live in common'. 43 The multitude differs from the mass in that it is not homogeneous, and is as much an expression of the many as of its diversity. This assertion is essential in MVRDV's approach. ...

... A este respecto destacan las reflexionesde Mark Fisher (2016: 160) y su «realismo capitalista», cuyo modelo de definición de la sociedad se caracteriza por una realidad social capitalista de la que es imposible escapar; de Franco Berardi (2016) y su semiótica del capitalismo; de Antonio Negri(Hardt y Negri, 2004) desde la visión marxista del capitalismo y su concepto de multitud; o de Maurizio Lazzarato (2004) desde la noción de capitalismo cognitivo. ...

... In this, different conceptual forms and varieties of explanation can be seen to range along a sliding scale: from scholars positing a far-reaching and radical shift in global political and economic relations at one end, to those at the other who claim that 3 Another recent development in the literature has been the further distinction between empire and imperialism, two concepts that are often conflated or used without clear distinction (Bacevich 2002;Mann 2005). Doyle's (1986:7) famous definition that "empire… is a relationship, formal or informal, in which one state controls the effective political sovereignty of another political society" is a broad and inclusive conception of the relational understanding of empire, and has formed the basis of a number of other works (for example, Buttino 1993; Barkey and von Hagen 1997;Dawisha and Parrott 1997;Motyl 2001). This distinction, however, is a troublesome one. ...

... Aware of such objections, Negri and co-author Hardt respond that they are addressing tendencies, not fully formed objective realities. The parallel for them is clear between the earlier industrialization of agriculture and mining and how, today, 'manufacture is being " informationalized " , that is, transformed by circuits of information and communication' (Hardt and Negri, 2003: 371). More disabling is its formalism, which is a close cousin of the poststructuralism of Deleuze, Derrida, and Foucault (Ryan, 1984: 214). ...

... The individual body is submitted to surveillance and, next, population is controlled, accommodated and governed according to procedures, techniques and methods that allow the ordinary exercise of forms of control, regulation and coercive orders. Discipline has prepared the individual bodies for the biopolitical management whose objective is to organize collective life, protect it and warrant its defense, so as to correct its flaws and frame it in a preestablished formats seen as normal (Hardt;Negri, 2000). ...

... Thinkers like Jonathan Beller (2006) or Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri (2001), among others, highlight the efforts to escape the cognitive and emotional chain that appears to be totalitarian and colonizes the body and the intellect and infects culture at all levels. These efforts require locating, analysing, and (re)conceptualizing resistance strategies. ...