Antoinette E. DeNapoli’s research while affiliated with Texas Christian University and other places

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Publications (18)


Conclusion: Embodying Holiness and Influencing Culture—Exploring the Contexts, Challenges, and Strategies of Female Religious Influencers in Hindu Society
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September 2024

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14 Reads

Antoinette E. DeNapoli

We have reached the end of our journey concerning the study of holy women as “religious influencers” in Hindu culture [...]

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How Becoming a Myth Leads to History: A Modern Embodiment of the Goddess Durga as the Female Shankaracarya in Hindu Society

January 2024

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2 Reads

Women’s access to leadership as monastic heads (i.e., Śaṅkarācāryas) in India has been restricted by enduring patriarchal structures for twelve centuries. Until the female guru named Trikal Bhavanta Saraswati (“Mataji”), who resides in the politically right-leaning northern state of Uttar Pradesh and leads an ascetic women’s order, appointed herself the title in 2008, the status has been subject to the sole control of Brahmin men. Modern contexts, however, present unique opportunities for women to reinterpret conventional religious ideals that restrict feminine virtue to the realm of domesticity. This essay shows that Mataji’s leadership asserts an alternative narrative of women’s monastic authority as institutionally normative. By using her status, she is promoting a new Hindu identity that contests Brahmanical hegemony as a structural outsider. Grounded in ethnographic fieldwork conducted from 2014 to 2019, the essay illuminates Mataji’s performance of personal narrative to rectify gender inequities and restructure power hierarchies by affirming the normative status of the female ascetic (sādhu). A key part of this analysis relates to how she elucidates the feminine symbolism portrayed by the heroic goddess Durga to sanction female sadhus’ institutional autonomy as a normative right. Through performance, Mataji engenders her identification with the goddess as she acts in myth and in history, empowering women with a localized conception of autonomy as the emanation of Durga in worldly affairs and the female Shankaracharya as an incarnation of Durga. The essay applies insights drawn from feminist studies, performance studies, and fieldwork observations toward the development of a hermeneutical approach to understanding the roles of religion and gender in Mataji’s process of revising perceptions of autonomy as a threat to respectable womanhood. It argues that Mataji constructs autonomy as an aspect of female virtue by correlating women’s self-asserting capacities with Durga’s agentive power while dismantling the patriarchal right to control women. Thus, the essay extends feminist perspectives on what autonomy can mean to ascetic women in accordance with Mataji’s teachings, and explores Mataji’s practices that enable women’s greater freedom and parity of status in Hindu society.


Mataji Trikal Bhavanta Saraswati, Triveni Sangam, Prayagraj, 2018. Author’s Collection.
Mataji meets a devotee at her temple during the Kumbh Mela, 2019. Author’s Collection.
Mataji and her disciple, Bhairavi Pari, at the Triveni Sangam of the Kumbh Mela, 2019. Author’s Collection.
Sadhvi Hemanand Giri (Swamini). Photo Credit: Namta Gupta. 2018. Used with Permission.
Swamini with devotees. Photo Credit: Namta Gupta, 2018. Used with Permission.

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“Everyone Drinks from the Same Well”: Charismatic Female Gurus as “Religious Feminist Influencers” in South Asian Hinduism

June 2023

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140 Reads

This article examines the emergent leadership of two female gurus in South Asia who have declared their status as Śaṅkarācāryās (i.e., heads of monastic institutions) based on revelatory experiences. They have done this in order to change patriarchal monastic (akhāṛā) culture and challenge entrenched ideas of women’s inferiority in Hindu society. By combining ethnographic data and a gender studies-centered analysis of their narratives and teachings, I shall investigate the role and impact of gendered charismatic authority on modern women’s monastic lives. Their self-declarations as Śaṅkarācāryās profoundly break the conventional patriarchal mold for the type of guru women can be and the kind of authorized religious power they can have in this male-dominated role; thus, I term these gurus as “religious feminist influencers”. I argue that the gurus invoke charismatic authority by emphasizing the immediacy of the personal realization of the divine, the potency of the female body, and religious emotions, such as radical love, as sources of revelation. By “performing [these] revelation[s],” they construct alternative ways of practicing Hinduism, defined around modernist ideals such as gender equality, inclusion, and women’s rights. Moreover, they promote the normalization of women’s institutional leadership at the pinnacle of the monastic hierarchy.


Can a Woman be a True Guru? Female Hindu Gurus’ Grassroots Religious Gender Activism in India, and the Performativity of Saintliness at the Kumbh Mela

March 2023

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100 Reads

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5 Citations

Feminist Encounters A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics

This article represents a departure from existing scholarship on women’s political activism in Indian Hinduism. Women’s gender activism in Hindu nationalism encompasses a range of approaches, from hard-line to emancipatory, and is motivated by different concerns, from religious xenophobia to religious power. Thus, female religious leaders (gurus) advocating Hindutva Hinduism exercise more than one style of leadership in the public sphere. Based on ethnographic research conducted at the Kumbh Mela , the article illuminates another style of activism, which is termed ‘grassroots religious feminist-leaning activism.’ Analysing the teachings and practices of two female gurus, it argues that one guru believes in a separate but equal approach (men and women have different skills and rights), and the other follows the approach that both genders should have the same rights and abilities to make choices because of their common humanity. Both gurus are unlocking opportunities for women’s greater freedom within the male-dominated religious hierarchies of the Hindu ascetic orders akhāṛās ) at the Kumbh Mela . This article argues that, through performance of the ‘rhetoric of saintliness,’ the gurus heighten or reverse sex-role stereotypes embedded in mainstream representations of ‘good’ gurus in order to mobilise gender reform in patriarchal akhāṛā culture.



Earning God through the “One-Hundred Rupee Note”: Nirguṇa Bhakti and Religious Experience among Hindu Renouncers in North India

December 2018

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181 Reads

This article examines the everyday religious phenomenon of nirguṇa bhakti as it is experienced by Hindu renouncers (sādhus) in North India. As an Indian language concept, nirguṇa bhakti characterizes a type of devotion (bhakti) that is expressed in relation to a divinity who is said to be without (nir) the worldly characteristics and attributes of sex and gender, name and form, race and ethnicity, class and caste. Although bhakti requires a relationship between the devotee and the deity, the nirguṇa kind transcends the boundaries of relational experience, dissolving concepts of “self” and “other”, and, in effect, accentuating the experience of union in the divine absolute. In comparison to saguṇa bhakti (devotion to a deity with attributes), nirguṇa bhakti is considered to be difficult to realize in human birth. Yet, the poetry, songs, and practices of uncommon humans who have not only left behind social norms, but also, devoting their lives to the worship of the divine, achieved forms of divine realization, people like the mystics, saints and sādhus of Hindu traditions, laud the liberating power and insights of nirguṇa bhakti. The Hindu sādhus featured in this article describe their experiences of nirguṇa bhakti through the use of the idiom of a “one-hundred rupee note” to distinguish its superior value and, as significantly, to indicate that humans “earn” God (Brahman) through the practice of nirguṇa devotion. As a “precious” spiritual asset on the path of liberation, nirguṇa bhakti establishes the religious authority and authenticity of sādhus, while setting them apart from other sādhus and holy figures in a vibrant North Indian religious landscape.



“Dharm is technology”: the theologizing of technology in the experimental Hinduism of renouncers in contemporary North India

December 2017

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2,005 Reads

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7 Citations

International Journal of Dharma Studies

This article advances a conceptual shift in the ways that scholars think and teach about the established categories of religion, renunciation, and the modern in religious studies, anthropology, and Asian studies through the use of the concept of “experimental Hinduism.” Drawing on an analytical model of “experimental religion” developed by the anthropologist John Nelson, a contributor to this volume, and based on fifteen years of ethnographic fieldwork with Hindu renouncers (sādhus) in North India, the article examines the sādhus’ views, experiences, and practices of the modern technological as an empirical –and underrepresented– context for reconfiguring Hinduism in the 21st century. It shows that they revision the dominant definitional boundaries of Hinduism by theologizing what is called "the forms of the modern," like communication technologies, in the context of their public teaching events (dharm-kathās). Thus, this article calls attention to the creative—and experimental—thinking taking place in vernacular asceticism (sannyās) among sādhus from different renunciant traditions, and who want to make sense of the vast technological changes shaping their lives and those of the communities whom they serve. The theologizing of technology is seen in their drawing on a synthesis of Hindu ideological frameworks through which the sādhus emphasize by means of storytelling three narrative motifs that articulate the divinity of technology. These are: Sannyās represents the “original technology" and the "original science”; technology manifests the properties of creativity and change that characterize what the sādhus associate with “the nature of Brahman” and “the rule of dharm”; and, finally, the apocalyptic Kalki avatār concept offers a redemptive metaphor for the evolving human-technology interface in the current global milieu.




Citations (7)


... AsŚaṅkarācāryās, Mataji and Swamini occupy the highest position of authority within a Shaiva-centered Hindu monastic tradition that dates back twelve hundred years, beginning with the first lineage guruĀdiŚaṅkarācārya (Mayeda 2022;Cenkner 1995;Clark 2006). In this respect, female gurus who claim the status for themselves appropriate a "traditionally" male category of monastic authority, hitherto available only to qualifying high-caste Brahmin men (DeNapoli 2019(DeNapoli , 2022(DeNapoli , 2023. ...

Reference:

“Everyone Drinks from the Same Well”: Charismatic Female Gurus as “Religious Feminist Influencers” in South Asian Hinduism
Can a Woman be a True Guru? Female Hindu Gurus’ Grassroots Religious Gender Activism in India, and the Performativity of Saintliness at the Kumbh Mela

Feminist Encounters A Journal of Critical Studies in Culture and Politics

... Other studies have found that a significant challenge for husbands is that traditional gender roles often determine marital dynamics in Hindu culture, hindering the communication of religious practices when attempting to educate wives (Bentil, 2023;Gunada & Suastra, 2023). Additionally, the complexity of Hindu scriptures and teachings can be what leads to misinterpretation (DeNapoli, 2017;Sharma, 2013;Santipatni, 2021). In addition, husbands face resistance from wives who have different interpretations or levels of interest in religious teachings, complicating the education process (Bentil, 2023;Antoinette E. DeNapoli, 2023). ...

“Dharm is technology”: the theologizing of technology in the experimental Hinduism of renouncers in contemporary North India

International Journal of Dharma Studies

... "The two religions share the same core concepts that include 'dharma' (duty), 'karma' (one's actions and consequences) and 'ahimsa' (non-violence)" (Sen, 2012, p. 086). Indeed, contemporary scholars club them together under the banner of "dharma" traditions (DeNapoli, 2017;Gier, 2012;Howard, 2018), reinforcing the converging argument. Further coherence of Vedic philosophy into Buddhism is explained by Prabhavananda (1962Prabhavananda ( /2013: "Philosophically, the Buddhist nirvana is identical with the moksa of the Hindu philosophers, which is the release from bondage to karma and the attainment of the kingdom of heaven" (p. ...

Experimental religiosities and dharma traditions: new directions in the study of vernacular religion in Asia and the Diaspora

International Journal of Dharma Studies

... Furthermore, despite the symbolically rich Hindu cosmology that Dhruv considers himself a part of, Dhruv never mentioned that his encounters and felt sensations with the divine were from a specific divine, and this article follows his usage of rather vague signifiers, where the divine itself becomes an unstable concept. While there are many rich accounts of how locally specific divinities in India might be dark, hopeful, chaotic, dangerous, ambivalent, or even madness-inducing (DeNapoli, 2017, Doniger O'Flaherty, 1980, Hawley, 2015McDaniel, 2019;Obeyesekere, 1990;Ram, 2013;Smith, 2006), such accounts do not typically enter the urban, upper-caste spaces in India, such as the ones that Dhruv, his friends, family, and psychiatrists in Chennai operate within. ...

“God Depends on the Lowest Devotees”: Gender, Performance, and Transformation in the Tale of a Female Hindu Renouncer in Rajasthan
  • Citing Article
  • May 2017

History of Religions

... ewed as the catalyst for progression of new ideas, conventionally, a mahātmā or sādhu was typically identified by his renunciation of worldly ties in the pursuit of ultimate freedom (mokṣa). This is the predominant vision of renouncers endorsed by many colonial writings and, to a large extent, featured in Brahmanical textual models of sannyāsa (cf.DeNapoli, Antoinette 2014a, 2014b). But renouncer-monastics like Maharshi Mehi and those within his lineage challenge this simplistic and detached view of sannyāsa. 28 During the 20 th century (in which Maharshi Mehi assumed leadership of Santmat), religious and social reformers of India blamed the world-denying philosophy, so visibly represented by sādhus and sa ...

'Our own two hands create our destiny': Narrative patterns and strategies in male s dhus' personal stories
  • Citing Article
  • October 2014

Contributions to Indian Sociology

... DeNapoli also discusses cases in which female renunciates express power (shakti) by singing strongly over others in public; not to sing powerfully would lead to questions about their bona fides. 57 Female ascetics, priests, and experts do not have to follow male scripts, but they do sometimes adapt scripts that allow them to garner acceptance and authority to perform important religious functions, thereby effectively assuming "male" forms. 58 Significantly, ISKCON and other nonconformist Hindu organizations have adapted rituals like the sacred thread initiation (a rite of passage for highcaste boys) to confer sacerdotal power on women. ...

“Real Sadhus Sing to God”: The Religious Capital of Devotion and Domesticity in the Leadership of Female Renouncers in Rajasthan
  • Citing Article
  • May 2013

Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion

... 55 Devotional sounds manifest bodily power, which for Hindu male sadhus (sages or ascetics) traditionally was seen to reside in semen. 56 Antoinette DeNapoli argues that women and lower castes could scarcely attain the dominant Sanskritic textual representation of the Hindu male ascetic path to religious sanctification defined by celibacy, solitude, detachment, peripateticism, austerities like fasting, and other renunciations, along with knowledge requirements. Instead, these "other" devotees have practiced forms of asceticism dependent on relationality and reciprocity, of the kind found in performances-oral and ritual. ...

Beyond Brahmanical Asceticism: Recent and Emerging Models of Female Hindu Asceticisms in South Asia
  • Citing Article
  • September 2009

Religion Compass