Amanda Woodward’s research while affiliated with University of Chicago and other places

Introduction This study examined the potential interplay between motor development and intervention in support of action understanding. Methods Eighty nine-month-old infants completed a tool-use training session and goal imitation paradigm that assessed action understanding in counterbalanced order. A metric of motor development was obtained using the Early Motor Questionnaire. Results Results indicated that training improved action understanding, particularly for those infants who started out with lower means-end skills. Results further indicated that infants who did not receive any training experience in the lab beforehand, drew on their existing means-end skills. Discussion These results emphasize independent contributions of training and motor development on action understanding and shed light on the interaction between training and individual motor readiness in facilitating action understanding in infancy.

Learning to consider another person’s perspective is pivotal in early social development. Still, little is known about the neural underpinnings involved in perspective-taking in early childhood. In this EEG study, we examined 4-year-old children’s brain activity during a live, social interaction that involved perspective-taking. Children were asked to pass one of two toys to another person. To decide which toy to pass, they had to consider either their partner’s perspective (perspective-taking) or visual features unrelated to their partner’s perspective (control). We analyzed power changes in midfrontal and temporal-parietal EEG channels. The results indicated that children showed higher power around 7 Hz at right temporal-parietal channels for perspective-taking compared to control trials. This power difference was positively correlated with children’s perspective-taking performance, specifically for trials in which they needed to pass the toy their partner could not see. A similar power difference at right temporal-parietal channels was seen when comparing perspective-taking trials where children’s visual access mismatched rather than matched that of their partner. No differences were detected for midfrontal channels. In sum, we identified distinct neural activity as 4-year-olds considered another person’s perspective in a live interaction; this activity converges with neural findings of adults’ social processing network.

A majority of the world’s population is multilingual, yet children’s language-based preferences have largely been studied in Western monolingual contexts. The present research investigated language-based preferences in 4- to 8-year-old children living in Hyderabad, India, a multilingual region with languages such as Telugu (official language of the state, and the native language of many children in the state) and English (medium of instruction in some schools). We presented to children novel objects and probed their selective preference to learn from different speakers (Telugu, British-accented English, or Indian-accented English). In addition, the current study assessed the flexibility of children’s preferences by manipulating the learning goal (i.e., performance goal vs. enjoyment goal) and learning content (i.e., Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics [STEM] objects vs. cultural objects). Children showed a preference for both English speakers over Telugu speakers, a tendency that increased with age. This preference was especially pronounced for performance learning goals and for STEM learning content. Furthermore, children whose native language was Telugu showed a less pronounced English bias. The results of this study provide new insights into the development of language-based biases in multilingual environments. First, they highlight dual and intersecting considerations of speaker familiarity and speaker status in guiding children’s choices about from whom to learn. Second, the results suggest that children’s language-based preferences in a pedagogical setting are flexible, as children integrate social cues (e.g., language-based attitudes) as well as contextual cues (e.g., the learning goal) strategically.

Presenting pictures of faces side by side is a common paradigm to assess infants’ attentional biases according to social categories, such as gender, race, and language. However, seeing static faces does not represent infants’ typical experience of the social world, which involves people in motion and performing actions. Here, we assessed infants’ looking preferences for native over foreign language speakers in two social contexts: the presentation of static faces and the presentation of people performing instrumental actions. In addition, we tested infants’ preferential looking at 5 and 9 months of age to assess whether their pattern of preferential looking changes across development. The results of 5-month-old infants replicated and extended previous findings by showing that, at this age, infants typically look longer at people who previously spoke their native language. As found for other social categories such as race and gender, this familiarity-based looking preference was not evident at 9 months of age when infants were presented with static faces. However, when presented with more informative dynamic events, 9-month-old infants showed a temporally aligned preference for the native over the foreign language speaker. Specifically, infants’ looking preference was time-locked to the completion of the action goal: when speakers grasped and lifted a toy. These results suggest potentially a familiarity-based preference toward native language speakers around 5 months of age, which may later develop into a more strategic selective response in service of information-seeking.

Two processes describe racially ambiguous Black/White Biracial categorization—the one‐drop rule, or hypodescent , whereby racially ambiguous people are categorized as members of their socially subordinated racial group (i.e., Black/White Biracial faces categorized as Black) and the ingroup overexclusion effect , whereby racially ambiguous people are categorized as members of a salient outgroup, regardless of the group's status. Without developmental research with racially diverse samples, it is unclear when these categorization patterns emerge. Study 1 included White, Black, and racially diverse Biracial children (aged 3‐ to 7‐years) and their parents to test how racial group membership and social context influence face categorization biases. To provide the clearest test of hypodescent and ingroup overexclusion, White participants came from majority White neighborhoods and Black participants from majority Black neighborhoods (with Biracial participants from more racially diverse neighborhoods)—two samples with prominent racial ingroups. Study 2 aimed to replicate the parent findings with a separate sample of White, Black, Black/White Biracial, and Asian adults. Results suggest the ingroup overexclusion effect is present across populations early in development and persists into adulthood. Additionally, categorization was meaningfully related to parental context, pinpointing a pathway that potentially contributes to ingroup overexclusion. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS White, Black, and racially diverse Biracial children and adults tended to categorize racially ambiguous Black/White Biracial faces as racial outgroup members, even if the outgroup was White. This contradicts most work arguing Black/White Biracial racially ambiguous people are more often seen as Black. Children and parents’ categorizations were related, though children's categorizations were not related to socialization above and beyond parents’ categorizations. Children showed similar categorization patterns across dichotomous and continuous measures.

The extent to which toddlers have opportunities to learn in interactive, observational, and independent contexts is thought to vary by culture. However quantitative assessments of cultural variability and of the factors driving intra‐ and inter‐cultural differences in toddler's time allocation are lacking. This paper provides a comparative and quantitative examination of how toddlers spend their time and with whom (adults or children) in two communities (rural Yucatec Maya, urban United States). Additionally, it considers individual factors that predict time allocation. Results demonstrated that Maya toddlers spent more time in independent contexts compared to US toddlers and spent more time exclusively with other children than did US toddlers. Maya toddlers were more likely than US toddlers to spend time observing other people, however, when given the opportunity to observe others there were no differences in visual attentional allocation across cultures. For Maya toddlers maternal schooling related negatively to both time spent with other children and time spent in interactive contexts. The findings highlight the need for researchers to include diverse populations when considering early social experiences as well as assessing factors that may contribute differentially to variations in early experience across cultures.

Perspective-taking (PT) is an important skill children develop within the first few years of life; however, little is known about how children's social environments relate to PT development. During early childhood, children's social networks undergo dramatic growth. Prior work with adults has shown that network size is related to PT skill, which raises the question of whether and how children's social networks may relate to their emerging PT skills. This question is particularly interesting given that children's social worlds undergo dramatic growth and changes, which is a sharp contrast from adults that have stable social network sizes. The present study measured the social networks of 3-year-old children ( n = 36; 15 female; 68% White) and found that children in larger social networks demonstrated stronger PT skills, particularly on the more difficult trials on the task. These results indicate the size of children's social networks relates to their PT ability.

From early in life, children learn to perform actions on the objects in their environments. Although children learn from observing others' actions, actively engaging with the material to be learned can be important for learning. This study tested whether instruction that included opportunities for children to be active supported toddlers' action learning. In a within-participants design, 46 22- to 26-month-old toddlers (average age = 23.3 months; 21 male) were introduced to target actions for which instruction was either active or observed (instruction order counterbalanced across children). During active instruction, toddlers were coached to perform a set of target actions. During observed instruction, toddlers saw a teacher perform the actions. Toddlers were then tested on their action learning and generalization. Surprisingly, action learning and generalization did not differ between instruction conditions. However, toddlers' cognitive maturity supported their learning from both types of instruction. One year later, children from the original sample were tested on their long-term memory for information learned from active and observed instructions. Of this sample, 26 children provided usable data for the follow-up memory task (average age = 36.7 months, range = 33-41; 12 male). Children demonstrated better memory for information learned from active instruction than for information learned from observed instruction (odds ratio = 5.23) 1 year after instruction. Active experience during instruction appears to be pivotal for supporting children's long-term memory.

When children first meet a stranger, there is great variation in how much they will approach and engage with the stranger. While individual differences in this type of behavior—called social wariness—are well‐documented in temperament research, surprisingly little attention has been paid to the social groups (such as race) of the stranger and how these characteristics might influence children's social wariness. In contrast, research on children's social bias and interracial friendships rarely examines individual differences in temperament and how temperament might influence cross‐group interactions. The current study bridges the gap across these different fields of research by examining whether the racial group of an unfamiliar peer or adult moderates the association between temperament and the social wariness that children display. Utilizing a longitudinal dataset that collected multiple measurements of children's temperament and behaviors (including parent‐reported shyness and social wariness toward unfamiliar adults and peers) across early childhood, we found that 2‐ to 7‐year‐old children with high parent‐reported shyness showed greater social wariness toward a different‐race stranger compared to a same‐race stranger, whereas children with low parent‐reported shyness did not. These results point to the importance of considering racial group membership in temperament research and the potential role that temperament might play in children's cross‐race interactions. Research Highlights Previous research on temperament has not considered how the race of strangers could influence children's social wariness. We find evidence that 2‐ to 7‐year‐old children with high parent‐reported shyness show greater social wariness toward a different‐race stranger compared to a same‐race stranger. These results point to the importance of considering racial group membership in temperament research. Our findings also suggest temperament may play a role in children's cross‐race interactions.

Infants generate basic expectations about their physical and social environment. This early knowledge allows them to identify opportunities for learning, preferring to explore and learn about objects that violate their prior expectations. However, less is known about how expectancy violations about people's actions influence infants' subsequent learning from others and about others. Here, we presented 18-month-old infants with an agent who acted either efficiently (expected action) or inefficiently (unexpected action) and then labeled an object. We hypothesized that infants would prefer to learn from the agent (label-object association) if she previously acted efficiently, but they would prefer to learn about the agent (voice-speaker association) if she previously acted inefficiently. As expected, infants who previously saw the agent acting efficiently showed greater attention to the demonstrated object and learned the new label-object association, but infants presented with the inefficient agent did not. However, there was no evidence that infants learned the voice-speaker association in any of the conditions. In summary, expectancy violations about people's actions may signal a situation to avoid learning from them. We discussed the results in relation to studies on surprise-induced learning, motionese, and selective social learning, and we proposed other experimental paradigms to investigate how expectancy violations influence infants' learning about others.