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The Case Against False Hope

American Psychological Association
American Psychologist
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Abstract

Comments on the article by J. Polivy and P.C. Herman (see record 2002-15790-001) regarding false hopes of self-change. This commentary examines the weaknesses of their model and its supporting data, and offers reviews of recent theory and research suggesting that hope is quite authentic. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
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I am writing to suggest that at least
seven major adjustments are needed. Be-
cause the authors used research on dieting
to support their thesis, the validity of their
arguments rests in part on the validity of
their assumptions about dieting. My com-
ments focus on those assumptions.
1. Polivy and Herman (2002) noted
that chronic dieters (or restrained eaters)
are an interesting group because “they have
resolved to change themselves (by dieting
to lose weight) and are very likely to fail”
(pp. 678679). They failed to mention two
contradictory facts: Most restrained eaters
are not currently dieting to lose weight, and
those that are show improved, not wors-
ened, eating regulation (Lowe, 1993, 2002).
2. Polivy and Herman (2002) consid-
ered several explanations for why people
keep trying to lose weight when most diets
fail. They overlooked an explanation that is
probably at least as important as those they
consider. Most dieters decide to diet not
just for the anticipated (and often illusory)
benets of weight loss, but because they
are very distressed about their recent lack
of eating and weight control. For instance,
most overweight people who join weight
loss programs feel out of control of their
eating and are near the highest weight they
have ever been. They often feel desperate;
going on a diet is negatively reinforced
because it immediately reduces their dis-
tress. Thus, even if incipient dieters openly
acknowledged that their weight loss was
unlikely to be long-lasting, their desire to
do something about their weight is not as
paradoxical as the authors suggest.
3. A similar comment applies at the
population level. Polivy and Herman (2002)
focused entirely on the perceived personal
consequences of being overweight and of
losing weight, completely overlooking the
fact that the prevalence of obesity has in-
creased dramatically in the past 20 years.
Virtually all medical and behavioral scien-
tists studying obesity agree that it is a
major contributor to a variety of serious
medical diseases and signicantly impairs
quality of life. Weight loss substantially
reduces these problems. Thus, at a popula-
tion level we don’t need less dieting; we
need to learn how to help people restrict
their caloric intake and maintain such re-
strictions more effectively.
4. Polivy and Herman (2002) stated
that “dieters, for example, might succeed
more often if their diet goals were adjusted
to be more realistic” (p. 680). However, the
authors have themselves advocated the
elimination of dieting (Polivy & Herman,
1992). Their own “undieting” program for
obese individuals, which eliminates weight
loss as a treatment goal (Polivy & Herman,
1992), in fact produces no weight loss.
From a health perspective, this outcome is
probably worse than losing weight and then
regaining it over several years.
5. Given Polivy and Herman’s (2002)
general condemnation of dieting, they would
presumably be particularly critical of diets
using meal replacements such as Slim Fast or
Optifast. Weight lost on such diets would
presumably be rapidly regained. However,
several recent studies that used meal replace-
ments, not only for weight loss but for weight
loss maintenance, have found dramatically
better, not worse, results compared with
lifestyle programs not using meal replace-
ments (e.g., Ditschuneit, Fletchtner-Mors,
Johnson, & Adler, 1999). These and simi-
lar approaches represent true, rather than
false, hope.
6. It is not accurate to say there is
“general agreement that weight cycling is
harmful” (Polivy & Herman, 2002, p. 684).
The evidence is mixed, with many studies
showing no ill effects. In fact, a number of
studies have shown that weight cycling is
not even related to binge eating (e.g., Bart-
lett, Wadden, & Vogt, 1996). Polivy and
Herman also did not give consideration to
the very real possibility that when relation-
ships between weight cycling and behav-
ioral outcomes (like binge eating) are
found, weight cycling could be a conse-
quence of binge eating (and weight gain and
the subsequent need to diet), not its cause.
7. Polivy and Herman (2002) de-
scribed a variety of negative psychological
and emotional effects of weight loss and
weight regain. It is no surprise that weight
regain is distressing, but there is substantial
evidence (that the authors did not cite)
that weight loss is not psychologically
harmful and does have benecial effects
(Smoller, Wadden, & Stunkard, 1987; Wad-
den, Womble, Stunkard, & Anderson, 2002).
Also, according to Polivy and Herman’s
viewpoint, those rare individuals who lose
substantial weight and keep it off presum-
ably would pay a high price (in the form of
emotional distress, periodic binge eating,
etc.) because of the constant struggle re-
quired to do so. However, evidence from
the National Weight Control Registry (Klem,
Wing, McGuire, Seagle, & Hill, 1998) in-
dicates that this is not the case.
In conclusion, the false hope syn-
drome theory developed by Polivy and
Herman (2002) is only as valid as the as-
sumptions about dieting on which their ar-
guments are based. Several modications
to these assumptions are warranted: It is
not at all clear that it is worse to have
dieted and regained the weight over several
years than to not have dieted at all (espe-
cially when nondieting individuals are likely
to gain weight over the same period); it
appears that even among normal weight
restrained eaters, the primary problem is
not dieting but is a predisposition toward
overeating and weight gain; and from a
population perspective, the biggest threat is
not failed dieting but unrelenting weight
gain and epidemic obesity.
REFERENCES
Bartlett, S. J., Wadden, T. A., & Vogt, R. A.
(1996). Psychosocial consequences of weight
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Ditschuneit, H. H., Fletchtner-Mors, M., John-
son, T. D., & Adler, G. (1999). Metabolic and
weight-loss effects of a long-term dietary in-
tervention in obese patients. American Jour-
nal of Clinical Nutrition, 69, 198–204.
Klem, M. L., Wing, R. R., McGuire, M. T.,
Seagle, H. M., & Hill, J. O. (1998). Psycho-
logical symptoms in individuals successful at
long-term maintenance of weight loss. Health
Psychology, 17, 336–345.
Lowe, M. R. (1993). The effects of dieting on
eating behavior: A three-factor model. Psy-
chological Bulletin, 114, 100–122.
Lowe, M. R. (2002). Dietary restraint and over-
eating. In C. Fairburn & K. Brownell (Eds.),
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sive handbook (2nd ed., pp. 88–92). New
York: Guilford.
Polivy, J., & Herman, C. P. (1992). Undieting: A
program to help people stop dieting. Interna-
tional Journal of Eating Disorders, 11, 261–
268.
Polivy, J., & Herman, C. P. (2002). If at rst you
don’t succeed: False hopes of self-change.
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Smoller, J. W., Wadden, T., & Stunkard, A. J.
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Guilford.
Correspondence concerning this comment should
be addressed to Michael R. Lowe, Drexel Uni-
versity—Mail Stop 626, 245 North 15th Street,
Philadelphia, PA 19102-1192. E-mail: lowe@
drexel.edu
DOI: 10.1037/0003-066X.58.10.820
The Case Against False Hope
C. R. Snyder and Kevin L. Rand
University of Kansas, Lawrence
“I have not failed. I’ve just found 10,000 ways
that won’t work.” —Thomas Edison
820 October 2003 American Psychologist
... The present study tested the hypothesis that measures of readiness to change administered under standard assessment conditions produce inaccurate estimates of actual readiness due to the minimal cognitive effort required to answer these questions. Based on the False Hope Syndrome (Corrigan, 2014;Polivy & Herman, 2002;Snyder & Rand, 2003), we hypothesized that conditions requiring higher cognitive effort would improve the accuracy of readiness to change scores and thus result in lower scores. Across three conditions designed to manipulate level of cognitive effort prior to assessment of readiness to change (low, medium, high), our results did not support our hypothesis. ...
... In fact, all statistically significant differences across cognitive effort conditions fit the pattern that readiness to change scores were highest in the high cognitive effort condition and lowest in the low cognitive effort condition. Thus, we did not find support for the False Hope Syndrome, which has received previous criticism (e.g., assumes that people with false hope syndrome fail to revise expectations after unsuccessful change attempt; Snyder & Rand, 2003). The False Hope Syndrome may simply reflect the difficulty of behavior change, especially for difficult to change behaviors (e.g., substance use), rather than being a result of people underestimating the difficulty of changing. ...
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Background: The Transtheoretical Model supports that readiness to change should predict actual substance-related behavior change. This relationship is surprisingly modest. Across several behavioral domains, individuals tend to have unrealistic expectations regarding the amount of effort and time required to successfully change one's behaviors, dubbed the False Hope Syndrome. Objectives: Based on False Hope Syndrome, we expect the standard method of measuring self-reported readiness to change is overestimated. To test this hypothesis, we experimentally manipulated level of cognitive effort prior to completing readiness to change measures. College students from a large southwestern university who reported using substances in the past 30 days (n = 345) were recruited from a psychology department participant pool and randomized to one of three conditions: 1) standard, low effort condition, 2) medium effort condition (selected likes/dislikes of substance use and negative consequences of changing one's use), and 3) high effort condition (also provided written responses to how they would handle difficult situations related to changing their substance use). We conducted one-way ANOVAs with Tukey post-hoc comparisons to examine differences on three measures of readiness to change: the University of Rhode Island Change Assessment (URICA) scale as well as readiness and motivation rulers. Results: Contrary to our hypothesis, all significant statistical tests supported higher cognitive effort conditions reporting higher readiness to change. Although effect sizes were modest, higher cognitive effort appeared to increase self-reported readiness to change substance use. Conclusions: Additional work is needed to test how self-reported readiness to change relates to actual behavior change when assessed under the different effort conditions.
... Effective goals can also promote hopeful waypower, especially in the face of repeated failure. This is because they allow for reassessment and readjustment of goals and pathways (Snyder & Rand, 2003), which can sustain motivation to engage in challenges and take risks to achieve meaningful change and success (Lopez, 2013). ...
... However, it is important that mental rehearsals are directed toward realistic 14 expectations. Dwelling on unrealistic expectations can lead to escalation of commitment to unachievable goals, which can waste energy and resources (Snyder & Rand, 2003). ...
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Psychological capital (PsyCap) is a composite positive psychological state that is theory and evidence based, measurable, developmental, and related to work outcomes. Hope, efficacy, resilience, and optimism (summarized by the acronym HERO), are the four constituent psychological resources of PsyCap. After a brief historical perspective and a summary of the positive psychology foundations of PsyCap, this chapter provides an overview of evidence-based techniques that managers and employees can use to develop PsyCap and its constituent resources in the workplace.
... The plan to meet that goal may be to create strong passwords that are not reused across multiple websites and practice safe internet surfing habits. In general, hope increases an individual's perception that they have the ability to implement a security technology because hope implies an expectation that a positive event will happen after a goal and pathway (or multiple pathways) have been identified (Snyder & Rand, 2003). ...
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Regardless of what security professionals do to motivate personal users to adopt security technologies volitionally, the end result seems to be the same—low adoption rates. To increase these rates, we propose activating their positive psychological capital (PsyCap), which consists of hope, self-efficacy, resilience, and optimism (i.e., their “HERO within”). We propose that greater PsyCap toward a security technology is associated with greater adoption rates (and intentions thereof) because positivity increases motivation. We further posit that PsyCap both moderates and is moderated by other constructs. We suggest that personal users’ conditioned fear from the security threat moderates the effect of PsyCap on adoption intentions because some fear is necessary to activate their positive PsyCap to form their behavioral intentions to adopt security technologies. We further hypothesize that PsyCap moderates the effect of adoption intentions on actual adoption rates because activating an individual’s HERO within encourages individuals to exert the effort necessary to translate their intentions into actual adoption. Finally, we theorize that enhancing fear appeal messages with appeals to an individual’s HERO has a greater effect on volitional adoption rates relative to messages without these PsyCap-related appeals. To support our hypotheses, we conducted two experiments using the volitional adoption of a password manager application and a two-factor authentication (2FA) service. We found differential support for our hypotheses across the two security technologies, which suggests technology characteristics might mitigate the impact of PsyCap on volitional adoption decisions.
... There are recognized techniques to develop each of PsyCap's constituent resources, as well as PsyCap as a composite resource. For example, hope, agency, and pathways are often developed through training and coaching on effective goal-setting (for example, SMART goals -specific, measurable, achievable, realistic, and timely), contingency planning to overcome obstacles, mental rehearsals of difficult or challenging tasks, and regular evaluation and adjustment of goals to avoid false hope (Lopez, 2013;Snyder, 2000;Snyder & Rand, 2003). Efficacy can be developed through mastery and success experiences, role modeling, social persuasion, and physical and psychological arousal, health, and well-being in general (Bandura, 1997). ...
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Psychological capital (PsyCap) is a multidimensional psychological resource that has emerged in the organizational literature and received notable attention due to its solid theoretical foundation, valid and reliable measures, impact on work-related outcomes, and evidence of malleability and developmental potential. However, to-date, positivity in general, and more specifically PsyCap applications, in the public sector remain scarce in the literature. This chapter explores some of these unique applications. After a general overview of PsyCap, including its definition, constituent resources, underlying mechanisms, and development processes, PsyCap is applied to four specific public sector contexts in the United States: fire departments, the Air Force, K-12 education, higher education. The four case studies showcase specific practices and dynamics that can foster positivity and PsyCap, as well as challenges that can hinder PsyCap development.
... In scientific resources, hope means waiting for a person to succeed in achieving a goal (Dowling & Rickwood, 2016). Charles R Snyder and Rand (2003) consider hope as a cognitive-motivational construct based on the perceived capacity to generate paths or passages toward desirable goals as well as perceived motivation to move in these passages. Also, an important variable associated with self-efficacy is motivational beliefs. ...
... Mental rehearsals must focus on realistic expectations. Dwelling on unrealistic expectations can lead to escalated commitment to unachievable goals, wasting energy and resources (Snyder & Rand, 2003). ...
... Frontiers in Psychiatry | www.frontiersin.org flexibility (115), social skills (116), self-esteem (117), sense of belonging (118), reasons for living (119), hope (120), meaning in life (101,121), religion or spirituality (122) could became promising directions to prevent suicide in older adults. Several studies have demonstrated the importance of a balanced diet to prevent depression (123,124) and of sleepbased interventions to prevent suicide (125). ...
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Article
This study examined the relation between personal striving level and psychological and physical well-being. Level refers to the degree of generality versus specificity of one's goal strivings. In 3 studies, 188 Ss generated lists of their personal strivings, which were then rated on specificity level. High-level striving was associated with more psychological distress, particularly depression. Low-level striving was related to higher levels of physical illness. Correlations between striving level and self-reported symptoms were generally not as strong as those between level and the more objective illness indicators. High-level strivings were seen as more difficult and requiring more effort than low-level strivings. Results are interpreted in terms of control theory, goal-setting theory, and the repressive personality style.