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The Effects of Previous Training on Postfrustration Behavior
Abstract
under the conditions specified in the present experiment previous training in situations similar to that in which frustration is encountered is a significant determinant of the organism's postfrustration behavior. These results are in contrast with past studies of frustration which interpreted postfrustration behavior primarily in terms of the frustrating situation itself.
... One strategy that yields satisfactory results is learning to express anger and criticism and to negotiate. Positive conclusions can be drawn from a study conducted by Davitz (1952) who found lower levels of frustration transformed into aggression in a group of children who had previously been taught the principles of cooperation. Those children in fact reacted more rationally and less aggressively even if frustrated than the children who were awarded for competitive approach (Aronson et al., 2013, p. 354). ...
... Designing the pathways for channeling antagonisms should not be considered as the main task within political communities -such an approach should be considered erroneous and even harmful. As indicated by Davitz's (1952) research, contrary to cooperation and empathy training, rewarding competitive attitudes reinforces aggressive behavior. Of course, it should be pointed out that legal ways of expressing possibly antagonistic views are important if not necessary in civil society. ...
The main goal of examining a single philosophical theory, connected with social and political disciplines, is not just to identify its incoherence or to restate the theory in a more elegant way. More important in that kind of investigation is to show its possible impact on people’s lives and the functioning of communities. Thus, it seems more reasonable to conduct a critical analysis of the possible consequences for a real society than to undertake a simple study of the argument’s logical consistency. The main aim of this paper is to introduce doubts about the thesis of Chantal Mouffe presented by her in Agonistics. Thinking the World Politically and Passion and Politics. Main hypothesis is that thinking about the “political” and “politics” with reference to enmity as well as claiming that the source of every political and social activity is antagonism, can provoke an attitude that social and political scenes are battlefields rather than an agora or the space of human interactions. First of all, the author provides the critical analysis and reconstruction of the most important claims connected with the “political”, which can have strong negative effects-i.e. brutalization and creating a negative basis for social relation. Then presents a few possible sources of thinking of “political” as a “competition” or rather “enmity”. The last part it is the critic of what Mouffe claims about reason why people get involve into politics, based on the psychological experiments and in result of this the author shows the importance of validity the high standards in politics, diplomacy and relation on the social level.
... There have been a number of studies that show that the link between frustration and aggression is not inevitable. Davitz (1952), for example, showed that post-frustration behaviour could be shaped by training, and that subjects could be induced to respond to frustration with constructive responses if they were given the proper training. Walters and Brown (1964) also found that responses to frustration could be modified through learning. ...
... The findings reported by Davitz (1952) and by Walters and Brown (1964) led Berkowitz (1985Berkowitz ( , 1969 to suggest a revision of the classic frustration-aggression hypothesis. This revised statement defines frustration in terms of an interference with on-going goal activity. ...
Describes an experiment with males in Grades 1-3 (N = 80) involving variations in level of frustration, type of model behavior, and model's outcomes. Neither initial level of frustration nor the female model's outcome had a significant effect on level of post-modeling aggression, although the model-behavior variable did have a significant impact. Ss rated by teachers as high in aggressive tendencies showed significantly greater increases in aggression in response to an aggressive model than Ss rated low in aggressive tendencies. (French summary) (16 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
... To a limited degree, past research has identified aberrant interactional sequences in families with histories of child maltreatment. That is, a history of parental modeling of aggression during childhood (Davitz, 1952;Elmer, 1967;Erlanger, 1974;Parke & Duer, 1972), acceleration of aversive stimuli (Patterson & Cobb, 1973), and generalization of husband-wife violence (Terr, 1970) are thought to be related to increased nsk for abuse. ...
Examined mother–child interactional patterns in an urban environment. Three groups of mothers (n = 12/group) were included in the study: (a) Ss with a known history of child abuse, (b) Ss with a known history of child neglect, and (c) Ss with no known history of child maltreatment. Ss and their children were observed in their homes on 3 consecutive days for 90 min each day. Interactions were described via a coding system of 11 major interactional patterns; dependent variables included verbal and nonverbal behaviors as well as measures of total interaction. Results indicate that the groups differed on several variables. Dysfunctional Ss showed significantly fewer positive behaviors than did the controls on verbal and nonverbal measures. Also, the abusive Ss showed significantly higher rates of verbal and physical aggression; the neglectful mothers had the lowest overall rates of interaction. The maltreated children also exhibited fewer positive behaviors and more aggressive behaviors. Results are discussed in terms of current theories of child maltreatment and of the treatment of dysfunctional families. (24 ref)
... Aggressive behavior is an instrumental behavior largely controlled by its consequences and therefore should be subject to the same laws of reinforcement as other classes of operant behavior. There is ample evidence that monetary reward (Silverman, 1971) and social approval increase aggressive responding in adults (e.g., Baron, 1974;Geen & Stonner, 1971) and children (e.g., Davitz, 1952;Patterson & Cobb, 1971). A second purpose of the present experiment was to examine the effect of the magnitude of reward upon aggression in a competitive situation. ...
Dyads of 64 kindergarten and 1st-grade males played a game in a face-to-face setting that yielded a prize for the winner only. It was predicted that high levels of competition and high levels of reward magnitude would produce more aggressive behavior than lower levels of these variables. Additionally, children rated by their teachers as high in dispositional aggressiveness were anticipated to behave most aggressively in the game. Each of these predictions was confirmed on 3 different measures of aggression: verbal, interference, and physical. Furthermore, data suggest that constructive action was sometimes abandoned in attempts to harm an opponent. Since competition for desirable objects is a social reality, it is concluded that conditions inhibiting aggression in these situations should be investigated.(21 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2006 APA, all rights reserved).
... Kregarman and Worchel (1961) further concluded from their study that the tendency to be aggressive is also reduced when the frustration is expected. These expectations are, of course, largely based on previous experiences (i.e. an individual's learning history) with similar situations (Davitz, 1952). ...
Frustration–aggression theory, more commonly known as the frustration–aggression hypothesis, ranks among the most seminal and prolific theories in research on aggression. From its beginnings in the late 1930s until today, it has been applied and studied in a variety of areas, including clinical and social psychology, ethnology, sociology, criminology, and medical research. While frustration–aggression theory has also been used to explain the behavior of animals (see, e.g., Berkowitz, 1983; Scott, 1948), the present chapter will focus exclusively on applications in the study of human behavior. Given the scope and targeted readership of this handbook and the origin of the theory, the focus will be on the social sciences, specifically psychology. Within the discipline of psychology, frustration–aggression theory has been used in a variety of domains, ranging from self-regulation (Harrison, Genders, Davies, Treasure, & Tchanturia, 2011) and imitation learning (Hanratty, O’Neal, & Sulzer, 1972) to developmental (Jegard & Walters, 1960; Nelson, Gelfand, & Hartmann, 1969), organizational (Fox & Spector, 1999; Spector, 1978), and media psychology (Breuer, Scharkow, & Quandt, 2015; Wingrove & Bond, 1998). There is, overall, ample empirical evidence for the link between frustration and aggression. However, the original theoretical explanation for this relationship has developed and become more refined over the decades, and competing theoretical considerations have emerged.
... (See, for example, Chapter 5 of this issue of the REVIEW.) The results of such experiments (18,32,40,44,45) have been very promising. ...
... Buvinic and Morrison offer cultural level explanations for why such effects have not been found among children from cultures that strongly discourage violence, like that of Japan, or Israeli kibbutzim. (Recall an early experiment by Davitz, 1952, that showed that children taught cooperative repertoires became relative more cooperative when under stress, while children taught to act aggressively acted more so under stress.) In developing countries, the rate of exposure to violent media has dramatically increased in recent years, an increase that at least correlates highly with increases in many forms of violence (Buvinic & Morrison). ...
... Daß diese Vergleichbarkeit aber auf Grund der Anlage des P-F-T nicht erwartet werden kann, ist ein häufig gehörter Vorwurf gegen den P-F-T. Es ist allerdings zu fragen, ob auch ein "lebensnaher" Test eine Situation schaffen kann, die mit einer nachfolgenden "echten" Frustration vergleichbar ist, da eben Frustrationsverhalten so sehr erfahrungsabhängig und daher variabel ist und nicht oder nicht ausreichend durch die Bedingungen erklärt werden kann, die unmittelbar mit dem frustrierenden Reiz gekoppelt sind (DAVITZ, 1952). Damit aber wird die Gültigkeit der Transfer-Theorie der identischen Elemente wieder relativiert "identity after all is not identity and elements are relations" (LASHLEY, 1954, p. 451). ...
... ape from the unpleasant situation, overcoming the difficulty, developing alternative goals, and attacking the perceived obstacle. These other non-aggressive inclinations may be stronger than the aggressive urge, thus masking the aggressive tendency. Miller's modification implies that people can learn non aggressive ways of reacting to frustrations. Davitz (1952) supported this claim by stating that children who have been rewarded for acting in a non aggressive manner are relatively unlikely to become assaultive when they cannot get what they want. Likewise, children who get what they want when they attack others who thwart them, may learn that such behaviors pay off and are more likely to becom ...
Thesis (M.A.)--Simon Fraser University, 1995. Includes bibliographical references (p. 172-179). Photocopy.
... The dearth of information regarding the familial antecedents of anger and hostility in children is particularly problematic because hostility and anger are the Type A characteristics most consistently related to CHD and, in consequence, may be the most critical for intervention in children. Researchers have argued that hostility, anger, and aggression are not interchangeable conceptually (e.g., Averill, 1982;Bandura, 1973;Berkowitz, 1962;Novaco, 1986;Spielberger et al., 1985), and ample research has demonstrated that anger is neither necessary nor sufficient for aggressive behavior to occur (Davitz, 1952;McKellar, 1949;Rule & Hewitt, 1971;Rule & Leger, 1976;Rule & Nesdale, 1974). Such data underscore the need to study anger and hostility and their developmental antecedents as primary phenomena. ...
This study tested two major hypotheses regarding the characteristics of family environments associated with children’s Type A behaviors, anger frequency and expression, hostile outlook, hostility displayed during an interview, and cardiovascular responses to laboratory stressors. Two measures of family environment, Positive Affiliation and Authoritarianism, were derived by a factor analysis of the Family Environment Scale completed by parents. The sample consisted of 66 girls and 48 boys enrolled in Grades 2 through 12 from 114 families residing in a predominantly White, upper-middle-class suburb of Pittsburgh. Analyses largely supported the first hypothesis—that a less supportive and positively involved family climate would be associated with attributes of potential coronary heart disease (CHD) risk in children. Families scoring low on Positive Affiliation had children who were assessed as more angry and hostile on the basis of questionnaires and interview. Boys from these families had a more pronounced heart rate response to all laboratory stressors. The second hypothesis—that authoritarianism, in the absence of positive involvement and supportiveness in the family, would be associated with attributes of potential CHD risk in children—received support in regard to boys’ heart rate responses to the serial-subtraction and mirror-image-tracing tasks. High Authoritarianism scores in combination with low Positive Affiliation scores in families predicted a heightened heart rate response in boys. Sex differences in the pattern of associations among family and child characteristics were also found. Results suggest that factors in the family environment may be important influences in children’s development of characteristics that may, in adulthood, place them at risk for CHD.
Key words: Type A, family environment, authoritarianism, positive affiliation, heart rate reactivity, coronary heart disease (CHD) risk, children
... The findings with regard to the effect of prior aggressive training on frustration-and attack-produced aggression were in agreement with those of previous investigations (Davitz, 1952;Geen, 1968;Staples & Walters, 1964). Subjects who were reinforced for hostile verbal responses during a training period displayed significantly more intense aggression toward a confederate than did subjects who were reinforced for nonhostile verbalizations. ...
Reinforced 64 male undergraduates for aggressive or nonaggressive verbalizations prior to being subjected to test failure and/or E insult. Changes in aggressive (electric shocks) and nonaggressive (light signals) behavior were noted along with changes in systolic and diastolic blood pressure. Results indicate that: (a) insult led to a greater increase in the amount and intensity of aggression than did no insult; (b) aggressive training led to a greater increase in the strength of aggression than did nonaggressive training; (c) elevations in diastolic blood pressure were greatest following pure insult (unconfounded by frustration); (d) changes in diastolic pressure were correlated with changes in amount of aggression; and (e) frustration failed to produce any systematic increase in either behavioral aggression or vascular activity. (21 ref.)
Aggression is a kind of behavior, whose goal is the injury of some person or object. This chapter discusses the concept of aggression including instinct, frustration and learning, the drive concept, and purpose in aggressive behavior. Aggressive actions undoubtedly are sometimes carried out to achieve certain purposes, as the ego formulation maintains, yet, it is also apparent that automatic processes, unaffected by ego controls, also occasionally govern the magnitude of aggression displayed in a given situation. A frustration arouses instigation to aggression, and a thwarting will produce instigations to many different kinds of responses. Several critics have maintained that only certain kinds of frustrations give rise to hostile reactions, but mere deprivations supposedly lead to other consequences, such as frustrations can intensify the strength of the responses following immediately afterward. Animals and humans can be trained to respond nonaggressively to situations that ordinarily produce hostile responses. The physiologically aroused subjects may have acted aggressively and then interpreted their feelings as anger, because of what they had done. Cues in the situation, such as the confederate's aggressive and perhaps unpleasant behavior, could have evoked aggressive responses from the physiologically aroused people. This knowledge, which was perhaps also considerably influenced by the confederate's behavior, could have prevented various nonaggressive actions from appearing.
A traveler visiting the United States will be cautioned about entering particular areas in our urban centers, especially at night. Even if he does not find himself the direct object of assault, he might well be the victim of a stray bullet, fired during the course of a drive-by shooting or an exchange of gunfire between rival gangs. He may discover that violence is not restricted to the evening or to inner city streets, and be struck by television reports of vandalism, extortion, physical attack, guns, and knives and other indices of aggression in the public schools.
Any really close and thorough examination of the psychological research into the origins of anger and emotional aggression must leave the thoughtful reader somewhat dissatisfied. The literature presents us with occasional inconsistencies and unexpected findings that most of the investigators seem not to have noticed and certainly have not addressed as they focus on the more usual research results. In my view any really adequate account of anger and emotional aggression must deal with these apparent exceptions to the general rule and show how they can be explained by the theoretical scheme. Only then, I believe, will we have a truly far-ranging theory. Hoping to assist in the development of this comprehensive formulation, I will first highlight these matters that seem to be almost entirely neglected by most contemporary analyses of anger, and I will then offer a general theoretical model that can accommodate both the seeming exceptions and the much more frequently reported research results.
The complex social skills necessary for confident, responsive, and mutually beneficial interaction with other people are certainly among the most important skills a child must learn. A person’s social facility has profound implications for nearly every facet of life—both in childhood and in adulthood. A lack of social skills may lead directly to problems in interpersonal relationships or may interfere indirectly with optimal functioning in school, occupational, and recreational activities. Yet, as frequently noted, the training of even the most basic social skills has been almost completely neglected in American schools (e.g., Winnett & Winkler, 1972; Lazarus, 1973). Researchers and clinicians have only recently begun to investigate methods of fostering specific social skills in children.
Why do governments or powerful groups in a society foster genocide, mass murder, and other organized acts of violence against a subgroup? This article explores psychological sources, social (life) conditions, and cultural preconditions that contribute to such actions. Difficult life conditions, a common precursor of mistreatment of a group, create frustration, threat to, and attack on life, ways of life, and self-concept. In their need to deal with the psychological effects of difficult life conditions, people often will scapegoat, and turn to ideologies which offer hope but identify some group as an enemy. These and other ways of dealing with the psychological effects of difficult life conditions frequently give rise to violence. Certain characteristics of a culture-such as a belief in cultural superiority (which is threatened by conditions of life), devaluation of, and discrimination against, a group, obedience to authority, and others-make this more likely. Once mistreatment has started, participation or passivity by many members of society makes its continuation more likely. Reasons for frequent passivity by bystanders, who have great potential influence, are discussed. The psychology of direct perpetrators is explored, including reversal of morality due to ideology and the assumption of responsibility by leaders. As the conception is presented it is applied to an examination of the Holocaust in Nazi Germany. The possibility of diminishing such cruelty in the world is also discussed.
It was predicted that societies that were restrictive in not allowing the individual to express hostility would be more likely than nonrestrictive societies to supply formal sanctioned outlets for aggression. Restrictive societies were classified as those having unilineal kin groups and where sorcery is not practiced. These societies tend to practice superordinate justice and are controlling of members' behaviors. Societies where unilineal groups are absent and sorcery is present tend to have coordinate judicial systems and are relatively nonrestrictive. Measures of warfare and games of physical skill were utilized as sanctioned outlets for aggression. The results supported the hypothesis, as restrictive societies were more likely than nonrestrictive ones to have common warfare and games of physical skill.
Socially appropriate means of interrupting, requesting behavior change, and responding to negative communication were trained within a multiple baseline design to modify the aggressive behavior of four adolescent psychiatric patients. Dependent measures included qualitative ratings of responses in these three behavior classes. Such training resulted in increased social appropriateness of responses to role played treated scenes and generalization scenes. Generalization of treatment effects to behavior in extra-treatment settings was demonstrated. Finally, reductions in the number of token economy fines and times in seclusion, and more than six months of successful community tenure were noted for the majority of subjects. The expedience of replacing aggressive behavior with socially appropriate alternative operants rather than merely punishing aggressive responses is discussed.
This report consists of five studies pertaining to angry verbalization research. Angry verbalization research started as an attempt to shorten the psychotherapy process by training individuals directly to make angrier than usual verbalizations. The problem immediately encountered was what constituted an angrier than usual verbalization. The solution to this problem was found in the angry verbalization continuum. This continuum went from "not very angry" at the one end to "very angry" at the other end. On the continuum were to fall both the usually made angry verbalizations and, farther up, some verbalizations even angrier than the usual ones. In Study I, the idea of an angry verbalization continuum was made concrete with the development of two Angry Verbalization scales. Study II covers the development of an Egotistical Verbalization Scale, this scale going from "not very egotistical" at the one end to "very egotistical" at the other end. The Egotistical Verbalization Scale was set up to be a less emotional control scale to the Angry Verbalization scales. With the development of the anger and egotism scales, an attempt could be made to train individuals to make angrier than usual verbalizations. Studies III and IV are concerned with such an attempt. Study III describes a discrimination procedure in which individuals were trained to discriminate between angry verbalizations of different intensities, the different intensities being determined according to the anger scales. Study IV was concerned with what effects this discrimination training had on increasing the intensity of individuals' freely made angry verbalizations. In Study IV an Angry Verbalization Test was developed to elicit and to measure freely made angry verbalizations. Some data from this test were subsequently given both to a clinician and to a statistician. Study V is a comparison of the clinician's report of this data with the statistician's report. In the course of Study V, some potentially meaningful ways for conceptualizing intraindividual variability are presented. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Laboratory experiments investigating aggressive behavior have operationalized and assessed aggression in a variety of ways; however, these measures are often problematic because they do not create a situation in which participants perceive potential for real harm to come to the target, there is a risk of actual harm to the target, or they are too familiar to participants. To overcome these limitations, we developed a new method for measuring aggression, specifically, the amount of hot sauce administered to a target known to dislike spicy foods. We summarize a series of experiments assessing theory-based hypotheses regarding aggression in which this measure is employed. We then briefly consider the strengths and limitations of this new measure. Aggr. Behav. 25:331–348, 1999. © 1999 Wiley-Liss, Inc.
— The subjects consisted of two. matched, extremely aggressive (experimental = ExG and control = CoG) groups of twelve 8–year-old boys. and of one criterion group (CrG) of extrovert, well-controlled boys. Video-tape recording of behaviour was used both in pretest (T1) and post-test (T2). Between T1 and T2 the ExG was submitted to simulation exercises of 8 lessons given in a period of four weeks. The exercises consisted in social problem solutions on the purely cognitive (imaginary and symbolic) level and in role-playing (behavioral level). The hypothesis was that the combination of cognitive training and observational learning with the aim of making children realise alternatives to aggression in coping with thwarting situations and their after-effects. would influence individuals with strong aggressive habits to abandon theiraggressive reactions in favour of more constructive behaviour. As to aggression, the results supported the hypothesis. For constructive behaviour, (1) the ExG maintained the samelevel of control of social behaviour in T1 and T2, while a significant drop occurred in the GoC, and (2) the strategies of problem solution improved significantly in the ExG. In T2, the behaviour of the ExG resembled more closely that of the CoG than the behaviour of the CrG, as hypothesized.
The high-magnitude theory of aggression predicts that training in high-intensity responses will lead a child to behave in interpersonal situations in ways that will be labeled as aggressive. In Part 1 of the study, grade 2 children were twice trained on an automated Bobo doll; in one training session they were reinforced for high-intensity hitting responses, while in the other training session they were reinforced for low-intensity hitting responses. Following each training session, each child competed in physical-contact games with a grade 2 child who did not otherwise participate in the study. The Ss' physically aggressive responses were recorded by observers. In Part 2 of the study, kindergarten and grade 1 children were twice trained in a nonaggressive lever-pressing task; the children were reinforced in one training session for high-intensity responses and in the other session for low-intensity responses. The testing procedure was the same as in Part 1. In both parts of the study, children were judged to be more aggressive following high-intensity training than following low-intensity training.
Peer Reviewed http://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/68264/2/10.1177_002200275900300301.pdf
“The massive threats to human welfare are generally brought about by deliberate acts…, It is the principled resort to aggression that is of greatest social concern but most ignored in psychological theorizing and research.”
Debate has raged among psychologists about whether aggression in man is learned or innate. Following Seligman's suggestion, the authors hypothesized that man may be biologically prepared to learn aggressive responses. In Study I, seven sets of twins were frustrated and verbally attacked before the learning trials. The twins were run in a matched subject design with one twin reinforced for punching a Bobo clown hard and the other twin for punching it lightly. Supporting the hypothesis, children learned the high magnitude response in fewer trials and with fewer reinforcements than their twin assigned to the low magnitude condition. In Study II seven additional sets of twins were placed in the same learning paradigm but were not attacked or frustrated. The twins in the high magnitude condition learned the correct response in fewer total trials, and the data on the number of reinforced trials were of borderline significance in the predicted direction. Future research was suggested to discover whether the preparedness to learn uncovered in these two studies derived from innate biological sources, previous learning sets, or response discriminability.
In many competitive situations, aggression is one of several instrumental behaviors that can produce reinforcing consequences. Despite the fact that aggression precipitated by competition for valued resources is an increasingly important social problem, there is little evidence of a causal relationship. In a factorial experiment, dyads of 64 kindergarten and first-grade males played a game in a face-to-face setting that yielded a prize for the winner only. It was predicted that high levels of competition and high levels of reward magnitude would produce more aggressive behavior than lower levels of these variables. Additionally, children rated by their teachers as high in dispositional aggressiveness were anticipated to behave most aggressively in the game. Each of these predictions was confirmed on three different measures of aggression: verbal, interference, and physical. Furthermore, the data suggested that constructive action was sometimes abandoned in attempts to harm an opponent. Since competition for desirable objects is a social reality, it was concluded that conditions inhibiting aggression in these situations should be investigated.
The formal presentation in 1939 of the principles of the frustration-aggression hypothesis has been the impetus for a large amount of research in this area. This paper is a review of those studies reported since 1939 which are in the general theoretical framework of the frustration-aggression notion. The factors related to: the occurrence of overt aggression, the nature and object of the aggressive act, and the reduction of the instigation to aggression are examined. The adequacy of this theoretical framework is also examined. 85 references.
Individual differences in aggressive motivation in frustration situations were conceptualized in terms of a frustration-anger association. The strength of this association was seen as being influenced by learning in the individual's frustration history and related to the individual's readiness to respond with anger. Several hypotheses were derived and tested with two groups, institutionalized delinquents and normal high school boys, using an indirect assessment technique. The technique, a set of items in story form, allowed for systematic variations of situational frustration and objective scoring of judged anger responses, but was indirect in that the subject's anger was inferred from his judgment of an imaginary boy's anger in the situation. The hypotheses received strong support from the data and the implications of these results both for the assessment technique and the theoretical statement were discussed.
Aprevious statement in the book
Frustration and aggression, that "the occurrence of aggression always presupposes the existence of frustration, and, contrariwise, frustration always leads to some form of aggression" is misleading in the latter half. A suggested reformulation is that "frustration produces instigations to a number of different types of response, one of which is an instigation to some form of aggression." The determination of the presence of such an instigation, when the overt behavior is prevented, can be made by observing indirect or less overt acts. 4 chief lines of investigation suggested by the hypothesis are outlined. This and 6 further articles are revisions of papers read at a symposium on effects of frustation. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Taking into consideration the effects on subsequent behavior of the primary instigation, the goal-response to which has been frustrated, there are 3 possible action sequences which can occur: (1) persistent or non-adjustive ones, in which the same instrumental acts leading to the same goal response are repeated; (2) trial and error learning, in which a different set of acts prepares the organism to perform the same goal response; (3) a different set of instrumental acts, leading to the performance of a different goal response, as, for example, the so-called substitute response. 2 immediate problems for research are (1) explaining the repertory of frustration-reactions available, and (2) determining the specific factors that cause one kind of frustration reaction rather than another to occur. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)