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Abstract

Many people who would benefit from mental health services opt not to pursue them or fail to fully participate once they have begun. One of the reasons for this disconnect is stigma; namely, to avoid the label of mental illness and the harm it brings, people decide not to seek or fully participate in care. Stigma yields 2 kinds of harm that may impede treatment participation: It diminishes self-esteem and robs people of social opportunities. Given the existing literature in this area, recommendations are reviewed for ongoing research that will more comprehensively expand understanding of the stigma-care seeking link. Implications for the development of antistigma programs that might promote care seeking and participation are also reviewed.
How Stigma Interferes With Mental Health Care
Patrick Corrigan
University of Chicago
Many people who would benefit from mental health ser-
vices opt not to pursue them or fail to fully participate once
they have begun. One of the reasons for this disconnect is
stigma; namely, to avoid the label of mental illness and the
harm it brings, people decide not to seek or fully partici-
pate in care. Stigma yields 2 kinds of harm that may impede
treatment participation: It diminishes self-esteem and robs
people of social opportunities. Given the existing literature
in this area, recommendations are reviewed for ongoing
research that will more comprehensively expand under-
standing of the stigma–care seeking link. Implications for
the development of antistigma programs that might pro-
mote care seeking and participation are also reviewed.
A
lthough the quality and effectiveness of mental
health treatments and services have improved
greatly over the past 50 years, many people who
might benefit from these services choose not to obtain them
or do not fully adhere to treatment regimens once they are
begun. Stigma is one of several reasons why people make
such choices; namely, social–cognitive processes motivate
people to avoid the label of mental illness that results when
people are associated with mental health care. A brief
definition of stigma is provided, followed by a more com-
plete description of two specific manifestations that dis-
suade people from treatment: the threats of diminished
self-esteem and of public identification when labeled “men-
tally ill.” The article ends by briefly reviewing implications
of these two factors for research and antistigma programs
that seek to increase consumer use of mental health
services.
An important question throughout this article is
whether the problem of stigma and adherence applies to the
generic concept of mental illness or differs by diagnosis
and/or level of disability. Research evidence on this issue is
mixed. On one hand, research suggests there is a nonspe-
cific label effect, implying that people labeled mentally ill,
regardless of the specific psychiatric diagnosis or level of
disability, are stigmatized more severely than those with
other health conditions (Corrigan et al., 2000; Weiner,
Magnusson, & Perry, 1988). On the other hand, studies
suggest the public discriminates among psychiatric groups
in terms of stigma; for example, people with psychotic
disorders are judged more harshly than people with depres-
sion or anxiety disorders (Pescosolido, Monahan, Link,
Stueve, & Kikuzawa, 1999). Moreover, treatment partici-
pation and adherence seem to be greater problems in indi-
viduals with psychotic disorders (Fenton, Blyler, & Hein-
ssen, 1997). Given the equivocal nature of stigma and
diagnosis, the relevance of specific diagnoses and disabil-
ities is highlighted where appropriate in the remainder of
this article.
Mental Health Problems and Care
Seeking
Most clinical and services researchers recognize several
interventions as having sufficient empirical evidence to
commend them for treatment of specific disorders (Amer-
ican Psychiatric Association, 1997, 2000; Gibbs & Gam-
brill, 2002; Proctor, 2002; Torrey et al., 2001). Two task
forces of the American Psychological Association
(APA)—on Psychological Intervention Guidelines (1995)
and on Promotion and Dissemination of Psychological
Procedures (1995)—have developed standards for defining
research evidence that describes empirically supported in-
terventions. Division 12 members have summarized these
proceedings and similar efforts into a continually evolving
set of guidelines and recommendations (Chambless et al.,
1996, 1998; Weisz, Hawley, Pilkonis, Woody, & Follette,
2000). Chambless and Hollon (1998, p. 7) posed three
questions that perhaps best define evidence-based treat-
ment:
(a) Has the treatment been shown to be beneficial in controlled
research? (b) Is the treatment useful in applied clinical settings,
and if so, with what patients and under what circumstances? (c) Is
the treatment efficient in the sense of being cost-effective relative
to other alternative interventions?
As a result of ongoing clinical and services research, pro-
viders and policymakers have developed evidence-based
guidelines that suggest specific treatments will improve the
lives of people with particular problems and disorders.
Despite the plethora of evidence-based interventions,
services researchers are familiar with two disconcerting
trends vis-a`-vis effective treatment: (a) Many people with
mental illness never pursue treatment, and (b) others begin
treatment but fail to fully adhere to services as prescribed.
Large-scale epidemiologic research has provided evidence
that supports the first assertion. Research from the Epide-
Patrick Corrigan, Department of Psychiatry, University of Chicago.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to
Patrick Corrigan, who is now at the Center for Psychiatric Rehabilitation,
Evanston Northwestern Health Care, 1033 University Place, Suite 450,
Evanston, IL 60201. E-mail: pcorrigan@enhpsychrehab.org
614 October 2004
American Psychologist
Copyright 2004 by the American Psychological Association 0003-066X/04/$12.00
Vol. 59, No. 7, 614625 DOI: 10.1037/0003-066X.59.7.614
miologic Catchment Area (ECA) Study showed that less
than 30% of people with psychiatric disorders seek treat-
ment (Regier et al., 1993). A subsequent large-scale study,
the National Comorbidity Survey, showed similar results
(Kessler et al., 2001). Less than 40% of respondents with
mental illness in the past year received stable treatment.
Perhaps these small ratios represent those with relatively
minor adjustment disorders who choose to withstand brief
psychological discomfort rather than engage mental health
providers.
Additional analyses of ECA data, however, do not
support this assumption. Although somewhat better, there
is still concern about the number of people with serious
mental illness who do not receive care. About 40% of
people with such serious disorders as schizophrenia failed
to obtain treatment (Regier et al., 1993), and people with
serious mental illness were no more likely to participate in
treatment than those with relatively minor disorders (Nar-
row et al., 2000). A national survey conducted by the
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administra-
tion found similar sobering results (Willis, Willis, Male,
Henderson, & Manderscheid, 1998); fewer than 10% of
people with psychiatric disabilities receive such diagnosti-
cally indicated services as vocational rehabilitation, case
management, or day treatment. Findings from a national
survey conducted by the Schizophrenia Patient Outcome
Research Team are also alarming (Lehman et al., 1998).
Although more than 90% of individuals in the survey
received maintenance neuroleptic treatment, participation
in evidence-based psychosocial treatments was far lower.
Less than half of survey participants reported participation
in appropriate psychotherapies, less than a quarter were
involved in family therapy, and only about 10% received
intensive case management. This lag has multiple causes,
including avoidance of the public labels that yield stigma.
These problems are further exacerbated by the number
of people who obtain mental health services but fail to fully
adhere to component prescriptions. A recent review of 34
studies of compliance with psychiatric medication found,
on average, that more than 40% of persons receiving anti-
psychotic medication failed to fully comply with prescribed
regimens (Cramer & Rosenbeck, 1998). Failure to adhere
to antipsychotic regimens increased rehospitalization by
three-fold, accounting for an $800 million increase in hos-
pital costs world wide (Weiden & Olfson, 1995). In addi-
tion, many persons drop out of psychosocial interventions
before nishing the complete regimen (Falloon, Lindley,
McDonald, & Marks, 1977; Tarrier et al., 1998).
The Relevance of Stigma
The question of interest in this article is why people with
mental health problems fail to engage in treatment. The
stigma process is proffered as one relevant factor and is
framed here as four socialcognitive processes: cues, ste-
reotypes, prejudice, and discrimination. First, the general
public seems to infer mental illness from four cues: psy-
chiatric symptoms, social-skills decits, physical appear-
ance, and labels (Corrigan, 2000; Penn & Martin, 1998).
Many of the symptoms of severe mental illnesses like
psychosesfor example, inappropriate affect and bizarre
behaviorare manifest indicators of psychiatric illness that
produce stigmatizing reactions (Link, Cullen, Frank, &
Wozniak, 1987; Penn et al., 1994; Socall & Holtgraves,
1992). Moreover, poor social skills (Bellack, Mueser, Mor-
rison, Tierney, & Podell, 1990; Mueser, Bellack, Douglas,
& Morrison, 1991) that result from some psychiatric ill-
nesses also lead to stigmatizing responses from others.
Similarly, research suggests that poor personal appearance
may lead to stigmatizing attitudes; for example, that un-
kempt person on the park bench must be a mental patient
(Eagly, Ashmore, Makhijani, & Longo, 1991; Penn,
Mueser, & Doonan, 1997).
It is important to note, however, the potential for
misattributing someone as mentally ill on the basis of these
three cues. For example, eccentric behavior that is not
characteristic of a psychiatric disorder could be misunder-
stood as mental illness. Just as these signs may yield false
positives, so may their absence lead to false negatives.
Many people are able to conceal their experiences with
mental illness without peers being aware. Juxtaposing con-
cerns about false positives with the idea that the stigma of
mental illness may be hidden begs the following question:
What else, then, is the mark that leads to stigmatizing
responses? Several carefully constructed studies suggest
labeling as an important candidate (Jones et al., 1984; Link,
1987; Scheff, 1974). Labels lead to stigma in two ways.
People can obtain labels from others (a psychiatrist can
inform someone that Ms. X is mentally ill) or labels can be
obtained by association (a person observed coming out of
a psychologistsofce may be assumed to be mentally ill).
Second, stigmas are cues that elicit stereotypes,
knowledge structures that the general public learns about a
marked social group (Augoustinos, Ahrens, & Innes, 1994;
Esses, Haddock, & Zanna, 1994; Hilton & von Hippel,
Patrick
Corrigan
615October 2004
American Psychologist
1996; Judd & Park, 1993; Krueger, 1996; Mullen, Rozell,
& Johnson, 1996). Stereotypes are especially efcient
means of categorizing information about social groups.
Stereotypes are considered social because they represent
collectively agreed on notions about groups of persons.
They are efcient because people can quickly generate
impressions and expectations of individuals who belong to
a stereotyped group (Hamilton & Sherman, 1994). Com-
monly held stereotypes about people with mental illness
include violence (people with mental illness are danger-
ous), incompetence (they are incapable of independent
living or real work), and blame (because of weak character,
they are responsible for the onset and continuation of their
disorders; Brockington, Hall, Levings, & Murphy, 1993;
Corrigan et al., 2000; Hamre, Dahl, & Malt, 1994; Link,
Phelan, Bresnahan, Stueve, & Pescosolido, 1999).
Just because most people have knowledge of a set of
stereotypes does not mean that they agree with them (De-
vine, 1989; Jussim, Nelson, Manis, & Sofn, 1995). Third,
people who are prejudiced endorse negative stereotypes
(Thats right; all people with mental illness are violent and
incompetent!) and generate negative emotional reactions
as a result (They all scare me!; Devine, 1988, 1989,
1995; Hilton & von Hippel, 1996; Krueger, 1996). In
contrast to stereotypes, which are beliefs, prejudicial atti-
tudes involve an evaluative (generally negative) component
(Allport, 1954; Eagley & Chaiken, 1993). Prejudice, which
is fundamentally a cognitive and affective response, leads
to discrimination, the behavioral reaction (Crocker, Major,
& Steele, 1998).
Fourth, discriminatory behavior manifests itself as
negative action against the out-group or exclusively posi-
tive action for the in-group. Most notably, out-group dis-
crimination may appear as avoidance, not associating with
people from the out-group. For example, employers avoid
workers with mental illness by not hiring them. Landlords
wanting to protect their tenants from people with mental
illness do not rent to them.
I made an additional distinction about stigma that has
been applied to more general work with all health condi-
tions (Corrigan & Penn, 1999; Corrigan & Watson, 2002).
I have distinguished public stigma (what a naive public
does to the stigmatized group when they endorse the prej-
udice about that group) and self-stigma (what members of
a stigmatized group may do to themselves if they internal-
ize the public stigma). The ramication of this distinction
for understanding the link between stigma and care seeking
is outlined in Figure 1 and is reviewed more thoroughly in
the next section. Please note that although public and
self-stigma are presented separately in the gure, their
impact is likely to interact with and augment each other.
Public Stigma: Harm to Social Opportunities
Stigma harms people who are publicly labeled as mentally
ill in several ways. Stereotype, prejudice, and discrimina-
tion can rob people labeled mentally ill of important life
opportunities that are essential for achieving life goals.
People with mental illness are frequently unable to obtain
good jobs or nd suitable housing because of the prejudice
of key members in their communities: employers and land-
lords. Several studies have shown that public stereotypes
and prejudice about mental illness have a deleterious im-
pact on obtaining and keeping good jobs (Bordieri &
Drehmer, 1986; Farina & Felner, 1973; Farina, Felner, &
Bourdreau, 1973; Link, 1982, 1987; Olshansky, Grab, &
Ekdhal, 1960; Wahl, 1999; Webber & Orcutt, 1984) and
leasing safe housing (Aviram & Segal, 1973; Farina, Thaw,
Lovern, & Mangone, 1974; R. Hogan, 1985a, 1985b; Page,
1977, 1983, 1995; Segal, Baumohl, & Moyles, 1980; Wahl,
1999).
Stigma also inuences the interface between mental
illness and the criminal justice system. Criminalizing men-
tal illness occurs when police, rather than the mental health
system, respond to mental health crises, thereby contribut-
ing to the increasing prevalence of people with serious
mental illness in jail (Watson, Ottati, Corrigan, & Heyr-
man, in press). Persons exhibiting symptoms and signs of
serious mental illness are more likely than others to be
arrested by the police (Teplin, 1984). Moreover, people
with mental illness tend to spend more time incarcerated
than those without mental illness (Steadman, McCarthy, &
Morrissey, 1989). The growing intolerance of offenders in
general has led to harsher laws and has hampered effective
treatment planning for mentally ill offenders (Jemeka,
Trupin, & Chiles, 1989; Lamb & Weinberger, 1998).
The negative impact of public stigma is also observed
in the general health care system; people labeled mentally
ill are less likely to benet from the depth and breadth of
available physical health care services than people without
these illnesses. Druss and colleagues completed two studies
on archival data that suggested people with mental illness
receive fewer medical services than those not labeled in
this manner (Desai, Rosenheck, Druss, & Perlin, 2002;
Druss & Rosenheck, 1997). Moreover, studies by this
group suggest that individuals with mental illness are less
likely to receive the same range of insurance benets as
people without mental illness (Druss, Allen, & Bruce,
1998; Druss & Rosenheck, 1998). An additional study
seems to implicate stigma more directly. Druss, Bradford,
Rosenheck, Radford, and Krumholz (2000) examined the
likelihood of a range of medical procedures after myocar-
dial infarction in a sample of 113,653 individuals. Com-
pared with the remainder of the sample, Druss et al. (2000)
found that people identied with comorbid psychiatric dis-
order were signicantly less likely to undergo percutaneous
transluminal coronary angioplasty. Once again, mental ill-
ness is indicated as a barrier to receiving appropriate care.
Combined, this evidence suggests that public identi-
cation as mentally ill can yield signicant harm. Re-
search has suggested that people with concealable stigmas
(people who are gay, of minority faith-based communities,
or with mental illness) decide to avoid this harm by hiding
their stigma and staying in the closet (Corrigan & Mat-
thews, 2003). Alternatively, they may opt to avoid the
stigma all together by denying their group status and by not
seeking the institutions that mark them (i.e., mental health
care). This kind of label avoidance is perhaps the most
signicant way in which stigma impedes care seeking.
616 October 2004
American Psychologist
Controlled social laboratory studies have demon-
strated an inverse association between public stigma and
care seeking. Results of one survey showed members of the
general public who blamed individuals for their mental
illness and withheld help to them were less likely to seek
care for themselves (Cooper, Corrigan, & Watson, 2003).
A second study showed an inverse relationship between
stigmatizing attitudes and treatment adherence (Sirey,
Bruce, Alexopoulos, Perlick, Raue, et al., 2001). In this
study, stigma was measured using the Scale of Perceived
Stigma (Link, Cullen, Struening, Shrout, & Dohrenwend,
1989). Scores on the Scale of Perceived Stigma were
associated with whether 134 adults were compliant with
their antidepressant medication regimen three months later.
Findings on these small samples have been supported by
additional population-based studies that frequently incor-
porated probability samples. One study on about 3,000
community residents is an example. Endorsing negative
attitudes about mental illness inhibits personal service uti-
lization in those at risk for psychiatric disorder (Leaf,
Bruce, Tischler, & Holzer, 1987). Results from the Na-
tional Comorbidity Survey identied several specic be-
Figure 1
Two Factors That May Influence Whether a Person Who Might Benefit From Mental Health Treatment Actually
Seeks It
617October 2004
American Psychologist
liefs that might sway people from treatment (Kessler et al.,
2001). These include concerns about what others might
think and wanting to solve problems on ones own. These
two studies were completed on adults. A third study using
a national probability sample examined the inuence of
stigma on care seeking in adolescents (Penn et al., in press).
The National Annenberg Risk Survey of Youth was con-
ducted by telephone in the spring of 2002 with 900 respon-
dents selected via random-digit dialing procedures. Results
showed that adolescents who were more likely to endorse
the stigma of mental illness were less likely to obtain care
when needed. An additional interesting nding was that the
connection between stigma and treatment seeking was me-
diated by perceptions about treatment success. Views about
stigma were less relevant to care seeking when the adoles-
cent believed treatment was likely to be successful. This
result parallels another study done on adults with neurotic
disorders; people in this group were less likely to seek
treatment when they believed no one could help them
(Meltzer et al., 2003).
Self-Stigma: Harm to Self-Esteem
People may also avoid the stigma of mental illness because
of stigmas potential effects on ones sense of self. Living
in a culture steeped in stigmatizing images, persons with
mental illness may accept these notions and suffer dimin-
ished self-esteem, self-efcacy, and condence in ones
future (Corrigan, 1998; Holmes & River, 1998). Research
shows that people with mental illness often internalize
stigmatizing ideas that are widely endorsed within society
and believe that they are less valued because of their
psychiatric disorder (Link, 1987; Link & Phelan, 2001).
Persons who agree with prejudice concur with the stereo-
type Thats right; I am weak and unable to care for
myself! Self-prejudice leads to negative emotional reac-
tions; prominent among these is low self-esteem and low
self-efcacy (Link, Struening, Neese-Todd, Asmussen, &
Phelan, 2001; Markowitz, 1998). Self-esteem is typically
operationalized as diminished views about personal worth
(Corrigan, Faber, Rashid, & Leary, 1999; Rosenberg,
1965) and is often experienced as shame. Families fre-
quently report an intense sense of shame secondarily as a
result of a members mental illness (Corrigan & Miller,
2004). Self-efcacy is dened as the expectation that one
can successfully perform a behavior in a specic situation
(Bandura, 1977, 1989). Low self-efcacy and demoraliza-
tion has been shown to be associated with failing to pursue
work or independent living opportunities at which people
with mental illness might otherwise succeed (Link, 1982,
1987). Obviously, this kind of self-prejudice and self-
discrimination signicantly interferes with a persons life
goals and quality of life.
Fundamental suppositions of social psychological re-
search on prejudice suggest why self-stigma would dis-
suade people from being labeled and seeking treatment
(Jost & Banaji, 1994). People in general are motivated to
stigmatize others because of ego (Adorno, Frenkel-Bruns-
wik, Levinson, & Sanford, 1950; Katz & Braly, 1935;
Lippmann, 1922) or group enhancement (Tajfel, 1981).
Instead of thinking I am not competent, individuals
buffer their self- or groups image against interpersonal
failings by viewing others as incompetent; in this case,
people with mental illness (among the many possible stig-
matized groups) are decient. Hence, people avoid being
labeled mentally ill, thereby escaping the negative state-
ments that lessen self-esteem and self-efcacy.
Research has shown a signicant relationship between
shame and avoiding treatment. The measures used in the
study by Sirey, Bruce, Alexopoulos, Perlick, Raue, et al.
(2001)the Scale of Perceived Stigma (Link et al.,
1989)included a proxy of shame. Research participants
who expressed a sense of shame from personal experiences
with mental illness were less likely to be involved in
treatment. Family shame was also a signicant predictor of
treatment avoidance. Results of the Yale component of the
ECA data (Leaf, Bruce, & Tischler, 1986) showed that
respondents with psychiatric diagnoses were more likely to
avoid services if they believed family members would have
a negative reaction to these services, that is, if they learned
from their family that being identied as mentally ill dis-
graced themselves and/or their family. Conversely, positive
attitudes of family members were associated with greater
service use in a sample of more than 1,000 drawn from a
representative community sample and a group from a men-
tal health clinic (Greenley, Mechanic, & Cleary, 1987).
Hence, the potential of self-stigma can yield label avoid-
ance and decreased treatment participation. A point made
earlier in this article is reiterated here. What is presented as
self-stigma here is clearly inuenced by public stigma.
Hence, the two constructs, and their impact on care seek-
ing, are best understood in interaction.
Stigma and Diversity
Given concerns about diversity in the service system (e.g.,
some psychotherapies are not sensitive to differences in
ethnicity), perhaps the impact of perceived stigma and
service use is mediated by a third set of variables: demo-
graphics. A survey of 92 outpatients with depression tested
this hypothesis by examining the effects of age on stigma
perception and service use (Sirey, Bruce, Alexopoulos,
Perlick, Friedman, & Meyers, 2001). Results showed that
younger patients (under 65) were likely to perceive more
stigmas about mental illness than a comparison group over
65. However, only the older group showed a signicant
association between perceived stigma and reluctance to
participate in treatment. In another study, older adults with
negative attitudes about mental health services were also
shown to be less likely to talk to their primary care physi-
cian about psychiatric symptoms (Corrigan, Swantek,
Watson, & Kleinlein, 2003).
Stigma and service utilization also seem to interact
with the ethnic background of the potential consumer.
Analyses of the ECA data, for example, suggest that Eu-
ropean Americans with mental illness are more likely to
use psychiatric services than African Americans or Hispan-
ics (Narrow et al., 2000). It still needs to be claried how
much of this nding is due to public versus self-stigma in
ethnic minorities. However, there is some evidence that
618 October 2004
American Psychologist
non-Caucasians are less likely to think that the medical
system is a useful source of mental health treatment, per-
haps reecting basic prejudices in the health care system.
This nding was supported in a recent qualitative study of
African Americans in Chicago who reported that the
church, rather than the mental health system, was often a
better venue for mental health care (Matthews, Corrigan,
Smith, & Rutherford, 2003). Moreover, persons with less
education or income, a variable often conated with eth-
nicity, express more concern about family reactions (Leaf
et al., 1987).
Implications for Increasing Mental
Health Care Seeking
This article argues that stigma represents a signicant pub-
lic health concern because it is a major barrier to care
seeking or ongoing treatment participation. The evidence
reviewed in this article vis-a`-vis stigma and mental health
care yields four sets of implications, which are explained in
the subsequent sections.
Directions for Future Research
Existing bodies of research have extensively described why
people might opt to avoid services because of stigma.
Future research needs to build on this literature to develop
a more cohesive paradigm for understanding the link be-
tween stigma and care avoidance. Six specic conundra
need to be addressed in this research. First, determine how
varying aspects of person-level stigma interfere with care
seeking. Two elements of person stigma seem relevant
from the literature review provided in this article. Some
people might not seek treatment to avoid the public harm
that results from labels. Alternatively, some people with
mental illness may avoid the label to escape stigmas
impact on their sense of self. Future research needs to
determine the relative impact of these and other kinds of
person-level stigma. Second, examine the impact of disease
awareness. Many persons with psychotic disorders are un-
aware of the nature of their mental illness or its impact on
the breadth of life functioning domains (Amador et al.,
1994; Amador & Seckinger, 1997). As a result, some
persons with mental illness may not realize they belong to
a group of people who are stigmatized. Hence, they may be
relatively immune to person-level stigma. Research exam-
ining the impact of stigma on care seeking should include
awareness as a covariate.
Third, demonstrate causal relationships where existing
studies have examined fundamentally correlational ones.
Research reviewed in this article, for example, has shown
that people who endorse some aspect of person-level
stigma are less likely to admit to care seeking. Unclear
from this research is whether this association represents a
causal effect of stigma or some other relationship implied
by correlation. Future research needs to include experimen-
tal or multipanel designs to test the causality of these
relationships. Fourth, incorporate behavioral proxies for
care seeking. For the most part, past research has used
self-report to assess care seeking even though care seeking
is fundamentally a behavior. Future research should incor-
porate measures of actual behavior, including direct obser-
vation, to nd out whether stigma attitudes impede people
from seeking care. Prospective designs, in particular, may
be useful; over a period of time, determine how preexisting
attitudes inuence care seeking as the person needs mental
health services.
Fifth, adopt broader models of care seeking. To focus
the discussion of the article, I limited care seeking here in
terms of the original decision to obtain treatment or main-
tain ongoing participation. Services researchers have
framed this issue into the much broader construct of illness
career, which includes problem recognition, care initiation,
ongoing treatment adherence, and treatment exit framed
within an undulating course (Pescosolido, Grauerholz, &
Milkie, 1997; Pescosolido et al., 1999). Further research
into the stigmacare seeking link needs to incorporate
broader models of illness career. In a similar vein, research-
ers need to remember that the idea of care exceeds tradi-
tional mental health settings. Future research must also
determine how care in other settingsprimary health care,
faith-based initiatives, or consumer operated programs (i.e.,
programs developed by people with mental illness for
people with mental illness)inuences the stigmacare
link. Faith-based communities, for example, provide a con-
gregation of supportive peers rather than an identity of
mental patient that corresponds with hospitalization.
Finally, use research methods that incorporate micro-
and macrolevel variables. Integrating psychological and
sociological constructs into a common model offers inter-
esting methodological conundra (Corrigan, Markowitz, &
Watson, in press). For example, units of analysis relevant
to social cognition almost exclusively represent the indi-
vidual and include proxies of cognitive content and pro-
cesses, as well as emotions, related to stigmatizing attitudes
plus the behavioral consequences of these attitudes. Struc-
tural discrimination involves processes that typically rep-
resent collective and macrolevel units rather than individ-
uals; for example, how the insurance systems of national
governments limit mental health benets. The aggregate of
individual properties serves as an index of macrolevel
constructs.
The macro-to-micro link was an important research
agenda of sociologists in the rst half of the 20th century
(Blau, 1960; Faris & Dunham, 1939). However, analyses of
this form diminished in the 1970s after a series of critiques
concluded that only a small amount of variance in individ-
ual-level variables is attributable to macrolevel variables
(Alexander & Grifn, 1976; Hauser, 1977). Liska (1990)
responded to this criticism by arguing that although mac-
rovariables might account for relatively minor variance in
microlevel individual variables (especially compared with
other psychological predictors), the social scientist should
not overlook the conceptual importance of macrolevel vari-
ables per se. Presence of a mental health parity law is still
theoretically important to understanding the impact of in-
surance benets. Hence, the interesting research question
may not be whether macrovariables account for more vari-
ance than microvariables in a groups experience of stigma
619October 2004
American Psychologist
and willingness to access services, but rather whether Ma-
crovariable A accounts for signicantly more variance than
Macrovariable B and thereby seems to have a bigger role as
a macrovariable in explaining the individuals experience
of stigma. Future research efforts need to further struggle
with the multiple levels of methodological possibilities.
Strategies That Diminish Stigma
Programs that decrease stigma will reduce the attitudes and
behaviors that might be barriers to care seeking. Corrigan
and Penn (1999) identied three approaches that may di-
minish aspects of the public stigma experienced by people
with mental illness: protest, education, and contact. Groups
protest inaccurate and hostile representations of mental
illness as a way to challenge the stigmas they represent.
These efforts send two messages: to the media, stop report-
ing inaccurate representations of mental illness; to the
public, stop believing negative views about mental illness.
Largely anecdotal evidence suggests that protest campaigns
have been effective in getting stigmatizing images of men-
tal illness withdrawn (Wahl, 1995). However, controlled
studies on changing the stigmatizing attitudes of individu-
als suggest that protest may actually cause attitude rebound
in the stigmatizing beliefs of the public (Corrigan, River, et
al., 2001; Macrae, Bodenhausen, Milne, & Jetten, 1994).
Instead of decreasing stigma, reactance seems to occur
(dont tell me what to think) and negative attitudes
worsen.
Protest attempts to diminish negative attitudes about
mental illness but fails to promote more positive attitudes
that are supported by facts. Education provides information
so that the public can make more informed decisions about
mental illness. Research on education related to mental
illness stigma has suggested that participation in these
kinds of programs has led to improved attitudes about
persons with these problems (Corrigan, River, et al., 2001;
Holmes, Corrigan, Williams, Canar, & Kubiak, 1999;
Keane, 1990; Morrison, Cocozza, & Vanderwyst, 1980;
Penn et al., 1994). Given the research that suggests having
condence in treatment diminishes the negative impact of
stigma on treatment seeking (Meltzer et al., 2003; Penn et
al., in press), education programs should also reect evi-
dence about the success of treatment participation. Unfor-
tunately, research also suggests that the effects of education
may not endure over time (Corrigan et al., 2002).
Stigma is further diminished when members of the
general public have contact with people with mental illness
who are able to hold down jobs or live as good neighbors
in the community (Corrigan, Edwards, Green, Diwan, &
Penn, 2001; Corrigan et al., 2002; Pinfold et al., 2003;
Schulze, Richter-Werling, Matschinger, & Angermeyer,
2003). Hence, opportunities for the public to meet persons
with severe mental illness may discount stigma. The re-
search question of particular interest here is how attitudes
that may change as a result of these antistigma programs
increase care seeking for persons in need.
Diminishing self-stigma. In this article, I also
highlighted poor treatment adherence as another public
health concern that might be exacerbated by stigma. Con-
sumer advocates (Chamberlin, 1978; Deegan, 1990) have
argued, and research (McCubbin & Cohen, 1996; Rappa-
port, 1987) seems to support the idea, that many psycho-
social and medical treatments disempower people; as a
result, people in need decide to not fully participate in
services. People with mental illness who self-stigmatize
tend to report little personal empowerment in terms of
treatment and hence participation in treatment is dimin-
ished. As a result, interventions that challenge self-stigma
and facilitate empowerment are likely to improve adher-
ence (Corrigan & Calabrese, in press; Speer, Jackson, &
Peterson, 2001). Professionals must be able to recognize
what adherence means in this context; not blind compliance
with whatever the therapist prescribes but active participa-
tion and engagement in all aspects of care. Consumer
operated self-help services are among the best examples of
practices that facilitate empowerment (Davidson et al.,
1999).
Implications for advocacy. Many groups
have called for antistigma programs to increase care seek-
ing for people in need of mental health services; these
include most of the professional mental health associations,
the National Alliance for the Mentally Ill, the Mental
Health Association, the Center to Address Discrimination
and Stigma, and the Eliminate the Barriers Initiative (the
last two represent Substance Abuse and Mental Health
Services Administration-funded national projects with
eliminating stigma as the primary goal). Explaining the
relationship between stigma and care provides necessary
information for antistigma programs. Given the APAs
interest in the public health agenda, how might the associ-
ation proceed given the position of these advocacy groups?
It is important to note that advocacy groups do not speak
with a single voice in terms of the stigma question and
sometimes represent opposing views. For example, the
Treatment Advocacy Center promotes the notion that un-
treated mental illness leads to great community violence.
Advocacy groups like the National Stigma Clearinghouse
believe this kind of message makes stigma worse. Hence,
there is not a transparent agenda to which the APA might
consider joining. Instead, advocacy efforts need more re-
search to better understand stigma and ways to effectively
reduce it. APA members should use its theoretical and
methodological prowess to advance this goal.
Stigma as Social Cognition Is Only One of the
Barriers
Stigma as a socialcognitive construct is only one of sev-
eral stigma-related factors that undermine obtaining mental
health care when in need. Services researchers have exam-
ined other interpersonal, economic, and policy factors that
also mitigate service use. One manifestation of these fac-
tors is structural stigma; namely, economic and political
pressures on the culture, rather than psychological inu-
ences on the individual, that yield discrimination and un-
dermine care access (Corrigan et al., in press; Link &
Phelan, 2001). Rather than stereotypes, prejudice, and dis-
crimination, the products of these forces are social and
institutional structures that rob people of opportunities.
620 October 2004
American Psychologist
Structural stigma develops during historical epochs that can
be centuries long rather than the few years that might
describe an individuals developmental period.
Although a thorough discussion of structural stigma is
beyond the scope of this article, brief examples provide an
illustration. Sociologists have identied legislative activi-
ties that are examples of intended structural stigma as
applied to African Americans (Hill, 1988; Wilson, 1990).
Jim Crow laws passed by many of the southern states after
the Civil War restricted voting rights and other civil liber-
ties of American Blacks. A store clerk who did not serve a
Black customer may not have been acting out her own
prejudice but instead complying with the law. Unfortu-
nately, research suggests similar patterns still exist in terms
of mental illness. Approximately one third of the 50 states
restrict the rights of an individual with mental illness to
hold elective ofce, participate on juries, and vote (Burton,
1990; Corrigan, Watson, Heyrman, et al., 2004; Hemmens,
Miller, Burton, & Milner, 2002). Even greater limitations
are evident in the family domain. About 50% of states
restrict the child custody rights of parents with mental
illness. It is important to note that these legal restrictions
frequently do not reect societal concerns about whether a
person with psychiatric disabilities is incompetent to as-
sume these social privileges. Instead, it is the label per se
that leads to loss of these important opportunities.
Threats to condentiality may also be an example of
intended structural discrimination, especially relevant to
care seeking. Many people may avoid mental health ser-
vices because they fear that condential information about
their psychiatric history may become known to groups to
whom they would opt to not disclose. For example, sepa-
rated spouses in child custody battles may fear that con-
dentiality protections will not keep their mental health
records out of court. Prospective employees who need
security clearance as part of being hired may be concerned
about private health information being disclosed to em-
ployers. Congress passed the Health Insurance Portability
and Accountability Act in 1996 to offer further conden-
tiality protections. However, despite these kinds of protec-
tions, future research needs to determine public protections
about condentiality and the impact of these perceptions on
care seeking.
Structural stigma may also result from unintended
consequences. Pincus (1999) provided some useful exam-
ples. Many universities and colleges use the Scholastic
Achievement Test (SAT) to limit admission to students
who have earned high scores, believing this to be an
unbiased way to select students. However, given that Af-
rican American and Hispanic students typically score lower
than Caucasians on these tests, universities that rely on the
SAT and ACT admissions are likely to disproportionately
favor admission of Caucasians over African American and
Hispanic students. Alternatively, many large companies
require job applicants to have a bachelors degree, even
though the kinds of skills this degree entails are sometimes
not relevant to specic positions. Given that African Amer-
icans entering the job market have a much lower rate of
college degrees, they are less likely to access these kinds of
jobs. Many insurance companies adjust claims and premi-
ums on the basis of area crime rates. Given that crime rates
are generally higher in Black communities, African Amer-
icans are likely to pay signicantly more for the same level
of coverage. It is important to note in each case that the
goal was actually to be color blind, but the result was
discrimination against people of color.
I have argued that the federal governments inability
to move ahead on mental health parity (e.g., require private
insurers to equate lifetime and annual limits on mental
health benets at a similar level as medical and surgical
benets) is one example of unintended structural stigma as
applied to mental illness (Corrigan et al., in press). Oppo-
nents of the Mental Health Parity Act are not against it
because they believe people with mental illness are to
blame for their illness and, therefore, are not deserving of
these kinds of protections. Rather, they cite nancial con-
cerns that are frequently at the root of structural discrimi-
nation. Lobbyists for the business sector argued that parity
requirements could bankrupt small businesses by raising
health care costs (Levinson & Druss, 2000). The inability
to shake business concerns despite evidence to the contrary
is an example of the ongoing inuence of structural stigma.
An Issue of Social Justice
Framing stigma as a prominent public health concern has
led to dening the problem vis-a`-vis the medical model.
Proponents of this model have argued that treatments that
eliminate or otherwise control the disease will help to
eradicate the accompanying stigma (Sartorius, Byrne, &
Smith, 2003). They point to broad improvement in public
attitudes toward diseases like leprosy, small pox, and tu-
berculosis with greatly diminished incidence and preva-
lence rates, as well as illnesses like AIDS and cancer with
vastly improved treatments. Hence, stigma should diminish
(and care seeking should improve) as specic mental ill-
nesses are eliminated or controlled.
Although improving treatments may yield secondary
effects including diminished prejudice and discrimination,
framing mental illness stigma as a medical concern may
also exacerbate the problem. Antistigma programs solely
reecting the medical perspective may have unintended
consequences (Corrigan, Watson, Byrne, & Davis, 2004).
The public may view mental illness as a genetic condition
from which the person does not recover (Phelan, Cruz-
Rojas, & Reiff, 2002). It might suggest the harm caused by
stigma has greater impact on the mental health system
rather than the person with mental illness. It might foster
pity rather than parity. It places responsibility for the
stigma on the person with mental illness rather than where
it belongson the public.
When viewed in terms of the prejudice and discrimi-
nation experienced by other out-groups, such as ethnicity
and gender, stigma is better understood as an issue of social
injustice. On the basis of sociological research, a social
injustice perspective argues that many of the lost opportu-
nities experienced by people with mental illness result from
the difference and defects suggested by stigma. Exagger-
ated notions of group difference result in less power for
621October 2004
American Psychologist
people with mental illness. Most readers would protest any
policy that suggested the best way to deal with the preju-
dice experienced by gays and lesbians would be to correct
their sexual orientation. Framing stigma as social injustice
expands understanding of the phenomena as well as broad-
ens the approach to erasing stigma. Ultimately, it may be
the integration of public health and social injustice models
that leads to the greatest challenges to stigma. Psycholo-
gists and other social scientists need to partner with advo-
cates to identify the best strategies to bring about these
goals.
Summary
Research suggests that stigma may impede people from
seeking or fully participating in mental health services. In
particular, the threat of social disapproval or diminished
self esteem that accompanies the label may account for
underused services. Advocacy and government groups
have strongly endorsed resolving the stigma of mental
illness as a way to improve service use. The report of
President Bushs New Freedom Commission highlighted
antistigma programs as a primary goal to improve the
mental health system (M. F. Hogan, 2003). A better un-
derstanding of the problem of stigma is needed to inform
the development of these antistigma programs. Several
areas for development of the research agenda were re-
viewed in this article. Psychologists who are able to em-
brace this research agenda will help advocates to better
tackle the stigma problem and will signicantly advance
treatment use in turn.
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... Intentions to disclose by university students are strongly influenced by internal beliefs about stigma, fear of potential repercussions socially or academically and feelings of social isolation and lack of belonging [15,16]. Stigma has been cited as the single most common barrier to help seeking behaviour and disclosure amongst university students [17]. Stigma towards mental illness can be both internal, towards oneself or external towards others, and has been associated with negative help seeking attitudes and reduced help seeking behaviour [18]. ...
... However, this may reflect that being more socially engaged in university life is protective, or it may indicate that reduced informal social networks and connections mean that students may go to formal sources first, as they may not have accessible informal sources or sufficient peer support. Alternatively, greater engagement with university life might be associated with lower levels of help seeking, due to stigma [17], because students may not want others to know they are seeking help. For example, if students are well connected at university and in many social or student groups, help seeking might be harder to conceal, or may be perceived by the individual to have potentially negative impacts on their social position and potential suitability for high profile or leadership roles. ...
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Students transitioning from secondary school to university may experience unique issues that impact their mental health. There is limited research, however, on what drives first year students to seek professional help for mental health problems. There is also a current lack of knowledge about the factors that may be associated with engagement with university life in students transitioning to university, and how engagement may be related to help seeking attitudes and behaviours in a first year university population. Data (N = 165) were drawn from two waves (Wave 1, February 2021, and Wave 4, June 2021) of a longitudinal study of Australian university students commencing study for the first time, which included measures of engagement, belonging, stigma and help seeking intentions and behaviours. The results showed that students with higher levels of depression stigma prior to commencing university at Wave 1 had less positive attitudes towards help seeking at Wave 4. Students had increased odds of seeking help for a mental health problem in Wave 4 if they had moved away for university, reported higher levels of mental health literacy or willingness to disclose, had lower levels of engagement with university life and were experiencing higher levels of general psychological distress. Students experiencing higher thwarted belongingness were also found to have lower levels of engagement with university at Wave 4. Both thwarted belongingness and stigma were found to be associated with engagement with university and help seeking behaviours and should be examined further.
... Researchers have proposed different classifications for stigma [42,43]. Stigma can be classified into two types: public stigma and self-stigma [44]. Public stigma refers to the words or actions of the majority with prejudice toward minority groups in society, and self-stigma is identifiable in the members of a stigmatized group who proactively accept these prejudgments [45]. ...
... In theory, stigmatizing attitudes that contribute to suicide risk consist of social and individual factors [11]. Negative attitudes could be reflected in public stigma, and they could also be internalized as negative attitudes that people have about their own condition, known as self-stigma [44,45]. Public stigma and self-stigma have some commonalities. ...
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Previous studies have suggested that stereotypes towards suicide, including endorsement of suicide and stigma toward suicide, may contribute to suicidal ideation and behaviors. However, this has not been examined directly. In this study, we examined whether endorsement of suicide and stigma toward suicide are involved in the pathway from suicidal ideation to suicide attempts among college students. To this end, we used the Suicidal Ideation Attributes Scale (SIDAS), the Suicidal Behaviors Questionnaire-Revised (SBQ-R), and the Stigma of Suicide Scale (SOSS) to assess suicidal ideation, suicide attempts, endorsement of suicide, and stigma toward suicide, respectively, in a sample of 944 Chinese college students (mean age, 20.97 years). Using mediation analysis, we found that suicidal ideation partially mediated the relationship between endorsement of suicide and suicide attempts and between stigma toward suicide and suicide attempts. These findings provide novel evidence that endorsement of suicide and stigma toward suicide are closely associated with suicide attempts, but partially through the influences of suicidal ideation. Future studies should elaborate on their longitudinal relationships. Implications of these findings for clinical practices are discussed with reference to the ideation-to-action framework of suicide, aiming to reduce suicidal behaviors.
... However, there has been little research on the barriers to mental healthcare and their relationship to mental health problems among Bangladeshi university students. Stigma is cited as one of the most prevalent barriers to accessing mental healthcare, including negative help-seeking attitudes (e.g., embarrassment) and personally held prejudices about mental illness and treatment [7]. In many low-income countries, addressing mental health is challenging due to existing beliefs that mental health conditions result from disobedience of religion, culture, or family [8], and the associated stigma [9]. ...
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Background: The mental health burden is high and rising among Bangladeshi university students. Understanding barriers to mental healthcare and how barriers impact mental health outcomes may inform the development of targeted interventions to decrease barriers and improve access to care. Aims: This study identifies barriers to mental healthcare and their association with mental health outcomes in a Bangladeshi university student sample. Methods: We conducted a cross-sectional survey (n = 350) on stigma-related, attitudinal, and instrumental barriers to accessing mental healthcare among Bangladeshi university students. We examined the association between stigma and non-stigma (i.e., attitudinal and instrumental) barriers with four mental health outcomes: suicidal ideation, depression, high perceived stress, and wellness. Results: Attitudinal barriers were the most reported barriers. Stigma-related barriers were significant for individuals who had experienced suicidal ideation (aOR = 2.97, p = 0.001), not for individuals with depression. Non-stigma-related barriers were significant for individuals who had experienced depression (aOR = 2.80, p = 0.011). Conclusions: The current work advances our understanding of how to improve access to mental healthcare among university students in Bangladesh. Stigma-related barriers were particularly salient for individuals who experienced suicidal ideation. Further study is needed on how stigma may impact access to care distinctly for different mental health problems among Bangladeshi university students.
... 66,67 Another barrier to MD or SUD treatment could be various stigmas. 68,69 Stigma can affect Black and Latino populations at the level of the systemic provider level (e.g., misdiagnosis, stereotyping), self-stigma (e.g., prejudice), public stigma (e.g., discrimination), and double stigma or intersecting stigmas (e.g., lower SES, distrust of system, and providers). This can result in a barrier to treatment as Black and Latino populations experience lower medical trust and attempt to avoid discrimination and consequently avoid interactions with the MD and SUD treatment system. ...
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Behavioral health disorders such as mental disorders (MD) and substance use disorders (SUD) are epidemics in the US; however, the availability of treatment and prevention services remains low. This study assessed neighborhood-level sociodemographic attributes to characterize the availability of behavioral health treatment facilities in Florida. The American Community Survey and SAMHSA’s Behavioral Health Treatment Locator were used to identify behavioral health treatment facilities in Florida and calculate their density by census tract. Spatial lag regression models were used to assess census tract-level correlates of facility density for 390 MD treatment facilities, 518 SUD facilities, and subsets of affordable MD and SUD facilities. Behavioral health treatment facility density was negatively associated with rurality and positively associated with the proportion of non-Latino Black, Latino, insured, and college-educated populations. Stark rural–urban disparities in behavioral health treatment availability present opportunities to prioritize telehealth and mobile interventions and improve treatment utilization.
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Introduction Men’s help-seeking behaviours have been highlighted as a major issue in men’s mental health (Robertson & Baker, 2017) with widespread research indicating that aspects of masculine identity hinder men from seeking help with mental health and wellbeing issues (e.g. Berger et al., 2013). Although coaching is not a therapeutic intervention, the approach is aimed at facilitating positive change. As the language around coaching is more closely aligned to masculine identity it is suggested that there is potential to engage more men in seeking help. Aim To investigate the potential of coaching for formal help-seeking among men. Methods An online quantitative survey was conducted among 118 men (18+ years), who rated the likelihood of engagement in specified forms of help-seeking in three case studies. The vignette version of the General Help-Seeking Questionnaire (GHSQ-V) was utilised. Data were analysed using SPSS Version 25. Results: Self-help/online, such as books and online resources, was found to be the most likely form of formal help men in this study would seek (M=3.94, SD=1.90). However, coaching was reported as the most likely face-to-face formal source of help (M=3.73, SD=1.39), with a paired sample t-test indicating significantly greater likelihood of attending coaching than the other formal forms of help investigated (p=0.000). Attending coaching was reported as significantly more likely than attending counselling/psychotherapy in all case studies. Implications This study found that coaching is more appealing to men than traditional forms of help-seeking, thus indicating the potential of coaching for formal help-seeking among men. Coaching, in conjunction with its online capabilities, may have additional potential to engage more men in help-seeking, thereby positively impacting on men’s mental health.
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Objective We aimed to assess the degree to which the American Academy of Pediatrics’ (AAP) clinical guidelines were followed when treating attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) in preschoolers. Method Using Medicaid claims for children 4 to 5 years of age receiving their first dose of stimulants/alpha-2 agonists in 2017 ( n = 836), we determined if BH was received prior to initiation of medication. We examined predictors after controlling for confounders. Results More than half the sample did not receive first-line BH, which did not differ by demographics. Those receiving BH prior to medication had a higher rate of receiving an ADHD diagnosis. Only three diagnoses were significant in multivariate (OR 13.8, 95% CI [1.7–115.1]) analyses. Conclusion More than half the sample did not, conservatively, meet the AAP clinical recommendations. Further research is needed to identify targets for intervention. Limitations are noted.
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We investigated affective touch as a new pathway to passively mitigate in-the-moment anxiety. While existing mobile interventions offer great promises for health and well-being, they typically focus on achieving long-term effects such as shifting behaviors. As such, most mobile interventions are not applicable to provide immediate help in acute conditions -- when a user experiences a high anxiety level during ongoing events (e.g., completing high-stake tasks or mitigating interpersonal conflicts). A few works have developed passive interventions that are effective in-the-moment by leveraging breathing regulations and biofeedback. In this paper, we drew on neuroscientific findings on affective touch, the slow stroking on hairy skin that can elicit innate pleasantness and evaluated affective touch as a mobile health intervention. To induce affective touch, we first engineered a wearable device that renders a soft stroking sensation on the user's forearm. Then, we conducted a between-group experiment, in which participants underwent high-stress situations with/without receiving affective touch and post-experiment interviews, with 24 participants. Our results showed that participants who received affective touch experienced lower state anxiety and the same physiological stress response level compared to the control group participants. We also found that affective touch facilitated emotion regulation by rendering pleasantness, providing emotional support, and shifting attention. Finally, we discussed the immediate effect of affective touch on anxiety and physiological stress, the benefits of affective touch as a passive intervention, and the implementation considerations to use affective touch in just-in-time systems.
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Considerable effort has been exerted in recent years toward educating the public concerning mental illness and the efficacy of various treatment modalities. Most previous studies of attitudes have focused solely on attitudes toward the mentally ill. In this study we investigated attitudes toward mental health services and found that most people are positively disposed toward the use of these services. Attitudes toward the use of mental health services were affected by the age, sex, race, education, and income of the subjects. In general, differences of attitude lie in the direction that would tend to inhibit utilization among those most at risk.
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Aaron Beck and his contemporaries developed cognitive therapy for the treatment of major depression several decades ago. Barlow, Clark, and others soon applied these models to other clinical conditions, including obsessive-compulsive disorder and panic disorder. Compared to these efforts, cognitive therapy for schizophrenia is a relatively new enterprise. In some ways, the idea of applying cognitive therapy in the treatment of schizophrenia seems to exceed the relatively clear and bounded constructs developed in research on cognitive therapy for depression and anxiety. Nevertheless, cognitive models are by no means novel for understanding the disorder. From its earliest formulations by Bleuler and Kraepelin, schizophrenia was described as a thought disorder. Since then, a variety of rehabilitation treatments have been proposed as adjuncts to psychotropic medications for treating the cognitive deficits of schizophrenia (Corrigan and Yudof sky, 1996). Still, one might think there are significant differences between cognitive deficits in schizophrenia (Steffy, 1993) and those associated with depression and anxiety (Clark et al., 1999). The former, for example, is typically viewed as representing a neuro developmental deficit that arises prodromally during childhood and manifests acutely with psychotic symptoms during later adolescence and early adulthood. In contrast, the cognitive deficits of depression and anxiety represent self- and world-conceptualizations that affect one's mood and consequent behavior. Hence, one might reasonably ask, does schizophrenia belong in a book on cognitive therapy? In answering this question, we begin the chapter by considering the similarities and differences between constructs used in understanding cognitive deficits associated with schizophrenia, depression, and anxiety disorders.
Book
"The Truly Disadvantagedshould spur critical thinking in many quarters about the causes and possible remedies for inner city poverty. As policy makers grapple with the problems of an enlarged underclass they—as well as community leaders and all concerned Americans of all races—would be advised to examine Mr. Wilson's incisive analysis."—Robert Greenstein,New York Times Book Review "'Must reading' for civil-rights leaders, leaders of advocacy organizations for the poor, and for elected officials in our major urban centers."—Bernard C. Watson,Journal of Negro Education "Required reading for anyone, presidential candidate or private citizen, who really wants to address the growing plight of the black urban underclass."—David J. Garrow,Washington Post Book World Selected by the editors of theNew York Times Book Reviewas one of the sixteen best books of 1987. Winner of the 1988 C. Wright Mills Award of the Society for the Study of Social Problems.
Ever since the research of Goffman (1961) the lot of the former mental patient has been of special import. Unfortunately, several aftereffects of mental hospitalization may occur, in which the disposition of the general public toward the ex-patient may be prejudiced, and, possibly, discriminatory. Except for that of Farina and colleagues, relatively little research has studied these aftereffects. Using a method developed by Page (1977), the present studies investigated a unique aspect of these, namely, problems experienced in obtaining accommodation. Persons identified as former patients experienced significantly greater difficulty in obtaining accommodation that when no such information was given. Comparisons are made with other types of stigma, involving speech impediments, and results are discussed in light of recent work by Farina and others.
Article
This review demonstrates that the physical attractiveness stereotype established by studies of person perception is not as strong or general as suggested by the often-used summary phrase what is beautiful is good. Although subjects in these studies ascribed more favorable personality traits and more successful life outcomes to attractive than unattractive targets, the average magnitude of this beauty-is-good effect was moderate, and the strength of the effect varied considerably from study to study. Consistent with our implicit personality theory framework, a substantial portion of this variation was explained by the specific content of the inferences that subjects were asked to make: The differences in subjects' perception of attractive and unattractive targets were largest for indexes of social competence; intermediate for potency, adjustment, and intellectual competence; and near zero for integrity and concern for others. The strength of the physical attractiveness stereotype also varied as a function of other attributes of the studies, including the presence of individuating information.
Article
Social science research on stigma has grown dramatically over the past two decades, particularly in social psychology, where researchers have elucidated the ways in which people construct cognitive categories and link those categories to stereotyped beliefs. In the midst of this growth, the stigma concept has been criticized as being too vaguely defined and individually focused. In response to these criticisms, we define stigma as the co-occurrence of its components-labeling, stereotyping, separation, status loss, and discrimination-and further indicate that for stigmatization to occur, power must be exercised. The stigma concept we construct has implications for understanding several core issues in stigma research, ranging from the definition of the concept to the reasons stigma sometimes represents a very persistent predicament in the lives of persons affected by it. Finally, because there are so many stigmatized circumstances and because stigmatizing processes can affect multiple domains of people's lives, stigmatization probably has a dramatic bearing on the distribution of life chances in such areas as earnings, housing, criminal involvement, health, and life itself. It follows that social scientists who are interested in understanding the distribution of such life chances should also be interested in stigma.