ArticlePDF Available

Abstract and Figures

The 'social brain hypothesis' for the evolution of large brains in primates has led to evidence for the coevolution of neocortical size and social group sizes, suggesting that there is a cognitive constraint on group size that depends, in some way, on the volume of neural material available for processing and synthesizing information on social relationships. More recently, work on both human and non-human primates has suggested that social groups are often hierarchically structured. We combine data on human grouping patterns in a comprehensive and systematic study. Using fractal analysis, we identify, with high statistical confidence, a discrete hierarchy of group sizes with a preferred scaling ratio close to three: rather than a single or a continuous spectrum of group sizes, humans spontaneously form groups of preferred sizes organized in a geometrical series approximating 3-5, 9-15, 30-45, etc. Such discrete scale invariance could be related to that identified in signatures of herding behaviour in financial markets and might reflect a hierarchical processing of social nearness by human brains.
Content may be subject to copyright.
doi: 10.1098/rspb.2004.2970
, 439-444272 2005 Proc. R. Soc. B
W.-X. Zhou, D. Sornette, R. A. Hill and R. I. M. Dunbar
Discrete hierarchical organization of social group sizes
References
http://rspb.royalsocietypublishing.org/content/272/1561/439#related-urls
Article cited in:
Email alerting service
hereright-hand corner of the article or click
Receive free email alerts when new articles cite this article - sign up in the box at the top
http://rspb.royalsocietypublishing.org/subscriptions go to: Proc. R. Soc. BTo subscribe to
This journal is © 2005 The Royal Society
on May 14, 2011rspb.royalsocietypublishing.orgDownloaded from
Proc. R. Soc. B (2005) 272, 439–444
doi:10.1098/rspb.2004.2970
Published online 17 February 2005
Discrete hierarchical organization of social group
sizes
W.-X. Zhou
1,2
, D. Sornette
2,3,4
, R. A. Hill
5
and R. I. M. Dunbar
6
1
State Key Laboratory of Chemical Reaction Engineering, East China University of Science and Technology, Shanghai 200237,
China
2,3
Institute of Geophysics and Planetary Physics, and Department of Earth and Space Sciences, University of California,
Los Angeles, CA 90095, USA
4
Laboratoire de Physique de la Matie
`
re Condense
´
e, CNRS UMR 6622 and Universite
´
de Nice-Sophia Antipolis,
06108 Nice Cedex 2, France
5
Evolutionary Anthropology Research Group, Department of Anthropology, University of Durham, 43 Old Elvet,
Durham DH1 3HN, UK
6
British Academy Centenary Project, School of Biological Sciences, University of Liverpool, Crown Street,
Liverpool L69 7ZB, UK
The ‘social brain hypothesis’ for the evolution of large brains in primates has led to evidence for the coevolu-
tion of neocortical size and social group sizes, suggesting that there is a cognitive constraint on group size
that depends, in some way, on the volume of neural material available for processing and synthesizing infor-
mation on social relationships. More recently, work on both human and non-human primates has suggested
that social groups are often hierarchically structured. We combine data on human grouping patterns in a
comprehensive and systematic study. Using fractal analysis, we identify, with high statistical confidence, a
discrete hierarchy of group sizes with a preferred scaling ratio close to three: rather than a single or a continu-
ous spectrum of group sizes, humans spontaneously form groups of preferred sizes organized in a geometri-
cal series approximating 3–5, 9–15, 30–45, etc. Such discrete scale invariance could be related to that
identified in signatures of herding behaviour in financial markets and might reflect a hierarchical processing
of social nearness by human brains.
Keywords: social brain hypothesis; social group size; log-periodicity; fractal analysis
1. INTRODUCTION
Attempts to understand the grouping patterns of humans
have a long history in both sociology (Coleman 1964) and
social anthropology (Kottak 1991; Scupin 1992). While
these approaches have been largely sociological in focus,
attempts to understand grouping patterns in non-human
primates have had a largely ecological focus (see Dunbar
1988). However, there has been recent interest in the
extent to which group size and grouping patterns in
primates might be constrained by cognitive factors
(Dunbar 1992, 1998). The latter interests arise out of what
has become known as the ‘social brain hypothesis’.
The social brain hypothesis (Byrne & Whiten 1988;
Barton & Dunbar 1997) argues that the evolution of
primate brains was driven by the need to coordinate and
manage increasingly large social groups. Since the stability
of these groupings is based on intimate knowledge of other
individuals and the ability to use this knowledge to manage
social relationships effectively, the computational capacity
of the brain (presumed to be broadly a function of its size)
is assumed to impose a species-specific limit on group size.
Attempts to increase group size beyond this threshold must
inevitably result in reduced social stability and, ultimately,
group fission. Dunbar (1992, 1998; Joffe & Dunbar 1997;
also Sawaguchi & Kudo 1990) showed that there is a log-
linear relationship between social group size and relative
neocortex volume in primates, and argued that this
relationship reflected the computational capacity that any
given species could bring to bear on its social relationships.
Extrapolating these findings to humans led to the predic-
tion that humans had a cognitive limit of approximately
150 on the average number of individuals with whom
coherent personal relationships could be maintained (Dun-
bar 1993). Evidence to support this prediction has come
from a number of ethnographic and sociological sources
(Dunbar 1993). The fact that these relationships are not
simply a matter of memory for individuals but, rather, of
integrating and managing information about the constantly
changing relationships between individuals within a group,
is indicated by the fact that relative neocortex size corre-
lates with a number of core aspects of social behaviour and
socialization in primates (Byrne 1995; Pawlowski et al.
1998; Joffe 1997; Lewis 2000; Byrne & Corp 2004).
It has, however, always been recognized that both
human and non-human primate groups are internally
highly structured (e.g. Dunbar 1988). Further analyses
(Kudo & Dunbar 2001) have indicated that at least one
level of structuring (the grooming clique) also correlates
with neocortex size. While the significance of these tiered
groupings is not always apparent, there is strong prima facie
evidence to suggest that human social groups (like those of
other primates) consist of a series of sub-groupings
Author for correspondence (rimd@liverpool.ac.uk).
Received 29 April 2004
Accepted 29 September 2004
439
#
2005 The Royal Society
on May 14, 2011rspb.royalsocietypublishing.orgDownloaded from
arranged in a hierarchically inclusive sequence (Hill &
Dunbar 2003).
In this sequence, the core social grouping is the support
clique, defined as the set of individuals from whom the
respondent would seek personal advice or help in times of
severe emotional and financial distress; its mean size is
typically 3–5 individuals (Dunbar & Spoor 1995). Above
this may be discerned a grouping of 12–20 individuals
(often referred to as a sympathy group) that characteristi-
cally consists of all the individuals with whom one has
special ties; these individuals are typically contacted at least
once per month (Dunbar & Spoor 1995; Hill & Dunbar
2003). The ethnographic data on hunter-gatherer societies
(summarized in Dunbar 1993) point to a grouping of
30–50 individuals as the typical size of overnight camps
(sometimes referred to as bands); these groupings are often
unstable, but their membership is always drawn from the
same set of individuals, who typically number ca. 150 indi-
viduals. This last grouping is often identified in small-scale
traditional societies as the clan or regional group. Beyond
these, at least two larger-scale groupings have been
identified in the ethnographic literature: the megaband of
ca. 500 individuals and the tribe (a linguistic unit,
commonly of 1000–2000 individuals) (Dunbar 1993).
In this paper, we provide the first systematic analysis of
human grouping patterns, using data collated from the
literature. Using spectral analysis, we show that there is a
consistent pattern in the size of these groupings and, more
importantly, that successive groupings in the hierarchy
have a constant ratio.
2. MATERIAL AND METHODS
There is no universally accepted procedure for analysing human
social groups, and all methods attempting to identify group sizes
suffer from at least some sources of bias (small sample size, large
inter-individual variability or differences in the criteria used to
include individuals). Our strategy is to include all reasonable data
and attempt to extract useful signals above the noise level by a
careful analysis of the global dataset. We therefore searched the
sociological and other literatures for quantitative data on social
group and social network sizes in humans. For these purposes, we
sought studies that provided quantitative data on the size of indivi-
duals’ social networks, irrespective of how the social network itself
was defined.
Most such studies focus on a particular kind of network (among
those defined above in x 1). In addition to the data listed in
Dunbar (1993), Dunbar & Spoor (1995) and Kudo & Dunbar
(2001), we add the following data. The USA 1998 General Social
Survey reports a mean size of 3.3 for support cliques in the USA
(Marsden 2003). The mean sizes of sympathy groups are reported
by Buys (1992) to be 14.0 in Egypt, 15.1 in Malaysia, 13.5 in
Mexico, 13.8 in South Africa and 10.2 in the USA (Latkin et al.
1995). In separate samples in The Netherlands, they were repor-
ted to be 15.0 in 1995 (Kef 1997; Kef et al. 2000), 15.0 in 1992,
14.3 in 1992–1993, 14.8 in 1995–1996 and 14.2 in 1998–1999
(van Tilburg & van Groenou 2002), finally, Adams et al. (2002)
reported them to be 14.4 in Mali (West Africa). Although a num-
ber of these studies have been carried out in the same country, we
have considered each study to be an independent sample since
they involve different datasets; nevertheless, averaging
The Netherlands samples and treating them as a single data point
does not alter the conclusions drawn.
Only one study sought to estimate the size of successive social
groupings for individual subjects (Hill & Dunbar 2003). These
data were obtained from an analysis of Christmas card
distribution lists, in which 42 UK-domiciled subjects logged the
identities of all individuals in the households to which cards were
sent and their relationships to these individuals. Participants were
asked both to list everyone in the household to which they were
sending a card and to state the quality of their relationship with
each individual (using two metrics: how often they contacted the
individual, and the emotional intensity of the relationship scored
on a 0–10 Likert-type scale: for details, see Hill & Dunbar
(2003)). Because this study uniquely provides data on the differ-
ent grouping levels of which any one individual is a member, we
treat these data separately from the census data obtained from the
literature search.
3. RESULTS
We begin by analysing the data on groupings reported in
the social networks literature. (The Christmas card distri-
bution data will be dealt with separately: see below.)
Figure 1 plots the sizes of the different grouping levels
identified in the various studies.
We begin with a qualitative analysis of the data in figure
1, using the groupings that have conventionally been
defined (see x 1). First, we denote S
1
as the mean support
clique size, S
2
the mean sympathy group size, S
3
the mean
band size, S
4
the mean community group size, and S
5
and
S
6
the mean sizes of mega-bands and large tribes, respect-
ively. Averaging across these grouping levels, the data give
mean values of S
0
¼ 1 (individual or ego), S
1
¼ 4:6,
S
2
¼ 14:3, S
3
¼ 42:6, S
4
¼ 132:5, S
5
¼ 566:6 and S
6
¼
1728. To determine the possible existence of a
discrete hierarchy, we construct the series of ratios S
i
/S
i1
10
0
10
1
10
2
10
3
10
4
0
5
10
15
20
25
30
network sizes
references
Figure 1. Presentation of our dataset of 61 group sizes. The
ordinate is an arbitrary ordering of data sources and the
abscissa gives the group sizes reported in each source. The
symbols refer to the classification used in each of the studies:
circles (support cliques), triangles (sympathy groups),
diamonds (bands), stars (cognitive groups), and squares
(small and large tribes). This classification is not used in our
systematic analysis summarized in the other figures, to avoid
any bias.
440 W.-X. Zhou and others Social group size organization
Proc. R. Soc. B (2005)
on May 14, 2011rspb.royalsocietypublishing.orgDownloaded from
of successive mean sizes:
S
i
=S
i 1
¼ 4:58, 3:12, 2:98, 3:11, 4:28, 3:05,
for i ¼ 1, ...,6: ð3:1Þ
This suggests that humans form groups according to a
discrete hierarchy with a preferred scaling ratio between 3
and 4 (the mean of S
i
/S
i1
is 3.52).
To avoid any biases that might be present in
the published census data, we next undertake a more
systematic analysis that uses all the available data rather
than just their means. The sample in figure 1 has 61 group-
ing clusters (including the ego) with estimates of mean size
s
i
available for i ¼ 1,2, ...,61 clusters. We consider this
sample to be a realization of a distribution whose sample
estimation can be written as:
fsðÞ¼
X
61
i ¼1
d s s
i
ðÞ, ð3:2Þ
where d is Dirac’s delta function. Figure 2 shows the prob-
ability density function f(s) obtained by applying a Gaus-
sian kernel estimation approach (Silverman 1986).
Our challenge is to extract a possible periodicity in this
function in the ln(s) variable, if any. If the grouping clusters
form a series of harmonics, the harmonics will have a con-
stant ratio, and we would expect a periodic oscillation of
f(s) expressed in the variable ln(s) (known as its ‘log-period-
icity’; Sornette 1998).
Standard spectral analysis applied to f(s) is dominated
by the trend seen in figure 2, with a peak at a very low log-
frequency corresponding to the whole range of the group
sizes. We thus turn to generalized q-analysis or (H, q )-
analysis (Zhou & Sornette 2002a), which has been shown
to be very sensitive and efficient for such tasks. The q-
analysis is a natural tool to describe discrete scale invar-
iance (DSI) in fractals and multifractals (Erzan 1997;
Erzan & Eckmann 1997). The (H, q )-analysis consists in
constructing the (H, q )-derivative
D
H
q
fs
ðÞ
¼
fsðÞfqsðÞ
1 qðÞs½
H
: ð3:3Þ
Introducing an exponent H different from 1 allows us to
detrend f(s) in an adaptive way (that is, detrend it with dif-
ferent values of [(1 q )s]
H
at different s values). Note that
the limit H ¼ 1 and q ! 1 retrieves the standard definition
of the derivative of f. A value of q strictly less than 1 makes it
possible to enhance possible discrete scale structures in the
data. To keep a good resolution, we work with
0:65 6 q 6 0:95, because smaller values of q require more
data for small values of s. To put more weight on the small
group sizes (which are probably more reliable since they are
obtained by conducting general surveys in larger represen-
tative populations), we use 0:5 6 H 6 0:9. A typical (H,
q)-derivative with H ¼ 0:5 and q ¼ 0:8 is illustrated in a
semi-log plot in figure 3.
We then use a Lomb periodogram analysis (Press et al.
1996) to extract the log-periodicity in f(s). Figure 4
presents the normalized Lomb periodograms of D
H
q
fsðÞfor
different pairs of (H, q ) with 0:5 6 H 6 0:9 and
0:65 6 q 6 0:95. This figure illustrates the robustness of
our result. For the specific values H ¼ 0:5 and q ¼ 0:8
shown in figure 4, the highest peak is at x
1
¼ 5:40 with
height P
N
¼ 8:67. The preferred scaling ratio is thus
k ¼ exp 2p
=
x
1
ðÞ3:2. The confidence level is 0.993
under the null hypothesis of white noise (Press et al. 1996).
If the underlying noise decorating the log-periodic struc-
ture is correlated with a Hurst index of 0.6, the confidence
level decreases to 0.99; if the Hurst index is 0.7 (which cor-
responds to an unreasonably large noise correlation), the
confidence level falls to 0.85 (Zhou & Sornette 2002b).
The Lomb periodograms also exhibit a second peak at
x
2
¼ 9:80 with height P
N
¼ 5:48. This can be interpreted
as the second harmonic component x
2
2x
1
of the funda-
mental component at x
1
¼ 5:40. The amplitude ratio of
the fundamental and the harmonic is 1.26. The coexistence
of the two peaks at x
1
and x
2
2x
1
strengthens the stat-
istical significance of a log-periodic structure. To see this,
we constructed 10
4
synthetic sets of 61 values uniformly
distributed in the variable ln(s) within the interval [0,
ln(2000)]. By construction, these 10
4
sets, which are
exactly of the same size as our data and span the same
interval, do not have log-periodicity and thus have no
characteristic sizes. We then applied the same procedure as
10
–1
10
0
10
1
10
2
10
3
10
4
0
0.1
0.2
0.3
0.4
0.5
0.6
s
f (s)
Figure 2. Probability density function f(s) of size s estimated
with a Gaussian kernel estimator in the variable ln(s) with a
bandwidth h ¼ 0:14. Varying h by 100% does not change f(s)
significantly.
10
0
10
1
10
2
10
3
10
4
–0.20
–0.15
–0.10
–0.05
0
0.05
0.10
0.15
0.20
s
D
q
f (s)
H
Figure 3. Typical (H, q)-derivative D
H
q
f(s) of the probability
density f(s) as a function of size s with H ¼ 0:5 and q ¼ 0:8.
Social group size organization W.-X. Zhou and others 441
Proc. R. Soc. B (2005)
on May 14, 2011rspb.royalsocietypublishing.orgDownloaded from
for the real dataset to these synthetic datasets and obtained
10
4
corresponding Lomb periodograms. Finally, we per-
formed the following tests on these Lomb periodograms:
find the highest Lomb peak (x, P
N
). If P
N
> 8:5, check if
there is at least another peak at 2x
^
1 with its P
N
larger
than 5.5. A total of 238 sets among the 10
4
passed the test,
suggesting a probability that our signal results from chance
equal to 0.024. The probability that there are at least two
peaks (one in 4:9 < x < 5:9 with P
N
> 8:5 and the other in
9:5 < x < 11:5 with P
N
> 5:5) is found equal to 77/10
4
,
giving another estimation of 0.992 for the statistical confi-
dence of our results.
Another metric consists in quantifying the area below the
significant peaks found in the Lomb periodogram of our
data and comparing them with those in the synthetic sets.
We count the area of the main peak of the Lomb period-
ogram at x and add to it the areas of its harmonics whose
local maxima fall in the intervals [(k ð1=5ÞÞx,
ðk þð1=5ÞÞx] for k ¼ 2,3, ..., around all its harmonics.
The area associated with a peak is defined as the region
around a local maximum delimited by the two closest local
minima bracketing it. The fraction of synthetic sets which
give an area thus defined larger than the value found for the
real data is 6–7%, depending on the specific values H and q
used in the analysis.
We applied the same analysis to individual social
networks based upon the exchange of Christmas cards
(Hill & Dunbar 2003). This study indicated that contem-
porary social networks might be differentiated based on the
frequency of contact between individuals, but that both
‘passive’ and ‘active’ factors may determine contact
frequency. Controlling for the passive factors (distance
apart, and whether the contact was overseas or a work
colleague) allowed the hierarchical network structure to be
examined based on the residual (active) contact frequency.
Starting from the residual contact frequencies, we
constructed their (H, q )-derivative with respect to the num-
ber of people contacted for each individual, obtained the
Lomb spectrum of the (H, q )-derivative and then averaged
them over the 42 individuals in the sample (figure 5). The
very strong peak at x ¼ 5:2 is consistent with the previous
results with a preferred scaling ratio from the expression k
¼ exp 2p=x
1
ðÞ3:3 (Sornette 1998) for the smaller
grouping levels in this study (i.e. group sizes below 150).
In summary, all these tests suggest that the evidence in
support of our hypothesis is significantly unlikely to result
from chance, but rather reflects the fact that human group
sizes are naturally structured into a discrete hierarchy with
a preferred scaling ratio close to 3.
4. DISCUSSION
Collating a variety of measures collected under a wide
range of conditions and in different countries, we have
documented a coherent set of characteristic group sizes
organized according to a geometric series with a preferred
scaling ratio close to three. The fact that the signature of
this scaling ratio comes through so strongly despite the fact
that the data derive from a variety of different small- and
large-scale societies suggests that it is very much a universal
feature. Were it the case that scaling ratios differed between
societies, pooling data would have tended to obscure any
relationships that might have been present.
Indeed, it turns out that similar hierarchies can be found
in other types of human organizations, although the
consistency of the patterning has not previously attracted
comment. Of these, the military probably provides the best
examples. In the land armies of many countries, one
typically finds sections (or squads) of ca. 10–15 soldiers,
platoons (of three sections, ca. 35), companies (3–4
platoons, ca. 120–150), battalions (usually 3–4 companies
plus support units, ca. 550–800), regiments (or brigades)
(usually three battalions, plus support; 2500þ), divisions
(usually three regiments) and corps (2–3 divisions). This
gives a series with a multiplying factor from one level to the
next close to three. Could it be that the army’s structures
have evolved to mimic the natural hierarchical groupings of
everyday social structures, thereby optimizing the cognitive
processing of within-group interactions?
0 5 10 15 20 25 30 35 40
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
ω
P
N
( )
ω
Figure 4. Normalized Lomb periodograms P
N
(x)asa
function of angular log-frequency x of the (H, q )-derivative
D
H
q
f(s) for different pairs of (H, q ) with 0:5 6 H 6 0:9 and
0:65 6 q 6 0:95.
0 10 20 30 40 50
0.5
10
1.5
20
2.5
30
3.5
40
4.5
ω
P
N
( )
ω
Figure 5. Average Lomb periodogram P
N
(x) of the (H, q )-
derivative D
H
q
f(s) with respect to the number of receivers of
the residual contact frequency for each individual in the
Christmas card experiment, as a function of the angular log-
frequency x of the (H, q )-derivative, over the 42 individuals
and different pairs of (H, q ) with 1 6 H 6 1 and
0:80 6 q 6 0:95.
442 W.-X. Zhou and others Social group size organization
Proc. R. Soc. B (2005)
on May 14, 2011rspb.royalsocietypublishing.orgDownloaded from
Stock market behaviour provides another example of the
same kind of phenomenon (and one that we happen to
have investigated). The existence of a discrete hierarchy of
group sizes may provide a key ingredient in rationalizing
the reported existence of DSI in financial time series in so-
called ‘bubble’ regimes characterized by strong herding
behaviours between investors (Sornette 2003). Johansen et
al. (1999, 2000) have proposed a model to explain the
observed DSI in stock market prices as resulting from a dis-
crete hierarchy in the interactions between investors.
Recent analyses of DSI in market regimes with a strong
herding component have also identified the presence of a
strong harmonic at 2x, similar to the findings reported here
( Johansen & Sornette 1999; Sornette & Zhou 2002).
Strong herding behaviour occurs only when groups of
investors coordinate their buy and sell orders; the coordi-
nated buy and sell orders that occur during a strong herd-
ing market phase thus expresses, better than at any other
time, the natural inner structure of the community of tra-
ders. By contrast, herding is absent when investors disagree
on what will be the next market move; as a result, the aggre-
gate market orders do not express the inner hierarchical
structure of the community.
The fact that DSI is found only during stock market
regimes associated with a strong herding behaviour sug-
gests that it may reflect the fact that a discrete hierarchy of
naturally occurring group sizes characterizes human inter-
actions whether they be hunter-gatherers or traders. The
findings reported here suggest that this discrete hierarchy
may have its origins in the fundamental organization of any
social structure and be deeply rooted within the cognitive
processing abilities of human brains.
When dealing with discrete hierarchies, it may be impor-
tant to distinguish between the specific group sizes and
their successive ratios. It may be that the absolute values of
the group sizes are less important than the ratios between
successive group sizes. If the ratio of group sizes is inter-
preted as a fractal dimension (specifically, the ratio is
related to the imaginary part of a fractal dimension: see
Sornette (1998) and references therein), this would imply
that, depending on the social context, the minimum
‘nucleation’ size (in the range 3–5 in previous examples)
may vary, but the ratio (close to three) might be universal.
The fundamental question, then, is to determine the origin
of this discrete hierarchy. At present, there is no obvious
reason why a ratio of three should be important.
Equally, however, we have little real understanding of
what mechanisms might limit the nucleation point to a
particular value. We do not even know, for example,
whether the constraint is a cognitive one (e.g. memory for
individual identities versus capacity to manage information
about relationships); or a time budgeting one (how much
time has to be invested in interaction with an individual to
create a bond of a particular strength, and then how many
such bonds can be fitted into a given time-scale). Nor do
we know much about how larger-scale groupings are built
up out of smaller ones. A hierarchical structure could, for
example, be built up by each individual interacting with,
say, three new individuals in an expanding network, or it
might be the result of rather discrete small subgroups held
together through a subset of individuals who act as ‘weak
links’ in the small-worlds sense—although there is some
evidence for the latter in respect of both primate social
groups (Kudo & Dunbar 2001) and at least some aspects of
human behaviour (Stiller et al. 2004). Considerable
additional work will need to be done on both these compo-
nents if we are to understand why these constraints on
human grouping patterns exist and exactly what their sig-
nificance might be.
Research by R.A.H. and R.I.M.D. was funded by the ESRC’s
Research Centre in Economic Learning and Social Evolution
(ELSE). R.I.M.D.’s research is supported by the British Acad-
emy Centenary Project and by a British Academy Research
Professorship.
REFERENCES
Adams, A. M., Madhavan, S. & Simon, D. 2002 Women’s
social networks and child survival in Mali. Soc. Sci. Med. 54,
165–178.
Barton, R. A. & Dunbar, R. I. M. 1997 Evolution of the social
brain. In Machiavellian intelligence II (ed. A. Whiten & R. W.
Byrne), pp. 240–263. Cambridge University Press.
Buys, C. J. 1992 Human sympathy-groups: cross-cultural
data. Psychol. Rep. 45, 789.
Byrne, R. W. 1995 The thinking ape. Oxford University Press.
Byrne, R. W. & Corp, N. 2004 Necortex size predicts decep-
tion in primates. Proc. R. Soc. B 271 , 1693–1699. (doi:10.
1098/rspb.2004.2780)
Byrne, R. W. & Whiten, A. (eds) 1988 Machiavellian
intelligence. Oxford University Press.
Coleman, J. S. 1964 An introduction to mathematical sociology.
London: Collier-Macmillan.
Dunbar, R. I. M. 1988 Primate social systems. London:
Chapman & Hall.
Dunbar, R. I. M. 1992 Neocortex size as a constraint on group
size in primates. J. Hum. Evol. 22, 469–493.
Dunbar, R. I. M. 1993 Coevolution of neocortex size,
group size and language in humans. Behav. Brain Sci. 16,
681–694.
Dunbar, R. I. M. 1998 The social brain hypothesis. Evol.
Anthropol. 6, 178–190.
Dunbar, R. I. M. & Spoor, M. 1995 Social networks, support
cliques and kinship. Hum. Nature 6, 273–290.
Erzan, A. 1997 Finite q-differences and the discrete renormali-
zation group. Phys. Lett. A 225, 235–238.
Erzan, A. & Eckmann, J. P. 1997 q-analysis of fractal sets.
Phys. Rev. Lett. 87, 3245–3248.
Hill, R. A. & Dunbar, R. I. M. 2003 Social network size in
humans. Hum. Nature 14, 53–72.
Johansen, A. & Sornette, D. 1999 Financial ‘anti-bubbles’:
log-periodicity in gold and Nikkei collapses. Int. J. Mod.
Phys. C 10, 563–575.
Johansen, A., Sornette, D. & Ledoit, O. 1999 Predicting
financial crashes using discrete scale invariance. J. Risk 1,
5–32.
Johansen, A., Ledoit, O. & Sornette, D. 2000 Crashes as criti-
cal points. Int. J. Theor. Appl. Fin. 3, 219–255.
Joffe, T. H. 1997 Social pressures have selected for an
extended juvenile period in primates. J. Hum. Evol. 32,
593–605.
Joffe, T. H. & Dunbar, R. I. M. 1997 Visual and socio-
cognitive information processing in primate brain evolution.
Proc. R. Soc. B 264, 1303–1307. (doi:10.1098/rspb.1997.
0180)
Kef, S. 1997 The personal networks and social supports of
blind and visually impaired adolescents. J. Vis. Impair.
Blind. 91, 236–244.
Kef, S., Hox, J. J. & Habekothe
´
, H. T. 2000 Social networks of
visually impaired and blind adolescents: structure and effect
on well-being. Soc. Netw. 22, 73–91.
Social group size organization W.-X. Zhou and others 443
Proc. R. Soc. B (2005)
on May 14, 2011rspb.royalsocietypublishing.orgDownloaded from
Kottak, C. P. 1991 Cultural anthropology, 5th edn. New York:
McGraw-Hill.
Kudo, H. & Dunbar, R. I. M. 2001 Neocortex size and social
network size in primates. Anim. Behav. 62, 711–722.
Latkin, C., Mandell, W., Vlahov, D., Knowlton, A.,
Oziemkowska, M. & Celentano, D. 1995 Personal network
characteristics as antecedents to needle-sharing and shoot-
ing gallery attendance. Soc. Netw. 17, 219–228.
Lewis, K. 2000 A comparative study of primate play behav-
iour: implications for the study of cognition. Folia Primat.
71, 417–421.
Marsden, P. V. 2003 Interviewer effects in measuring network
size using a single name generator. Soc. Netw. 25, 1–16.
Pawlowski, B. P., Lowen, C. B. & Dunbar, R. I. M. 1998 Neo-
cortex size, social skills and mating success in primates.
Behaviour 135, 357–368.
Press, W., Teukolsky, S., Vetterling, W. & Flannery, B. 1996
Numerical recipes in FORTRAN: the art of scientific computing.
Cambridge University Press.
Sawaguchi, T. & Kudo, H. 1990 Neocortical development
and social structure in primates. Primates 31, 283–290.
Scupin, R. 1992 Cultural anthropology—a global perspective.
Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.
Silverman, B. W. 1986 Density estimation for statistics and data
analysis. London: Chapman & Hall.
Sornette, D. 1998 Discrete scale invariance and complex
dimensions. Phys. Rep. 297 , 239–270.
Sornette, D. 2003 Why stock markets crash—critical events
in complex financial systems. Princeton University Press.
Sornette, D. & Zhou, W.-X. 2002 The US 2000–2002 market
descent: how much longer and deeper? Quant. Finance 2,
468–481.
Stiller, J., Nettle, D. & Dunbar, R. I. M. 2004 The small world
of Shakespeare’s plays. Hum. Nature 14, 397–408.
van Tilburg, T. G. & van Groenou, M. I. B. 2002 Network
and health changes among older Dutch adults. J. Soc. Issues
58, 697–713.
Zhou, W.-X. & Sornette, D. 2002a Generalized q-analysis of
log-periodicity: applications to critical ruptures. Phys. Rev.
E 66, 046111.
Zhou, W.-X. & Sornette, D. 2002b Statistical significance of
periodicity and log-periodicity with heavy-tailed correlated
noise. Int. J. Mod. Phys. C 13, 137–170.
444 W.-X. Zhou and others Social group size organization
Proc. R. Soc. B (2005)
on May 14, 2011rspb.royalsocietypublishing.orgDownloaded from
... The aim of the research was finding a "critical" size in groups of face to face interactants that might correlate with cognitive limits. To wit, Dunbar found evidence that these limits, namely the neocortex ratio in primates and humans, formed the basis of the evolution of language (Dunbar, 1993b), bonding and hierarchical structure in groups (Zhou, Sornette, Hill, & Dunbar, 2005), and the evolution of social networks (Hill & Dunbar, 2003;Kudo & Dunbar, 2001;Stiller & Dunbar, 2007). The results of Dunbar's research met with consensus in the scientific community. ...
... The data and the analyses in this chapter are in line with previous findings in the literature about group size, network size, and hierarchical structures (Zhou et al., 2005) already described in Section 4.6.3. Anthropologists and biologists have long observed fission behavior in nature. ...
... Dunbar also remarked that, whereas other animals like birds or herbivores have relatively simple aggregations, primate groups are characterized by aggregations that are structured in complex sets of social and kinship networks. It can be observed that bird flocks split as they exceed their optimal size, while in primate groups, this point oscillates considerably: "At the point of fission [...], groups tend to be limited, and internal structures are adopted to cope with such constraints (Dunbar, 1993a(Dunbar, , 1998Kosse, 1990;Kosse, 2001;Zhou et al., 2005). This process of unpacking the group size problem and then solving collective action has been identified by anthropologists and biologists by the name "fission-fusion dynamics," which properly define the "extent of variation in spatial cohesion and individual membership in a group over time" (Aureli et al., 2008). ...
Thesis
This dissertation is about collective action issues in common property resources. Its focus is the "threshold hypothesis", which posits the existence of a threshold in group size that drives the process of institutional change. This hypothesis is tested using a six-century dataset concerning the management of the commons by hundreds of communities in the Italian Alps. The analysis seeks to determine the group size threshold and the institutional changes that occur when groups cross this threshold. There are five main findings. First, the number of individuals in villages remained stable for six centuries, despite the population in the region tripling in the same period. Second, the longitudinal analysis of face-to-face assemblies and community size led to the empirical identification of a threshold size that triggered the transition from informal to more formal regimes to manage common property resources. Third, when groups increased in size, gradual organizational changes took place: large groups split into independent subgroups or structured interactions into multiple layers while maintaining a single formal organization. Fourth, resource heterogeneity seemed to have had no significant impact on various institutional characteristics. Fifth, social heterogeneity showed statistically significant impacts, especially on institutional complexity, consensus, and the relative importance of governance rules versus resource management rules. Overall, the empirical evidence from this research supports the 'threshold hypothesis'. These findings shed light on the rationale of institutional change in common property regimes, and clarify the mechanisms of collective action in traditional societies. Further research may generalize these conclusions to other domains of collective action and to present-day applications.
... Therefore, it seems impossible, in principle, to capture their meaning by 43 way of word vectors. 44 Secondly, even if one were able to sidestep this issue, a more pervasive one would 45 emerge: namely, that each person has highly idiosyncratic and subjective ways of 46 perceiving and describing personally familiar people and places. This makes it hard to 47 capture semantic representations from recollections of autobiographic memories 48 expressed in natural language, which constitute an exceptionally diverse and reduced 49 linguistic dataset [26][27][28]. ...
... Personally familiar entities 145 Before starting the EEG experiment, we asked participants to provide the names for 146 eight people and eight places (see Fig 1, left portion). As a framework, we followed 147 research on social circles [46]. For people we focused, in our definition, on members of 148 the so-called 'support clique'. ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Knowledge about personally familiar people and places is extremely rich and varied, involving pieces of semantic information connected in unpredictable ways through past autobiographical memories. In this work we investigate whether we can capture brain processing of personally familiar people and places using subject-specific memories, after transforming them into vectorial semantic representations using language models. First we asked participants to provide us with the names of the closest people and places in their lives. Then we collected open-ended answers to a questionnaire, aimed at capturing various facets of declarative knowledge. We collected EEG data from the same participants while they were reading the names and subsequently mentally visualizing their referents. As a control set of stimuli, we also recorded evoked responses to a matched set of famous people and places. We then created original semantic representations for the individual entities using language models. For personally familiar entities, we used the text of the answers to the questionnaire. For famous entities, we employed their Wikipedia page, which reflects shared declarative knowledge about them. Through whole-scalp time-resolved and searchlight encoding analyses we found that we could capture how the brain processes one's closest people and places using person-specific answers to questionnaires, as well as famous entities. Encoding performance was significant in a large time window (200-800ms). In terms of spatio-temporal clusters, two main axes where encoding scores are significant emerged, in bilateral temporo-parietal electrodes first (200-500ms) and frontal and posterior central electrodes later (500-700ms). We also found that XLM, a contextualized language model or large language model, provided superior encoding scores when compared with a simpler static language model as word2vec. Overall, these results indicate that language models can capture subject-specific semantic representations as they are processed in the human brain, by exploiting small-scale distributional lexical data.
... This was previously found for offline social networks, but the existence of the same result was confirmed, after the evolution of the internet, in the case of online social networks [25,56]. Dunbar's hierarchy layers consist of alters with scaling ratio of 3 [57,58]. These hierarchy layers consist of a series of concentric circles of acquaintanceship [56,59]. ...
... Cognitive constraints and time resources limit the number of close social ties that an individual can maintain simultaneously (Dunbar, 2018). The innermost layer of the friendship group with the highest emotional closeness is around five close friends (the so-called Dunbar's number) (Zhou et al., 2005). For now, only a few empirical studies have examined the nonlinear association between social relationships, mental health, and cognition in children and adolescents. ...
Article
Full-text available
Close friendships are important for mental health and cognition in late childhood. However, whether the more close friends the better, and the underlying neurobiological mechanisms are unknown. Using the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Developmental study, we identified nonlinear associations between the number of close friends, mental health, cognition, and brain structure. Although few close friends were associated with poor mental health, low cognitive functions, and small areas of the social brain (e.g., the orbitofrontal cortex, the anterior cingulate cortex, the anterior insula, and the temporoparietal junction), increasing the number of close friends beyond a level (around 5) was no longer associated with better mental health and larger cortical areas, and was even related to lower cognition. In children having no more than five close friends, the cortical areas related to the number of close friends revealed correlations with the density of μ-opioid receptors and the expression of OPRM1 and OPRK1 genes, and could partly mediate the association between the number of close friends, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symptoms, and crystalized intelligence. Longitudinal analyses showed that both too few and too many close friends at baseline were associated with more ADHD symptoms and lower crystalized intelligence 2 y later. Additionally, we found that friendship network size was nonlinearly associated with well-being and academic performance in an independent social network dataset of middle-school students. These findings challenge the traditional idea of 'the more, the better,' and provide insights into potential brain and molecular mechanisms.
... Human social networks have a layered structure, defined by the fractal structure of the Dunbar number 22 . This fractal structure forms a series of layers in the network that reflect the emotional closeness of the individuals involved [23][24][25][26] . Studies on networks formed through social media, such as Facebook and Twitter have shown layered structures similar to offline face-to-face networks 27 , and similar patterns have been reported from massive multiplayer online games 28 . ...
... One aspect of social complexity that has attracted attention is the fact that some species live in multilevel societies: these social systems have a layered structure with a small basal social unit that is stable through time, with higher-level groupings built up out of increasingly unstable clusterings of these basal units. Human hunter-gatherer social communities, for example, typically consist of bands of 35-50 individuals, which cluster into communities of around 150 individuals, with these in turn gathered into successively higher-level groupings at 500 (mega-bands) and 1500 (tribes) individuals (Zhou et al., 2005;Hamilton et al., 2007;Dunbar, 2020). Similarly, the basal social unit of hamadryas (Papio hamadryas) and gelada baboons (Theropithecus gelada) is a single male reproductive unit of 5-10 individuals, with these being clustered successively into clans and bands (Hill, Bentley & Dunbar, 2008;Mac Carron & Dunbar, 2016). ...
Article
Close friendships are important for mental health and cognition in late childhood. However, whether the more close friends the better, and the underlying neurobiological mechanisms are unknown. Using the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Developmental study, we identified nonlinear associations between the number of close friends, mental health, cognition, and brain structure. Although few close friends were associated with poor mental health, low cognitive functions, and small areas of the social brain (e.g., the orbitofrontal cortex, the anterior cingulate cortex, the anterior insula, and the temporoparietal junction), increasing the number of close friends beyond a level (around 5) was no longer associated with better mental health and larger cortical areas, and was even related to lower cognition. In children having no more than five close friends, the cortical areas related to the number of close friends revealed correlations with the density of μ-opioid receptors and the expression of OPRM1 and OPRK1 genes, and could partly mediate the association between the number of close friends, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symptoms, and crystalized intelligence. Longitudinal analyses showed that both too few and too many close friends at baseline were associated with more ADHD symptoms and lower crystalized intelligence 2 y later. Additionally, we found that friendship network size was nonlinearly associated with well-being and academic performance in an independent social network dataset of middle-school students. These findings challenge the traditional idea of ‘the more, the better,’ and provide insights into potential brain and molecular mechanisms.
Article
Close friendships are important for mental health and cognition in late childhood. However, whether the more close friends the better, and the underlying neurobiological mechanisms are unknown. Using the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Developmental study, we identified nonlinear associations between the number of close friends, mental health, cognition, and brain structure. Although few close friends were associated with poor mental health, low cognitive functions, and small areas of the social brain (e.g., the orbitofrontal cortex, the anterior cingulate cortex, the anterior insula, and the temporoparietal junction), increasing the number of close friends beyond a level (around 5) was no longer associated with better mental health and larger cortical areas, and was even related to lower cognition. In children having no more than five close friends, the cortical areas related to the number of close friends revealed correlations with the density of μ-opioid receptors and the expression of OPRM1 and OPRK1 genes, and could partly mediate the association between the number of close friends, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symptoms, and crystalized intelligence. Longitudinal analyses showed that both too few and too many close friends at baseline were associated with more ADHD symptoms and lower crystalized intelligence 2 y later. Additionally, we found that friendship network size was nonlinearly associated with well-being and academic performance in an independent social network dataset of middle-school students. These findings challenge the traditional idea of ‘the more, the better,’ and provide insights into potential brain and molecular mechanisms.
Article
Close friendships are important for mental health and cognition in late childhood. However, whether the more close friends the better, and the underlying neurobiological mechanisms are unknown. Using the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Developmental study, we identified nonlinear associations between the number of close friends, mental health, cognition, and brain structure. Although few close friends were associated with poor mental health, low cognitive functions, and small areas of the social brain (e.g., the orbitofrontal cortex, the anterior cingulate cortex, the anterior insula, and the temporoparietal junction), increasing the number of close friends beyond a level (around 5) was no longer associated with better mental health and larger cortical areas, and was even related to lower cognition. In children having no more than five close friends, the cortical areas related to the number of close friends revealed correlations with the density of μ-opioid receptors and the expression of OPRM1 and OPRK1 genes, and could partly mediate the association between the number of close friends, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) symptoms, and crystalized intelligence. Longitudinal analyses showed that both too few and too many close friends at baseline were associated with more ADHD symptoms and lower crystalized intelligence 2 y later. Additionally, we found that friendship network size was nonlinearly associated with well-being and academic performance in an independent social network dataset of middle-school students. These findings challenge the traditional idea of ‘the more, the better,’ and provide insights into potential brain and molecular mechanisms.
Article
Full-text available
Primate and human social groups exhibit a fractal structure that has a very limited range of preferred layer sizes, with groups of 5, 15, 50 and (in humans) 150 and 500 predominating. In non-human primates, this same fractal distribution is also observed in the distribution of species mean group sizes and in the internal network structure of their groups. Here we demonstrate that this preferential numbering arises because of the critical nature of dynamic self-organization within complex social networks. We calculate the size dependence of the scaling properties of complex social network models and argue that this aggregate behaviour exhibits a form of collective intelligence. Direct calculation establishes that the complexity of social networks as measured by their scaling behaviour is non-monotonic, peaking globally around 150 with a secondary peak at 500 and tertiary peaks at 5, 15 and 50. This provides a theory-based rationale for the fractal layering of primate and human social groups.
Article
Full-text available
This paper examines social network size in contemporary Western society based on the exchange of Christmas cards. Maximum network size averaged 153.5 individuals, with a mean network size of 124.9 for those individuals explicitly contacted; these values are remarkably close to the group size of 150 predicted for humans on the basis of the size of their neocortex. Age, household type, and the relationship to the individual influence network structure, although the proportion of kin remained relatively constant at around 21%. Frequency of contact between network members was primarily determined by two classes of variable: passive factors (distance, work colleague, overseas) and active factors (emotional closeness, genetic relatedness). Controlling for the influence of passive factors on contact rates allowed the hierarchical structure of human social groups to be delimited. These findings suggest that there may be cognitive constraints on network size.
Article
Full-text available
Data on the number of adults that an individual contacts at least once a month in a set of British populations yield estimates of network sizes that correspond closely to those of the typical "sympathy group" size in humans. Men and women do not differ in their total network size, but women have more females and more kin in their networks than men do. Kin account for a significantly higher proportion of network members than would be expected by chance. The number of kin in the network increases in proportion to the size of the family; as a result, people from large families have proportionately fewer non-kin in their networks, suggesting that there is either a time constraint or a cognitive constraint on network size. A small inner clique of the network functions as a support group from whom an individual is particularly likely to seek advice or assistance in time of need. Kin do not account for a significantly higher proportion of the support clique than they do for the wider network of regular social contacts for either men or women, but each sex exhibits a strong preference for members of their own sex.
Chapter
How can the intelligence of monkeys and apes, and the huge brain expansion which marked human evolution be explained? In 1988, Machiavellian Intelligence was the first book to assemble the early evidence suggesting a new answer: that the evolution of intellect was primarily driven by selection for manipulative, social expertise within groups where the most challenging problem faced by individuals was dealing with their companions. Since then a wealth of new information and ideas has accumulated. This new book will bring readers up to date with the most important developments, extending the scope of the original ideas and evaluating them empirically from different perspectives. It is essential reading for reseachers and students in many different branches of evolution and behavioural sciences, primatology, and philosophy.
Article
The scientific study of complex systems has transformed a wide range of disciplines in recent years, enabling researchers in both the natural and social sciences to model and predict phenomena as diverse as earthquakes, global warming, demographic patterns, financial crises, and the failure of materials. In this book, Didier Sornette boldly applies his varied experience in these areas to propose a simple, powerful, and general theory of how, why, and when stock markets crash.Most attempts to explain market failures seek to pinpoint triggering mechanisms that occur hours, days, or weeks before the collapse. Sornette proposes a radically different view: the underlying cause can be sought months and even years before the abrupt, catastrophic event in the build-up of cooperative speculation, which often translates into an accelerating rise of the market price, otherwise known as a "bubble." Anchoring his sophisticated, step-by-step analysis in leading-edge physical and statistical modeling techniques, he unearths remarkable insights and some predictions--among them, that the "end of the growth era" will occur around 2050.Sornette probes major historical precedents, from the decades-long "tulip mania" in the Netherlands that wilted suddenly in 1637 to the South Sea Bubble that ended with the first huge market crash in England in 1720, to the Great Crash of October 1929 and Black Monday in 1987, to cite just a few. He concludes that most explanations other than cooperative self-organization fail to account for the subtle bubbles by which the markets lay the groundwork for catastrophe.Any investor or investment professional who seeks a genuine understanding of looming financial disasters should read this book. Physicists, geologists, biologists, economists, and others will welcomeWhy Stock Markets Crashas a highly original "scientific tale," as Sornette aptly puts it, of the exciting and sometimes fearsome--but no longer quite so unfathomable--world of stock markets.
Article
Conventional wisdom over the past 160 years in the cognitive and neurosciences has assumed that brains evolved to process factual information about the world. Most attention has therefore been focused on such features as pattern recognition, color vision, and speech perception. By extension, it was assumed that brains evolved to deal with essentially ecological problem-solving tasks. 1.