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RESEARCH PAPER
Emotions for sale: cigarette advertising and women’s
psychosocial needs
S J Anderson, S A Glantz, P M Ling
...............................................................................................................................
See end of article for
authors’ affiliations
.......................
Correspondence to:
Pamela M Ling,
MD, MPH, ,Box 0320,
University of California,
San Francisco, CA 94143-
0320, USA; pling@
medicine.ucsf.edu
Received 24 June 2004
Accepted
16 December 2004
.......................
Tobacco Control 2005;14:127–135. doi: 10.1136/tc.2004.009076
Objective: To explore messages of psychosocial needs satisfaction in cigarette advertising targeting
women and implications for tobacco control policy.
Methods: Analysis of internal tobacco industry documents and public advertising collections.
Results: Tobacco industry market research attempted to identify the psychosocial needs of different groups
of women, and cigarette advertising campaigns for brands that women smoke explicitly aimed to position
cigarettes as capable of satisfying these needs. Such positioning can be accomplished with advertising that
downplays or excludes smoking imagery. As women’s needs change with age and over time,
advertisements were developed to reflect the needs encountered at different stages in women’s lives.
Cigarette brands for younger women stressed female camaraderie, self confidence, freedom, and
independence; cigarette brands for older women addressed needs for pleasure, relaxation, social
acceptability, and escape from daily stresses.
Conclusions: Psychosocial needs satisfaction can be communicated without reference to cigarettes or
smoking. This may explain why partial advertising bans are ineffective and comprehensive bans on all
forms of tobacco marketing are effective. Counter-advertising should attempt to expose and undermine the
needs satisfaction messages of cigarette advertising campaigns directed at women.
T
obacco companies target women and other special
populations with advertising.
1–4
When cigarette market-
ing in the USA specifically targeted women in the 1920s
and 1930s, and again in the late 1960s, female smoking
increased.
5
Advertising aims to elicit emotional responses
from its audiences. As early as 1911 psychology of marketing
theorist Walter D Scott said, ‘‘[t]he man with the proper
imagination is able to conceive of any commodity in such a
way that it becomes an object of emotion to him and to those
to whom he imparts his picture… the good advertiser…
should be a practical psychologist and know the human
emotions and sentiments…’’.
6
Consumers ‘‘may feel they are purchasing a self-image’’.
5
To sell these images, marketers need to determine consu-
mers’ interpersonal concerns and what images will promote
the desired self enhancement. In an early study Koponen
7
showed that purchasing behaviours were correlated with
scores on standardised personality inventories. During the
1960s and 1970s, research on consumer lifestyles,
8
psycho-
logical study of values,
9
and market research on psycho-
graphics
10
were used by business for a better understanding
of the motivations of different consumer groups to develop
more focused advertising. Using Virginia Slims as a case
study, O’Keefe and Pollay
11
found that Philip Morris
identified a female market niche, the feminist values of
individuals in that niche, and the stimuli to which they
respond as they attempt to fill their needs.
Researchers have noted the psychological and emotional
needs of female smokers and the advertisements that appeal
to such needs. Associating smoking with slimness has been
shown to encourage smoking initiation among adolescent
girls and young women.
12 13
Fashionableness, sex appeal,
affluence, independence, and adventure have been identified
as themes found in female targeted cigarette advertising.
5 14–17
Advertising for cigarettes smoked by women only (such as
Virginia Slims, Eve, Kim, and Satin) gave women a sense of
equality, exclusivity,
11 18
and liberation.
19
Although tobacco advertising targeting women has been
documented,
5
less is known about how needs satisfaction
messages effectively promote smoking to women. Tobacco
industry documents provide a unique opportunity to examine
the industry’s process of developing cigarette advertising for
women. Between 1980 and 2000, cigarette advertisements
designed to appeal to women increasingly paired smoking
with the satisfaction of psychosocial needs that industry
research identified as salient to women of different ages and
life experiences.
METHODS
We searched the Legacy Tobacco Documents Library (http://
legacy.library.ucsf.edu), Tobacco Documents Online (http://
tobaccodocuments.org), and the documents websites of
Philip Morris (http://www.pmdocs.com), Brown and
Williamson (http://www.bwdocs.com), RJ Reynolds (http://
www.rjrtdocs.com), and Lorillard (http://www.lorillarddocs.
com). Initial search terms included women, female, market-
ing, creative, focus group, qualitative, exploration, segmenta-
tion, psychology, promotion, advertising, brand names, and
industry acronyms (for example, ‘‘YAFS’’ for young adult
female smokers). These searches yielded tens of thousands of
documents.
We conducted additional snowball searches on names of
individuals and agencies, places, dates, Bates numbers, and
campaign slogans. Documents related to research, planning,
and evaluation of advertising to women were selected. This
analysis is based upon a final collection of 704 documents.
We matched advertising images with the campaigns
described in industry documents using print advertising
and promotional items from the University of California, San
Francisco Professor Virginia Ernster’s tobacco advertising
collection and various online sources, including the Pollay
collection (http://roswell.tobaccodocuments.org/pollay/dirdet.
cfm), the Tobacco Advertising Gallery of Tobacco-Free Kids
(http://tobaccofreekids.org/adgallery), and other digital
127
www.tobaccocontrol.com
collections (http://www.geocities.com/SouthBeach/Palms/
2120/capriads.htm, http://chickenhead.com/truth, http://
www.trinketsandtrash.org, http://www.gaysmokeout.net/
resource7.html). We collected 159 advertisements for this
analysis.
We selected campaigns based upon a stated intent to target
women in marketing plans, the apparent targeting of women
using women dominated images in advertisements, or brand
sales reports indicating a high percentage of female con-
sumers. Although not every campaign discussed here
exclusively or explicitly targets women, these criteria allowed
us to analyse both female and unisex brands that claim a
large proportion of women in the market. The brands and
campaigns discussed were selected to present a sample of
campaigns designed for different age groups, different
psychographic segmentation schemes, and by different
tobacco companies.
RESULTS
Tobacco marketers have noted that messages focusing on
physical product characteristics are weak on personal
relevance.
20
Marketers rely on clusters of values and lifestyle
preferences to develop brand images that would be psycho-
logically, emotionally, and socially relevant to potential brand
users.
21
Table 1 summarises some of the needs of female
target markets identified by industry research and the
advertising designed to address those needs. We present
several examples of campaigns for brands that target specific
psychographic segments of the female market, emphasising
campaigns that intended to suggest the satisfaction of
psychosocial needs.
‘‘Spoil yourself’’: positioning satin for mature,
feminine women
Lorillard began test marketing Satin on 14 June 1982
42
to
compete in the growing market of educated working women
who smoked slim cigarettes
43
; the campaign received very
positive responses.
44
Satin was positioned ‘‘to communicate
to working women as well as housewives that they deserve
some time for themselves; time to relax and spoil themselves
in some manner and to further foster the moment is to
smoke Satin cigarettes’’.
45
The women targeted were mature,
highly feminine women who experienced many daily
demands on their time and energy
46
and who shared a need
for private, self indulgent, escapism.
23
According to a 1981
Russell Marketing Research report to Lorillard, for test
market respondents in cities across the USA, the Satin
proposition most strongly appealed to ‘‘The sensuous nature
of a woman… The desire to ‘pamper yourself’… The desire to
relax with a cigarette… The generally suppressed dream of
relaxing in luxury’’.
46
The research firm tested Satin for its
ability to ‘‘relate to several major areas of a woman’s
motivation’’ and to ‘‘make her susceptible to appeals based
on those drives which hold the most meaning for her –
whether
conscious or subconscious’’
46
(emphasis in original).
Lorillard hired MCA Advertising, Inc to develop advertise-
ments that would involve women in a fantasy of ‘‘escape
from life’s problems with a little well-deserved, self-indul-
gence’’, and found that such a fantasy ‘‘seems to really be
striking a nerve’’
22
with focus groups, especially with older
women.
47
In 1981 focus group testing of prototype advertisements,
one image called the ‘‘‘Couch’ Ad had the best overall
acceptance and involvement. It was self-indulgent, luxurious
and sensuous, and went well with Satin… The group
identified easily with it—‘can fantasize with it’’’.
23
This
rendering depicted a solitary woman lounging on a couch,
reading a magazine, and smoking a cigarette.
48
Figure 1
shows the 1983 ad that evolved from these early tests. The
headline, ‘‘Spoil Yourself With Satin’’, was accepted by the
participants ‘‘without any hesitation and several spoke of
‘deserving’ time for themselves… ‘she is totally relaxed,
taking a break—dinner is done, kids are asleep—this is
her
time’’’
23
(emphasis in original).
The 1982 Satin marketing strategy was ‘‘to convince the
target that only Satin can pamper and gratify her special
feminine needs and moods when it comes to smoking
Table 1 Cigarette brand campaigns targeting women by psychosocial need, time
period, and age group
Need Brand/company/campaign Psychographic segment Time period Age group
Private time
22 23
Satin (Lorillard): ‘‘Spoil
Yourself with Satin’’
‘‘Social Strivers’’ and
‘‘Satisfied Secures’’
24
Early to mid
1980s
35–59
Social
acceptability
25–28
Benson & Hedges (Philip
Morris): ‘‘For People Who
Like to Smoke’’
‘‘Imprisoned Smokers/
Compensators’’ and ‘‘Closet
Smokers’’
25
Late 1980s to
early 1990s
25–49
Escape
29–33
Capri (Brown & Williamson):
‘‘She’s Gone to Capri’’
‘‘Personal Experience’’
34
Mid 1990s to
2000
35–59
Peer group
belonging
35–38
Marlboro (Philip Morris):
‘‘Marlboro Country’’/‘‘Come
to Where the Flavor Is’’
‘‘Mavericks’’
21 39
mid-1990s to
2000s
18–24
Female
camaraderie
40 41
Virginia Slims (Philip Morris):
‘‘It’s a Woman Thing’’
‘‘Uptown Girls’’
21 39
Mid 1990s to
2000s
20s
Figure 1 In this 1983 Satin ‘‘Couch’’ advertisement, the caption reads,
‘‘Go ahead. You deserve this Satin moment. So enjoy the smooth, silky
taste of new Satin with the luxurious Satin tip’’. With the Satin brand and
advertising campaigns, Lorillard attempted to capture a sensuous image
of highly feminine—not feminist—women. This campaign was designed
to communicate a self indulgent, relaxing, escapist fantasy for mature,
busy women, whether employed or not, who felt pressured by many
demands on their time.
128 Anderson, Glantz , Ling
www.tobaccocontrol.com
enjoyment’’.
49
Advertisements communicated the message on
an emotional level: ‘‘The vignettes of relaxation, contempla-
tion, and self-indulgence’’, according to executional plans,
‘‘must be real, but with an element of luxury that projects an
aura of fantasy. They must evoke an emotional response from
women’’.
49
Advertising for the brand, however, failed to create an
ownable image for the target market. Women participating in
focus groups perceived the ideal 1980s woman to be ‘‘a
working woman with a family or possibly without, who
enjoys working, enjoys her family and friends… but she is
not overly independent to the point of being domineering,
tough and isolated or in any way a woman’s liber’’.
50
Lorillard
found it difficult to ‘‘depict the strategy of an active women,
while utilizing visuals portraying relaxation’’ and made a
decision to add ‘‘props or background hints suggesting a
more active side of her life… an attache´ case, working
clothes, books’’.
51
This technique may have interfered with
the fantasy by including elements of the very things from
which some in the target audience wished to escape.
Satin, though off to a strong start and still manufactured in
2004, was not a commercial success. Between test marketing
and the national launch on 14 February 1983,
52
Satin claimed
a 1.4% market share
44
but failed to sustain it, dropping to a
0.24% share by the autumn of 1984.
53
‘‘For people who like to smoke’’: Benson & Hedges
and social acceptability
As tobacco control advocates pressed for societal and
legislative priority with respect to secondhand smoke, the
social acceptability of smoking declined considerably.
54
Philip
Morris (PM) asserted the importance of ‘‘counteract[ing]
public campaigns aimed increasingly at convincing smokers
and non-smokers that smoking is unacceptable in today’s
society’’.
55
PM attempted advertising that would help
smokers satisfy their increasingly salient need to be accepted
by the society around them. ‘‘For People Who Like to Smoke’’
was the first of two campaigns designed to address social
acceptability issues. After its failure to increase market share,
PM again attempted to address social acceptability with the
‘‘Creative Solutions’’ campaign, also a failure,
56
before
abandoning the endeavour.
A 1985 marketing research presentation to Hamish
Maxwell, PM chairman of the board and CEO, stated that
smokers were primarily motivated by neither taste nor health
issues: ‘‘these specific product attributes are used by the
smoker only to place brands in a context related to their
real
need and concern – positive imagery for the smoker himself:
The issue today is social acceptability’’
25
(emphasis in
original).
The presentation noted that female smokers in particular
‘‘tend to see smoking as a negative activity… [and] react with
new ways to compensate to increased pressure to stop/limit
smoking’’
25
(emphasis in original). Among those noted were
‘‘Imprisoned Smokers/Compensators’’, who are ‘‘embar-
rassed by social pressures… try to limit number [of
cigarettes] smoked… [and] usually smoke ‘acceptable’
brands’’, and ‘‘‘Closet’ Smokers… older, predominantly
female smokers… [who] often smoke only in private’’.
25
Echoing PM’s observations about the social acceptability
concerns of female smokers, a 1987 report by RJ Reynolds on
‘‘new brands opportunities and supporting technologies’’
noted that ‘‘female smokers have a heightened want relative
to male smokers’’ for improvement on the passive smoking
issue, and that women were ‘‘more conscious of others
objecting to smoking’’.
57
Indeed, guilt seemed to be the
cornerstone of the self concept of this segment with respect to
being smokers.
58
The author of the 1985 presentation to Maxwell recom-
mended that cigarette campaigns contain messages that the
smoker needed to hear about herself/himself as a smoker in a
non-smoking world. The campaign should:
Tell me I am not personally offensive or unlovable because
I smoke.
Tell me I am not a social outcast because I smoke.
Tell me smoking is
not the most crucial choice in my life.
Tell me I am
not different from everyone else just because I
smoke
25
(emphasis in original).
The B&H ‘‘For People Who Like to Smoke’’ campaign was
designed to send smokers this message. The author of the
report quoted above stated, ‘‘Benson & Hedges taps into a
deep reservoir of affection, because smokers, and particularly
compensators, badly need to be told that smoking is
a common part of everyday life’’.
25
‘‘Compensators’’ in
this document refers to PM’s ‘‘Imprisoned Smokers/
Compensators’’ segment. PM’s 1988 B&H creative strategy
was to ‘‘utilize real smoking and nonsmoking people in
spontaneous natural situations which reinforce the social
acceptability of the Brand and the people who choose it…
Smokers should never be perceived as lonely, isolated,
‘stressed-out’ or ostracized’’.
27
All images comprising this
campaign included non-smoking and smoking models in
engaging, familiar, comfortable social interactions.
Focus group participants responded positively to these
communications. Trinette Francis Qualitative Research
reported results of 1988 focus groups of 18–44 year old
smokers in New York and found the executions most
successful in communicating social acceptability, normalcy,
and inclusiveness in a comfortable setting were those which:
N depict people interacting sympathetically or enjoying
their privacy and time for themselves
N relate to people in situations which indicate a depth of
emotional understanding
N where the smoker/nonsmoker dichotomy is relegated to
the background.
28
The tagline ‘‘For people who like to smoke’’ implied to the
respondents a sense of sharing: ‘‘we’re allies as smokers’’, ‘‘it
Figure 2 With the 1986 Benson & Hedges ‘‘For People Who Like to
Smoke’’ campaign ‘‘Living Room Girls’’ execution, PM attempted to
combat the declining social acceptability of smoking through brand
image. ‘‘For People Who Like to Smoke’’ depicted casual, jovial scenes
of upper middle class people enjoying meaningful time with friends and
family, where conflict between smokers and non-smokers was entirely
absent.
Cigarette advertising and women’s psychosocial needs 129
www.tobaccocontrol.com
takes the stigma out of smoking’’.
28
The ad most preferred by
female participants, ‘‘Living Room Girls’’, appears in fig 2.
Overall, ‘‘[s]mokers tended to feel good about the situations
depicted in the ‘For People Who Like to Smoke’ campaign
because of their personal experiences of not being able to
smoke in many places. The ads, in a way, told them it’s o.k.,
people do smoke and enjoy it’’.
28
Despite its success in addressing a psychosocial need, the
campaign did not succeed in making long term market share
or profit gains for B&H. In fact, throughout the campaign’s
lifecycle from 1986 to 1990, the brand experienced a steady
decline in share.
59–65
In the real world the social unaccept-
ability of smoking remained; the fantasy of problem-free
smoking depicted by the campaign was not enough to
overcome reality.
‘‘She’s Gone to Capri’’: offering a fantasy escape to
older women
As Graham noted,
66
working class women were likely to
perceive smoking as a psychological break from the many
daily demands they faced. Similarly for middle and upper
class women, Brown and Williamson (B&W) launched a
campaign in the 1990s, ‘‘She’s Gone to Capri’’, that tapped
the need of busy women to indulge in an escapist fantasy.
In 1980, B&W attempted to develop a low tar cigarette for
women who were 25–45 years old, white collar, middle or
upper middle class, and relatively well educated.
67
Capri was
among several brands proposed, with a suggested brand
personality designed to present:
…a moment of escape. The trip to a lovely foreign land
where there are no phone calls, no kids, no demands…
This is relaxation. It’s a special experience; of that we can
be sure. It’s not Newport. It’s not Miami Beach. It’s
exotic…romantic…exquisite…like nothing back home.
68
The eventual users of Capri were about a decade older than
the originally intended target, as psychographics overrode
demographic targeting as the focus of the Capri advertising
strategy.
69
After eight years of evolving campaigns that too closely
resembled 1980s Virginia Slims advertisements,
70
a consult-
ing firm B&W hired in the 1990s, Tatham Euro RSCG,
renewed Capri’s positioning as an ‘‘Escape from the
Ordinary’’.
30
As the campaign proposal described:
[t]he Capri campaign invites women to make this escape
through a combination of exotic, romantic visuals in a
serene atmosphere; and confident women with a lyrical
tone and manner… [The Capri woman’s] emotional state
can best be described as comfortable and quietly joyous—
about herself, her surroundings, and her life.
30
‘‘The feelings associated with this escape’’, noted Stewart
Young, group research director for Tatham Euro in a 1996
letter to B&W’s Sharon Smith, ‘‘are ‘carefree,’ ‘peaceful,’
‘relaxed’ and ‘quiet.’ The ideal is often being alone, with one’s
own thoughts or feelings (alone but not lonely)’’.
31
By 1997, the marketing research firm Perception Research
Services, Inc, concluded that ‘‘[t]he current campaign for the
Capri brand of cigarettes appears to easily transition/evolve
toward the exclusion of models/people in the advertising. In
many ways, it appears to strengthen the aspirational feel of
the campaign, and make it more personally relevant/
compelling’’.
71
B&W, concerned with possible future restric-
tions on tobacco advertising,
72
pre-emptively developed a
creative strategy where ‘‘the absence of a model rendered the
setting more personal and more desirable’’, especially when
‘‘models were removed from current ads and replaced with
feminine props (hat, scarf, etc.)’’.
72
Figure 3 demonstrates
this change; the first image is an ad that ran in 1997 with the
female model, and the second is the same scene in 1999 with
the model removed. Joe Schurtz, vice president of Perception
Research, summarised 1998 focus group testing, noting the
absence of a model ‘‘allows each individual to place
themselves in the setting and ‘I can make it what I want
to’’’.
33
B&W’s creative execution guidelines specified require-
ments for the late 1990s ‘‘She’s Gone to Capri’’ images.
First, the ‘‘location should not be in a crowded, loud or
boisterous area but neither should it appear lonely or remote,
but more simply put, a personal or private place’’.
32
Second, in
the absence of models, ‘‘props should deliver the message
that the CAPRI smoker has just momentarily stepped away.
She is nearby’’.
32
Additionally, the camera’s distance from the
scene ‘‘should be close in enough for the viewer to realize
that the area is the personal space of a lady while at the same
time enough background should be visible as to deliver the
Mediterranean locale’’.
32
Further, ‘‘the photograph is done
with a technique that is pointillistic. The visual is not full
bleed in order to appear like an old photograph’’.
32
Schurtz
explained how this technique might contribute to the escape:
‘‘The photographic style of softer/muted borders effectively
reinforces images of elegance, mysterious and unique. This
dream-like/escape feel can serve as the cornerstone for
establishing the aspirational imagery of the brand.’’
33
The ‘‘She’s Gone to Capri’’ campaign became a transcen-
dental fantasy of escape from the ordinary not in only the
mundane sense of everyday hassles, but in a more holistic
sense involving place, time, and emotion. The cigarette was
subtly paired with this eminently pleasurable emotional
state.
71
Capri was more successful than Satin; after a 0.41%
share of market at its low in 1989,
73
Capri increased to 0.65%
in 1996.
74
As of 2004, B&W lists Capri as one of its 12
‘‘leading domestic brands’’,
75
even though it has not
surpassed Virginia Slims’s 2.4% market share.
76
Young women’s needs: Marlboro and Virginia Slims in
the 1990s
As manufacturer of two brands popular among women, PM
tapped different female market segments with Marlboro and
Virginia Slims. In a 1994 report, PM described four
Figure 3 The left image from the 1997 Capri ‘‘She’s Gone to Capri’’
campaign includes a model; the right image from 1999 excludes the
model from the same scene. Like Satin, Capri targeted highly feminine
women who felt a need for a luxurious escape from life’s stresses. Brown
& Williamson found that excluding models from the ads and using
impressionistic print techniques enhanced the dreamy, escapist feel of
the image and created a more personal place to which the target
audience could escape.
130 Anderson, Glantz , Ling
www.tobaccocontrol.com
psychographic segments of the young adult (age 18–24 years)
female market. The brands for young women discussed here
target two of PM’s segments: ‘‘Mavericks’’ for young female
Marlboro users, and ‘‘Uptown Girls’’ for young Virginia Slims
users. ‘‘Mavericks’’ were non-feminine women who gravitate
toward exciting lifestyles and value independence; ‘‘Uptown
Girls’’ were success oriented and status conscious partiers
and shoppers.
21 39
Though young female users of both of these brands highly
value the peer groups to which they belong,
41 77
the
differences between these two groups may be seen in the
strategies PM appears to have employed in designing
the Marlboro advertisements of the 1990s and the concurrent
Virginia Slims ‘‘It’s a Woman Thing’’ campaign. For
Marlboro, being an average person appears to be how young
women gain a sense of belonging through their brand,
whereas for Virginia Slims, stereotypic expression of gender
differences appears to communicate youthful belonging.
Marlboro
Despite its overtly masculine image, Marlboro claims a larger
percentage of young female smokers of any brand.
14 78
According to a Leo Burnett Agency presentation to PM in
1991, young female smokers described themselves as
‘‘dependable’’, ‘‘caring’’, ‘‘friendly’’, ‘‘fun’’, ‘‘easy to talk
to’’, and ‘‘popular’’, and they most wanted to ‘‘belong to a
reference group’’ and ‘‘fit in with peers’’.
77
In a 1993 PM
research presentation, young women saw Marlboro Lights as
a brand for the casual, outgoing average person who gets
along with anyone.
35
New Marlboro images appeared in the 1990s that featured
cowboys working, smiling, and laughing together. Figure 4
illustrates the change in ad imagery that may reflect PM’s
attention to young women’s values. The left image features
the solitary Marlboro cowboy, stony faced, against a harsh,
sun bleached backdrop of sand and scrub brush. The right
features many cowboys laughing together in the soft, warm
light of sunset. The ‘‘imagery of open spaces and individual
freedom’’ that Marketing Perceptions, Inc, a market research
agency hired by PM, found appealing to female Marlboro
smokers
36
remained in the 1990s ads. PM may also have
followed the recommendation of Bruce Eckman, Inc to make
the Marlboro Man ‘‘more accessible and less removed (e.g., a
smile, a touch, a tip of the hat)’’.
38
Virginia Slims
Young female Virginia Slims users in the 1990s perceived
their brand’s image to be ‘‘more pretentious, more image
conscious, more self-absorbed, and older’’ than that of
Marlboro Lights.
77
This image contrasted with the values
Leo Burnett identified as most important to young adult
women smokers: fitting in and being popular but unpreten-
tious.
77
When prompted to discuss the women’s rights
movement that had long been the theme of Virginia Slims
advertising, young participants in 1991 focus groups
explained that, ‘‘as beneficiaries of that Movement, maybe
it wasn’t all for the better… Men don’t know how they’re
‘supposed’ to treat women. And women don’t know when
and if it’s okay to act feminine, or appreciate a ‘nicety’’’.
79
In
additional focus groups, a participant stated, ‘‘I don’t think it
[women’s movement] should go that far. It looks like we’re
going to an androgynous society’’.
41
It was necessary for PM
to remake the Virginia Slims brand image to be more relevant
to the 1990s generation of young women.
16
Stereotypical gender differences and a return to the
traditional war of the sexes may act as a means of carving
out the exclusive in-group to which women belong.
Respondents in Marketing Perceptions’ research said,
‘‘Women build really close friendships. Men don’t seem to
ever be as close… Guys go out to lunch to eat. Women go to
chat’’.
41
Similar statements are featured in Leo Burnett’s
Figure 4 The left image of the stern
and solitary cowboy is a Marlboro
advertisement from 1960; the right
image, updated to show friendly
cowboys socialising, is from 1999. As
the values of young people in the USA
shifted away from rugged individualism
and toward a sense of community, PM
attempted to update the Marlboro Man
image to maintain relevance with the
younger market. The Marlboro Man in
the 1990s began to smile, socialise,
enjoy leisure time, and show his softer,
more accessible side.
Figure 5 The left image is from the Virginia Slims ‘‘You’ve Come a
Long Way, Baby’’ campaign in 1978; the right is from the ‘‘It’s a
Woman Thing’’ campaign in 1997. Virginia Slims’ core user group was
aging, and by the mid 1990s the feminist appeal of the long running
‘‘You’ve Come a Long Way, Baby’’ campaign was not well received by
many younger women. PM recreated the Virginia Slims image by
downplaying feminism and emphasising gender stereotyped female
relationships. The caption of the right image reads, ‘‘If our best friend
seems to know everything about us it’s because she does. Virginia Slims.
It’s a
woman thing’’.
Cigarette advertising and women’s psychosocial needs 131
www.tobaccocontrol.com
subsequent ‘‘It’s a Woman Thing’’ Virginia Slims campaign
launched in 1996. The campaign attempted to make
‘‘statements about today’s women that are universally
understood’’.
80
Virginia Slims brand’s identity elaborated by
Leo Burnett stated, ‘‘Virginia Slims… helps instill confidence
in women by creating a ‘sense of belonging’ through relevant
insights’’.
40
Figure 5 is an example of the shift from the
feminist ‘‘You’ve Come a Long Way, Baby’’ campaign of the
1970s to the gender stereotypic ‘‘It’s a Woman Thing’’
campaign of the 1990s.
DISCUSSION
We extend the current state of knowledge of women’s
cigarette advertising by revealing the industry’s intentions of
identifying and advertising to the psychosocial needs of
different subgroups of women. Beyond simply cueing an
ideal of thinness or independence, communicating satisfac-
tion of psychosocial needs of different segments of women
according to their age and motivations adds an important
layer of complexity and subtlety to advertising. Cigarette
advertisements designed to meet salient psychosocial needs
often do not directly advertise cigarettes. Rather, such
advertisements offer visuals that suggest needs satisfaction,
and only by association do they introduce the brand of
cigarettes as the means of satisfying needs.
A mechanism by which the association between psycho-
social needs and a brand of cigarettes is accomplished has
been suggested by Boyd et al.
15
They presented a ‘‘means-end
chain’’ by which the attributes of a product, the conse-
quences of its use, and the consumer’s values are linked in
the consumer’s mind by adept advertising. Specifically:
A physical attribute of a cigarette is that it is made out of
tobacco and contains nicotine… The psychosocial con-
sequences of tobacco use may be related to self-image
and psychological identification with thin bodies. A young
woman who smokes cigarettes may think of herself as
more likely to be slim and sophisticated or, alternatively,
she may believe others will perceive her as more in
control. Finally, instrumental and terminal values—the
core ideals held by the woman—may include indepen-
dence or liberation… [The] link between image and values
is a consequence of the advertisement.
15
Similarly, our analysis shows that psychosocial needs
identified by the industry as salient to women can be cued
by advertising imagery. Communicating the cigarette’s
physical attributes was not a central goal in these marketing
plans; the act of smoking and the cigarette itself are
downplayed or left out of the images altogether. Market
research to identify important psychosocial needs among the
target audiences preceded the advertising campaigns.
Although the tobacco industry is not alone in marketing a
product by eliciting a psychological state, attempts to sell
cigarettes on the principle of satisfying women’s psychosocial
needs are inherently misleading. Attempting to satisfy a real
psychosocial need with the counterfeit solution of smoking
cigarettes both fails to address the need in a meaningful way
and introduces a damaging addiction. Smoking may even
exacerbate the underlying psychosocial need. Young women
smoking to enhance social belonging alienate themselves
from the non-smoking majority; older women smoking as a
means of escaping life’s demands burden themselves with
the additional demand of addiction.
The strategies we outlined are most likely not limited to
female markets. Evidence of the industry’s efforts to target
other special populations suggests that these strategies
are commonly practiced. Young African American adult
smokers,
81
the lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender
community,
82
Asian Americans,
83
youth,
84
and young adults
of both sexes
85
have been targeted with psychological, social,
or emotional appeals in tobacco advertising. Our results
demonstrate the subtlety of targeting female smokers’ needs
with imagery that does not overtly focus on, and in some
cases excludes altogether, the act of smoking.
Implications for tobacco control policy
Our results have implications for two tobacco control policies:
complete advertising bans, and targeted counter-advertising.
Advertising bans
The advertising strategies discussed here present a particular
challenge to tobacco control. Cigarette advertising can
communicate a subtle message of psychosocial needs
satisfaction, often purposefully disconnected from the char-
acteristics of the cigarette or the act of smoking. Further, our
analysis of the Capri campaign suggests that advertising may
be able to communicate needs satisfaction more intimately by
presenting images that exclude models. This form of
advertising to women circumvents voluntary advertising
restrictions that explicitly prohibit use of female models or
people holding cigarettes, such as those used in the past in
Japan.
86 87
Total bans on all forms of cigarette advertising and
promotion have enjoyed some success. For example, smoking
rates in Australia, where all tobacco advertising is strictly
banned, dropped from 22% in 1998 to 19.5% three years later,
and the proportion of never smokers increased in that time
period.
88
Around the world, the tobacco industry works to
weaken or delay comprehensive advertising bans
89–91
and to
develop new marketing strategies that circumvent them.
92–94
The advertising principles outlined in this paper are not
adequately addressed by current advertising restrictions in
the USA. Given that advertising images are capable of
delivering the desired psychological communication without
the inclusion of cigarettes, smoking imagery, or even models,
these campaigns rob advertising bans of potency.
Our results explain how tobacco advertising targeting
women is constructed to circumvent advertising bans and
may provide a framework for analysing advertising targeting
other populations. Evidence suggests that comprehensive
advertising bans are more effective than partial bans.
95
A
comprehensive ban on all forms of advertising and promo-
tions would better address the advertising principles demon-
strated in this study.
Counter-advertising
Counter-advertising that denormalises smoking and the
tobacco industry, such as the Truth campaign and
California’s tobacco control media campaigns, have been
effective,
96–98
especially when well funded, long running, and
accompanied by other tobacco control measures.
99
Our results
suggest that counter-advertising can be designed to under-
mine the message that smoking a brand of cigarettes provides
needs satisfaction. For example, a message of escape from
life’s hassles may be countered with a message that addiction
further complicates an already hassle ridden life.
‘‘Adbusting’’ attacks
100
directly refute advertising messages
and often call the viewer to question implicit brand
associations.
Counter-advertising can also provide an alternative means
to fulfil a psychosocial need. Counter-advertising can be
assessed by its ability to provide alternatives to pro-smoking
associations formed by tobacco advertising that resonate with
the psychosocial needs of each target audience. The teen
focused ‘‘Truth’’ campaign, comprised of advertisements
featuring youths confronting the tobacco industry, is a
campaign that effectively addresses a psychosocial need: in
132 Anderson, Glantz , Ling
www.tobaccocontrol.com
this case, youths’ need to assert their independence and
individuality.
97
Counter-advertising may also call attention to an offensive
industry strategy. Not all industry efforts to target the
psychosocial needs of women were successful—for example,
Lorillard failed to consolidate a clear and universally
appealing image of the Satin Woman for their older female
target audience. It is useful to ask if, indeed, older women do
frequently wish to indulge in escapist fantasies, or if they
may be offended by the industry’s suggestion that they are
not willing or able to cope with the pressures of their daily
lives. The gender stereotyping on which such cigarette
advertisements rely may be insulting to many women.
These sentiments can be used to frame counter-advertising
or advocacy campaigns, as when public outcry over RJ
Reynolds’ ‘‘Dakota’’ campaign targeting low income women
was followed by a quick withdrawal of all Dakota promo-
tional efforts.
5
Conclusion
Cigarette advertising messages have moved away from more
easily refuted ideas about the supposed benefits of smoking
and toward more subtle and emotionally engaging messages
about the satisfaction of needs that are unrelated to smoking.
This form of advertising is both difficult for audiences to
analyse in a rational manner and impossible to control with
partial advertising bans. Ad bans should be comprehensive
and should include all forms of advertising and promotion.
Counter-advertising campaigns should expose the process of
associating cigarettes with desirable psychological states and
return the negative affect surrounding smoking to its proper
place: on the industry’s predatory marketing practices and
the profits it gains from encouraging the consumption of a
deadly product.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to thank the faculty and fellows of the Institute for
Health Policy Studies at the University of California, San Francisco
for their extensive comments on previous drafts of this work. We are
grateful to Dr Virginia Ernster for allowing us access to her collection
of tobacco advertisements targeting women.
This work was supported by the American Legacy Foundation and
National Cancer Institute grant number CA-87472
Authors’ affiliations
.....................
S J Anderson, S A Glantz, P M Ling, Center for Tobacco Control
Research and Education, University of California, San Francisco, San
Francisco, California, USA
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The Lighter Side
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The Health Minister of Quebec announces plans to improve the Canadian province’s Tobacco Act, eliminating all smoking from restaurants, bars, and
other places inadequately covered by the existing law.
E
Pascal 2005.
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’s psychosocial needs 135
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