Changes in Children's Time With Parents: A Correction
This article provides corrected estimates of the weekly time that 3- to 12-year-old children spent either directly engaged with their parents or with their parents accessible to them in 1997, replicating the figures presented in the original 2001 Demography article. The data come from the 1997 Child Development Supplement to the Panel Study of Income Dynamics. The results show a considerably greater increase in children's total time in 1997 with mothers, fathers, or either parent than was shown in the original article. Some alternative estimates, likely reasons for the larger change, and the implications are discussed.
[Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Past research shows that time spent in developmental care activities has been increasing in the United States over recent decades, yet little is known about how this increase is distributed across parents with different levels of education. Have children born into different socioeconomic groups been receiving increasingly equal developmental care from their parents, or is the distribution of parental time investment becoming more unequal? To answer this question, the author analyzed the American Heritage Time Use Study (1965–2013) and showed that the gap between high- and low-educated parents' time investment in developmental child care activities has widened. An increasing absence of fathers in households with low-educated mothers has exacerbated the trend. This study documents growing inequality in parental time inputs in developmentally salient child care activities in the United States.0Comments 0Citations
- "This study also did not use the most recent available time diary data from the ATUS and did not examine trends in specific care activities. There is also an analysis of child diaries from the 1981 and 1997 surveys by Sandberg and Hofferth (2001, 2005), which concluded that the effect of education on time with children had not grown over that period. However, in contrast to other studies, the dependent variable in this work was not time spent on primary child care but total time with children, which includes the time when mothers were accessible to children but not engaged with them. "
[Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Research on the combination of work and family life and how this differs for men an women has been subject to three important developments over the last decade: (1) demographic trends including the increase in ‘new’ forms of cohabiting and evolutions in women’s labour market participation, (2) methodological innovations in measuring time-use and time perceptions, and (3) a growing academic network studying work life balance (Bianchi and Milkie, 2010). This contribution mainly serves the second development, since it analyses data of a time-use survey. Time-use surveys are very suitable to provide a realistic and nuanced picture of daily activities of men and women. In a time-use survey, respondents register all their daily activities in a timediary for a certain period of time, giving a detailed picture of daily life of men and women. A thorough analysis of time-use data allows studying to what extend and with what reason the presumed conflict between work and family life manifests itself differently for men and women and how it affects other domains of daily life (e.g. leisure, social participation, and personal care).0Comments 0Citations
- "Fathers do, however, spend 1.5 hours per week more on childcare and, although expected differently, the time mothers spend on childcare has not increased over the years in Flanders (cfr. Bianchi, 2000; Sandberg and Hofferth, 2001; Sandberg and Hofferth, 2006; Sayer, 2005). Whereas childcare came in third as the most female activity in 2004, in 2013 childcare does not even appear in the top 5. Nonetheless, we see that in two parent families, fathers still spend 2 hours per week less on childcare compared to mothers. "
[Show abstract] [Hide abstract] ABSTRACT: Comparing a cluster of European countries that have recently experienced very low fertility, with other industrialized countries, we hypothesize a connection between fertility behavior and fathers’ increasing participation in unpaid work. Using cross-national time use data we find significant evidence of recent increases in the contribution of younger, more highly educated fathers to child care and core domestic work in very low–fertility countries that have recently experienced upturns in fertility. The pace of these increases exceeds that found in the comparison group of other industrialized countries. We interpret these findings as suggestive evidence for a process of cross-national social diffusion of more egalitarian domestic gender relations, in particular among more highly educated fathers, acting to facilitate a turnaround in the pattern of postponed and foregone fertility which has characterized lowest low– and very low–fertility countries.0Comments 10Citations
- "TheFigure 2. " A man's job is to earn money; a woman's job is to look after the home and family " : Percentage of men aged 20 to 49 agreeing by country. time use data series (Gauthier, Smeeding, & Furstenberg, 2004; Gershuny, 2003; Sandberg & Hofferth, 2001, 2005 Sayer, Bianchi, & Robinson, 2004). Overall, minutes spent by fathers in primary child care on a given day have increased from about 20 to 30 minutes in the 1960s/1970s to 44 to 88 minutes in the 2000s. "