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Preference for Human Body Odors Is Influenced by Gender and Sexual Orientation

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Human body odor may contribute to selection of partners. If so, sexual orientation may influence preference for and perhaps production of human body odors. In a test of these hypotheses, heterosexual and homosexual males and females made two-alternative forced-choice preference judgments for body odors obtained from other heterosexual and homosexual males and females. Subjects chose between odors from (a) heterosexual males and gay males, (b) heterosexual males and heterosexual females, (c) heterosexual females and lesbians, and (d) gay males and lesbians. Results indicate that differences in body odor are detected and responded to on the basis of, in part, an individual's gender and sexual orientation. Possible mechanisms underlying these findings are discussed.
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Research Article
Preference for Human Body
Odors Is Influenced by Gender
and Sexual Orientation
Yolanda Martins,
1,2
George Preti,
1,3
Christina R. Crabtree,
4
Tamar Runyan,
1
Aldona A. Vainius,
1
and
Charles J. Wysocki
1,5
1
Monell Chemical Senses Center, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;
2
School of Psychology, Flinders University of South
Australia, Adelaide, Australia;
3
Department of Dermatology, University of Pennsylvania;
4
Hobart and William Smith
Colleges; and
5
Department of Animal Biology, School of Veterinary Medicine, University of Pennsylvania
ABSTRACT—Human body odor may contribute to selection
of partners. If so, sexual orientation may influence pref-
erence for and perhaps production of human body odors.
In a test of these hypotheses, heterosexual and homosexual
males and females made two-alternative forced-choice
preference judgments for body odors obtained from other
heterosexual and homosexual males and females. Subjects
chose between odors from (a) heterosexual males and gay
males, (b) heterosexual males and heterosexual females,
(c) heterosexual females and lesbians, and (d) gay males
and lesbians. Results indicate that differences in body odor
are detected and responded to on the basis of, in part, an
individual’s gen der and sexual orientation. Possible mech-
anisms underlying these findings are discussed.
Pheromones are chemical signals that influence the behavior or
physiology of other organisms (Karlson & Luscher, 1959). Evi-
dence for such chemical communication in humans has been
reported (Preti & Wysocki, 1999; Preti, Wysocki, Barnhart,
Sondheimer, & Leyden, 2003). Considerable information shows
that humans produce individually unique body odors (odor
prints) that are determined in large measure by the set of linked
genes that regulate the immune system, are perceptible to oth-
ers, and may act as pheromones. In part, odor prints allow in-
dividuals to identify subgroups within the population, which
suggests odor prints have a role in social recognition (Porter,
Balogh, Cernoch, & Franchi, 1986; Porter & Winberg, 1999;
Russell, 1976; Singh, 2001). Supporting evidence for this pos-
sibility comes from earlier studies demonstrating that humans
can easily discriminate among body odors from different people.
For example, individuals are capable of distingui shing kin and
nonkin, or their own odors and those of other people (Porter et
al., 1986; Russell, 1976). Even newborn infants are more likely
to orient to odors donated from the breast of their own mother
rather than an unfamiliar mother; thus, it appears that the ability
to detect differences in human body odors begins early in life
(Porter & Winberg, 1999).
In many mammals, pheromones modulate, and sometimes
determine, reproductive behaviors (Vandenbergh, 1989; Wyatt,
2003). For example, odors of the opposite sex are highly at-
tractive, especially for males when females are in heat (Nyby,
1982; Rasmussen, Lee, Roelofs, Zhang, & Daves, 1996). If
humans use the odors of others, at least in part, to select a mate
(Jacob, McClintock, Zelano, & Ober, 2002; Ober, Weitkamp, &
Cox, 1999; Ober et al., 1997; Weitkamp & Ober, 1999), then
sexual orientation may influence preferences for human odors or
production of these odors.
Although 2 to 10% of the population is lesbian or gay male
(Binson et al., 1995; Kinsey, Pomeroy, & Martin, 1948; Lau-
mann, Gagnon, Michael, & Michaels, 1994; Sell, Wells, &
Wypij, 1995), prior investigations of human body odors have
been carried out without regard for the sexual orientation of
participants. We sought to determine whether there is a differ-
ence in preference for axillary odor from heterosexuals, lesbi-
ans, and gay men and whether preference for these odors is
influenced by an odor evaluator’s gender and sexual orientation.
In this study, heterosexuals, lesbians, and gay men indicated
their preference for the odors of underarm sweat collected from
other heterosexuals, lesbians, and gay males.
Address correspondence to Charles J. Wysocki, Monell Chemical
Senses Center, 3500 Market St., Philadelphia, PA 19104, e-mail:
wysocki@monell.org, or to Yolanda Martins, e-mail: yolanda.martins@
flinders. edu.au.
PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE
694 Volume 16—Number 9Copyright r 2005 American Psychological Society
METHOD
Odor Donors
Odor donors were 24 individuals (age range 5 18–35), 6 from
each of the following four categories: heterosexual males, gay
males, heterosexual females, and lesbians. Participants were
recruited from the University of Pennsylvania and the greater
Philadelphia community. Lesbians and gay males were recruited
from gay and lesbian groups in the community or were friends of
participants who were recruited from these groups.
1
Potential donors rated their current sexual behavior (past 12
months) on the 7-point Kinsey Scale (Kinsey et al., 1948),
ranging from 0, exclusive ly heterosexual with no homosexuality,
to 6, exclusively homosexual with no heterosexuality. Only those
individuals describing their current sexual behavior as exclu-
sively heterosexual, lesbian, or gay were invited to participate
in the study proper. Participants received $75 for completing
the odor-donation phase.
Donors underwent a 9-day ( 2 days) wash-out phase during
which they used odorless soaps and shampoo, did not shave their
armpits, and eliminated items such as garlic, cumin, and curry
from their diets. After this phase, donors wore cleaned, cotton
gauze pads in the armpits throughout the day for 3 days,
changing to a new pad each day (for details about this procedure,
see Preti, Cutler, Huggins, Garcia, & Lawley, 1986), while
taking part in their normal daily activities. Although the envi-
ronment that individuals were in (e.g., work, school) while col-
lections took place was not controlled, the specific environment
from which the odors were collected was controlled (i.e., an
unshaven armpit that had not been washed since the previous
evening). Any differences in the odor collections due to differ-
ences in lifestyle activities were likely negligible and randomly
distributed across all groups of odor donors. Pads were kept in
participants’ freezers in cleaned, labeled glass jars (provided by
us) until their return to the laboratory. The pads were then frozen
at 80 1C, to maintain the integrity of the chemosignal. After all
pads were returned to the laboratory, each pad was cut into six
pieces. Each test bottle was created by taking two pieces from
each of three donors within a group and combining them in an
odorless, plastic squeeze bottle with a flip-top lid. Hence, we
created unique odors within each odor class, so that no indi-
vidual odor would be recognized or exert undue influence on our
results. The selection of donor pads to be used in each squeeze
bottle was randomized, with the constraint that all donors be
represented in the final set of test bottles at approximately the
same frequency. Test bottles were used for a maximum of two
testing sessions.
Odor Evaluation
Odor Evaluators
Eighty-two individuals were odor evaluators (age range 5 18–
35). Data from 2 participants were excluded because of com-
puter difficulties during testing, leaving 20 participants in each
group. Mean ages (standard deviations in parentheses) were 24
( 5) for heterosexual males, 25 ( 5) for gay males, 23 ( 4)
for heterosexual females, and 25 ( 5) for lesbians. Recruit-
ment and inclusion criteria were identical to those described for
the odor donors. Participants received $15/hr for completion of
this phase.
Odor Judgments
Evaluators made forced-choice preference judgments for odors
from each of the following pairings: (a) heteros exual male versus
gay male, (b) heterosexual male versus heterosexual female, (c)
heterosexual female versus lesbian, and (d) gay male versus
lesbian. Odor pairs were presented at 1-min intertrial intervals,
11 times each, counterbalanced across participants, for a total of
44 trials. Thus, for each testing session, there were two bottles
from each odor class. The recombined unique odors in the two
bottles from each odor class were identical within a given testing
session. Order of presentation of a partic ular odor within a given
pair was counterbalanced across trials for each participant. In
addition, strength of preference (on a 10-point scale) was col-
lected for the preferred odor in each trial.
Following the preference trials, participants rated the inten-
sity (on a mod ified labeled-magnitude scale—Green, Shaffer, &
Gilmore, 1993) and then the pleasantness (on a 23-point bipolar
scale) of the odors, two times for each of the odors presented in
the forced-choice trials, for a total of four ratings per odor class.
Order of presentation of odors was counterbalanced across
participants.
Procedure
Participants were tested individually and were informed that the
purpose of the experiment was to assess their preference for
body odors. They were told that odors would be presented in
pairs, in unlabeled, plastic squeeze bottles with flip-top lids, and
that their task would be to indicate which odor-containing bottle
they preferred. In addition, they were told that they would be
presented with 44 of these pairs. They were then instructed in
the standardized method for sniffing the odor from each test
bottle: shake the bottle vigorously, flip the lid, take a ‘‘hearty’’
sniff while holding the bottle just below the nostrils, and close
the lid tightly after one sniff. Participants completed 22 forced-
choice preference trials, received a 10-min break, and then
1
We did not assess the AIDS-HIV status of our odor donors, and it is possible
that individuals who have AIDS-HIV smell different from those who do not have
this disease, in part because of their compromised immune systems. Such a
difference could have affected the results we describe in this report. We have
attempted to determine what the AIDS-HIV rates are in the populations from
which we sampled odor donors, but have learned that accurate data do not exist.
It should be noted, however, that the odor stimuli used over the course of the
study were prepared in a manner designed to minimize the influence of any single
donor (see the Method section for details). Therefore, we believe it unlikely that
the inclusion of an HIV-positive individual among the donors would have pro-
duced a systematic bias responsible for the results.
Volume 16—Number 9 695
Y. Martins et al.
completed the remaining 22 trials. After an additional 7-min
break, they returned to rate the intensity and pleasantness of
each odor.
2
RESULTS
Forced-Choice Preferences
For each odor pair tested, we calculated the total number of
times (over all 11 trials per pair) that a particular odor was
chosen. These data were then averaged for each gender and
sexual-orientation group. If there were no detectable differences
in the body odors across the donor groups, one would expect the
evaluators to have determined their preferences by chance, with
participants choosing one odor in half of the forced-choice
preference trials and the competing odor in the other half of the
trials. Our data refute this outcome: Participants clearly ex-
hibited preferences for specific odors at greater than chance
levels (se e Fig. 1).
It should be noted that all analyses were first carried out on all
lesbian participants, and then separate analyses were performed
for lesbians from ages 18 to 25 and those over the age of 25. We
did this becau se prior research on lesbians has demonstrated
that the development of a lesbian orientation is qualitatively
different from the development of sexual orientation in other
groups (i.e., heterosexual males and females and gay males).
More specifically, lesbians begin questioning their sexual ori-
entation later than othe r individuals and are more likely to begin
questioning their individual identity because of ideological
beliefs or exposure to lesbian sexua l orientation than because of
sexual or emotional attraction to same-sex others. Essentially, a
lesbian orientation is typically established later than the sexual
orientation of other groups (Diamond, 1998; Henderson, 1984;
Kitzinger & Wilkinson, 1995; Rust, 1993). The only resu lt that
changed when the data were analyzed separately for the two age
groups was the forced-choice preference between odors from gay
males and odors from lesbian females.
Heterosexual males, heterosexual females, and lesbians
preferred odors from heterosexual males over odors from gay
males (Fig. 1); gay males preferred odors from other gay males
(all comparisons significant at p < .01). Heterosexual males,
heterosexual females, and lesbians over the age of 25 (but not
those ages 18–25) preferred odors from lesbians over odors from
gay males (Fig. 1); gay males prefer red the odors of other gay
males (all comparisons significant at p < .01). In trials com-
paring odors from heterosexual females and lesbians, all but
heterosexual males significantly preferred the odors of hetero-
sexual females (Fig. 1). Finally, gay males preferred odors from
heterosexual females over those from heteros exual males (Fig.
1); the other groups of evaluators showed no significant prefer-
ence for either one of these odors.
Fig. 1. Results for the two-alternative forced-choice preference judg-
ments. The key in the upper half of the figure explains how to interpret the
results for the four groups of odor evaluators, seen in the lower half of the
figure. Results are represented by circles in a square array, with the po-
sition of each circle indicating the odor-donor group and the lines between
neighboring circles (dotted vs. solid) indicating whether the comparison
between those two odors showed that evaluators had a significant prefer-
ence for one over the other. There are five possible circle sizes, though only
four are used. If the odor of a donor group was significantly nonpreferred
in comparisons with the odors of the two groups at the neighboring cor-
ners, it is represented by the smallest circle (score of 2). If the odor of a
donor group was significantly preferred over the odors of the two groups at
the neighboring corners, it is represented by the largest circle (score of
12). Intermediate-size circles represent scores of 11 (significantly pre-
ferred over one of the comparison odors, but not both) and 0 (either sig-
nificantly different from both comparison odors, but in opposite
directions—indicated by an asterisk—or not significantly different from
either comparison odor). The plus sign indicates that analyses were per-
formed using data only from lesbians over the age of 25 (see the text for the
rationale).
2
Because of a computer malfunction, these ratings were not collected from the
first 15 participants.
696 Volume 16—Number 9
Preference for Human Body Odors
Overall, Figure 1 illustrates some striking global tendencies.
First, it is clear that gay males, as odor evaluators, are strikingly
different from heterosexual males and females, as well as les-
bians: Gay males preferred the odors of gay males and hetero-
sexual females in each of the forced-choice preference tests in
which these odors were present. In contrast, for heterosexual
males, heterosexual females, and lesbians, odors from gay males
were the most nonpreferred odor presented. Of further interest is
the equivalence in the pattern of responses for heterosexual
females and lesbians. Both grou ps preferred odors from het-
erosexuals of either gender over odors from gay males and les-
bians, but when forced to choose between the latter, they pre-
ferred odors from lesbians over those of gay males. Heterosexual
males showed a similar, though not equivalent, pattern of re-
sponding: They exhibited no preferences in choices between the
odors from other heterosexual males versus those from hetero-
sexual females, or between the odors from the two female groups.
They did, however, clearly prefer the odor from lesbians over the
odor from gay male donors.
Table 1 presents the number of participants who chose a
specific odor within each odor pair on a significant proportion of
the trials (i.e., at least 9 of the 11 trials). These data provide
TABLE 1
Mean Strength-of-Preference (SoP) Ratings (With Standard Deviations) and Number of
Participants Choosing a Specific Odor a Significant Number of Times
Evaluator group
Choice and statistic
Heterosexual
males
Gay
males
Heterosexual
females
Lesbian
females
Heterosexual male vs. gay male
Chose heterosexual male
Mean SoP 4.63 2.17 6.11 5.35
SD 2.24 1.47 2.95 2.48
Number of evaluators 15 3 14 11
Chose gay male
Mean SoP 4.03 5.63 3.98 3.54
SD 3.17 1.77 0.82 4.77
Number of evaluators 2 8 2 6
Heterosexual male vs. heterosexual female
Chose heterosexual male
Mean SoP 1.57 0.42 3.13 2.51
SD 1.15 2.53 1.74
Number of evaluators 6 1 4 6
Chose heterosexual female
Mean SoP 4.85 4.32 0.96 6.04
SD 2.15 3.29 5.61 2.10
Number of evaluators 2 8 3 7
Lesbian female vs. heterosexual female
Chose lesbian female
Mean SoP 1.16 6.17 2.55 2.86
SD 0.64 4.26
Number of evaluators 2 2 1 1
Chose heterosexual female
Mean SoP 2.47 5.20 3.48 4.27
SD 3.70 2.69 3.76 2.33
Number of evaluators 7 10 9 9
Gay male vs. lesbian female
Chose gay male
Mean SoP 4.90 4.04 4.07
SD 1.02 1.42
Number of evaluators 0 8 1 4
Chose lesbian female
Mean SoP 4.62 0.59 5.72 6.39
SD 2.16 7.64 2.38 1.75
Number of evaluators 12 3 15 8
Volume 16—Number 9 697
Y. Martins et al.
evidence that many participa nts reliably chose the same odor
within each pair when tested over repe ated trials. In many in-
stances, the frequency of participants with a significant choice
bias is greater than would be expected by chance. With an alpha
level of .05 and a sample size of 20 in each group, one would
expect that, by chance alone, only 1 participant per group would
have a significant choice bias for each specific pair of odors.
Moreover, examination of the strength-of-preference data (Table
1) shows that, often, when many participants significantly chose
a given odor, as a group they tended to have a high strength-of-
preference rating for that odor (these data could not be subjected
to infere ntial statistical tests because some cells have small ns).
Frequently, differences in strength-of-preference ratings were
related to participa nts’ gender and sexual orientation and to the
odor that was chosen (see Table 1). For example, in the com-
parison of odors from gay males and odors from heterosexual
males, the preference of gay males who repeatedly chose odors
from other gay males was stronger than the preference of gay
males who repeatedly chose odors from heterosexua l males.
Similarly, in the comparison of odors from heterosexual males
and odors from heterosexual females, the preference of hetero-
sexual females who chose odors from heterosexual males was
moderately stronger than the preference of heterosexual females
who chose odors from heterosexual females. Furthermore, het-
erosexual males, heterosexual females, and lesbians who reli-
ably chose gay male odors exhibited a weaker strength of
preference for these odors than did heterosexual males, hetero-
sexual females, and lesbians who reliably chose the comparison
odors (heterosexual male or lesbian female).
To explore the relationship between mean strength of prefer-
ence for a given odor and the percentage of times that odor was
chosen, we calculated the correlations between these two vari-
ables for each forced-choice comparison pair as a function of
participants’ gender and sexual orientation. To do this, we
converted mea n strength of prefer ence to a bipolar measure for
each pair, by multiplying the strength-of-preference rating for
the outcome of certain subsets of choices by 1. For example,
the strength-of-preference ratings for heterosexual male odors in
the comparisons of heterosexual and gay males and of hetero-
sexual males and females were multiplied by 1. The correla-
tions were all highly significant (all ps < .001) and ranged from
.76 to .95, indicating that as the strength of preference for a
given odor increased, the percentage of times that odor was
chosen in the forced-choice preference test also increased.
Overall, these data suggest that lesbians and gay males may
produce an array of axillary odorants that distinguish them from
heterosexuals. Furthermore, gay males may perceive these charac-
teristic odorants differently than their heterosexual counterparts do.
Perceived Intensity
To rule out the possibility that individuals’ perceptions of the
intensity of the different odors accounted for these results, we
conducted a 4 (participant’s group membership) 4 (odor class)
split-plot analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) on individuals’
ratings of intensity of the odors (see footnote 2). Participant’s age
was the covariate. This analysis yielded no significant effects,
indicating that participants’ perceptions of the intensity of the
different odors did not differ across the groups of participants,
F(3, 60) 5 0.543, n.s., or across the odor classes, F(2, 107) 5
2.23, n.s., either alone or in interaction, F(5, 107) 5 1.81, n.s.
Perceived Pleasantness
We also performed a 4 4 split-plot ANCOVA on individuals’
pleasantness ratings of the odors.
3
This analysis revealed that
participants’ perceptions of the pleasantness of the odors varied
depending on the interaction between participants group mem-
bership and the odor class, F(6, 126) 5 2.24, p < .05, Z
p
2
5 .10.
No other significant effects were found. These results suggest
that odor choice is driven primarily by perceptions of perceived
odor pleasantness or unpleasantness and that the perceived
pleasantness is determined, in part, by the perceiver’s gender
and sexual orientation (Fig. 2).
DISCUSSION
In the present work, body odors obtained from heterosexual and
homosexual males and females generated patterns of prefer-
ences that differed across groups of individuals having different
sexual orientations. These differences were not accounted for by
individuals’ perceptions of the intensity of the odors. Recently,
Savic, Berglund, and Lindstro
¨
m (2005) reported similar patterns
of brain activation in gay males and heterosexual females, which
differed from the pattern seen in heterosexual males, while they
smelled high concentrations of the odorants estra-1,3,5(10), 16-
tetraen-3-ol and 4-16-androstadien-3-one (AND); lesbians were
not examined. AND is found in the underarm sweat of both males
and females. Together, these studies suggest that there are
qualitative differenc es in the perception of axillary odors that
are correlated with gender and sexual orientation. Differences in
the production or perception of body odor may result from en-
vironmental or biological factors (e.g., familiarity with the odors,
lifestyle factors such as frequency of exercising, differences in
axillary flora, or differences in genetic alleles).
There is clear evidence to support the assertion that odor
prints allow individuals to identify subgroups or classes within
the population, which suggests that odor prints have a role in
social recognition (Porter et al., 1986). Research in chemical
communication has determined that individuals’ odor prints are
primarily established by the major histocompatibility complex
(MHC; also called human leukocyte antigen, HLA, in people), a
3
For these analyses, F tests involving the odor-class variable were calculated
using the Greenhouse-Geisser correction because Mauchly’s test of sphericity
was significant for this variable, W(5) 5 .32 for intensity and .51 for pleasant-
ness, ps < .01.
698 Volume 16—Number 9
Preference for Human Body Odors
linked set of genes that regulates the immune system (for re-
views, see Singh, 2001; Yamazaki, Singer, Curran, & Beau-
champ, 1999; and Yamazaki, Singer, & Beauchamp, 1998–
1999). Historically, studies have focused on the relationships
among an individual’s odor preference, his or her HLA type,
the HLA types of the odor donors, and, in at least one report,
the HLA types of the odor evaluator’s parents (Jacob et al.,
2002; Ober et al., 1997, 1999; Weitkamp & Ober, 1999). These
studies have shown that individuals tend to prefer odors from
other individuals who have some HLA alleles identical to their
own, but avoid odors from individuals with only one or no allele
matches, as well as individuals with identical HLA alleles.
Furthermore, these experiments provide initial evidence that
the MHC may play a role in mate choice among humans (Ober
et al., 1997, 1999), as it does in other mammals (Yamazaki et al.,
1999).
Interestingly, research examining the biological mechanisms
underlying human sexual orientation has implied that there may
be a relationship between the MHC and sexual orientation. The
most pervasive (and influential) statemen t regarding sexual
orientation is the neurohormonal hypothesis (Ellis & Ames,
1987), according to which homosexuality results from exposure
to atypical androgen levels in utero. Although evidence for this
hypothesis has been inconsistent, some work has illustrated that
heterosexual and homosexual men and wome n differ on a variety
of characteristics known or believed to affect androgens (e.g.,
neuroanatomy and anthropometrics ; for a review, see Mustanski,
Chivers, & Bailey, 2002). Recently, a genome scan, focusing on
gay males, suggested genetic regions that contained candidate
genes involved in the regulation of hormones thought to be in-
volved in sexual orientation (Mustanski et al., 2005). Further
support for the neurohormonal hypothes is comes from Gesch-
wind and Galaburda’s (1985) criticized theory of cerebral lat-
eralization and Ivanyi’s work (1978) on the MH C of the mouse.
These researchers have suggested that levels of sensitivity to
testosterone are influenced by genes in the MHC. Indeed, Iv-
anyi’s work has illustrated that loci found in the MHC cont rol
(either directly or indirectly) myriad testosterone-related
mechanisms, including serum levels of and responsiveness to
testosterone and levels of testosterone-binding globulin. Thus,
differences in MHC alleles that differentially influence sexual
orientation may be related to differences in MHC-regulated odor
production.
Studies have shown that among men, sexual orientation cor-
relates with an individual’s number of older brothers. This line
of research has suggested a link between homosexuality and
Fig. 2. Mean pleasantness ratings of each odor class as a function of odor evaluators’ group
membership.
Volume 16—Number 9 699
Y. Martins et al.
the minor histocompatibility antigens, at least among men.
Blanchard and Bogaert (1996), the primary proponents of this
work, have suggested that the correlation may be explained by
what is aptly termed the maternal immunization hypothesis
(Blanchard, 2001). According to this hypothesis, mothers are
progressively immunized against the Y-linked minor histo-
compatibility antigens (i.e., H-Y antigens) expressed by male
(but not female) fetuses. In turn, these antibodies prevent the
fetal brain from developing in a masculine fashion, instead
causing it to be feminized. This hypothesis provides a parsi-
monious explanation for why differences noted between hetero-
sexual and gay males on a variety of tasks are much larger (and
more striking) than differences found between lesbians and
heterosexual females (including the differences found in the
present study).
Finally, future research should examine the characteristic
array of odorants present in gays and lesbians using the gas
chromatograph and mass spectrometry techniques utilized in
previous studies on the characteristics of odorants present in
heterosexual males and females (Zeng et al., 1991; Zeng, Ley-
den, Spie lman, & Preti, 1996). It is now clear that additional
care should be taken during subject selection in future studies of
axillary odorants: Sexual orientation should be routinely as-
sessed during recruitment.
Acknowledgments—This work was supported by a Social
Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada Fel-
lowship (756-2001-0286) to Y. Martins and by institutional
funds from the Monell Chemical Senses Center. We thank Jason
Eades and Paul Wise for their help in preparation of stimulus
materials and computer programming.
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Y. Martins et al.
... Subjects were excluded if they reported: 1) Presence of chronic rhinitis or any other condition that could affect the ability to perceive odors; 2) Pregnancy or breastfeeding; 3) Other mental disorders (other than Social Anxiety Disorder), including substance abuse disorders, severe somatic or neurological conditions; 4) Use of psychotropic drugs at the moment of the recruitment (including antidepressants, antipsychotics, anxiolytics and mood stabilizers); 5) Incapability to understand and to give informed consent. In this study, only women were included, as previous research has demonstrated that gender influences the processing of human body odor (Dal Bò et al., 2021;Krajnik et al., 2014;Martins et al., 2005). Additionally, women have shown a stronger inclination toward social-emotional stimuli compared to men (Lübke et al., 2012;Proverbio et al., 2008). ...
... To remove potential individual odor-donor effects on the participants of the experiments (Mitro et al., 2012), supra-donors were created. A supra-donor BO consists of four quadrants, each obtained from four same-sex and same approximate age donors (Martins et al., 2005). ...
Article
Full-text available
Odors help us to interpret the environment, including the nature of social interactions. But, whether and how they influence the ability to discriminate the intentional states embedded in actions is unclear. In two experiments , we asked two independent groups of participants to discriminate motor intentions from videos showing one agent performing a reach-to-grasp movement with another agent with a cooperative or a competitive intent, and the same movement performed alone at either natural-or fast-speed, as controls. Task-irrelevant odor primes preceded each video presentation. Experiment 1 (N = 19) included masked cooperative and competitive body odors (human sweat collected while the donors were engaged in cooperative and competitive activities), whereas Experiment 2 (N = 20) included a common odor (cedarwood oil) and no odor (clean air) as primes. In an odor-primed, two-alternative forced choice task, participants discriminated the intention underlying the observed action. The results indicated that the odor exposure modulated the discrimination speed across different intentions , but only when the action intentions were hard to discriminate (cooperative vs. individual natural-speed, and competitive vs. individual fast-speed). Contrary to our hypothesis, a direct odor-action intention compatibility effect was not found. Instead, we propose a negative arousal compatibility-like effect to explain our results. Discrimination of high arousing action intentions (i.e., competitive) took longer when primed by high arousing odors (common odor and competitive body odor) than by low arousing odors (cooperative body odor and no odor). Discrimination of low arousing action intentions (i.e., cooperative) took longer when primed by low arousing odors than by high arousing odors. All in all, competitive (but not cooperative) body odors bias the discrimination of action intentions towards cooperation.
... Females were recruited because they have been reported to be more sensitive toward emotional signals (Pause et al., 2020) and have a superior sense of smell compared to male participants (e.g., Brand & Millot, 2001). Moreover, earlier research showed that women perceive male sweat differently as a function of their and donors' sexual orientation (e.g., Martins et al., 2005). Thus, only heterosexual women were included as receivers in the present study. ...
Article
Full-text available
Inattentional blindness is a phenomenon wherein people fail to perceive obvious stimuli within their vision, sometimes leading to dramatic consequences. Research on the effects of fear chemosignals suggests that they facilitate receivers’ sensory acquisition. We aimed to examine the interplay between these phenomena, investigating whether exposure to fear chemosignals (vs. rest body odors) can reduce the inattentional-blindness handicap. Utilizing a virtual-reality aquarium, we asked participants to count how many morsels a school of fish consumed while two unexpected stimuli swam by. We predicted that participants exposed to fear chemosignals ( N = 131) would detect unexpected stimuli significantly more often than participants exposed to rest body odors ( N = 125). All participants were adult Portuguese university students aged 18 to 40 years. The results confirmed our hypothesis, χ ² (1) = 6.10, p = .014, revealing that exposure to fear chemosignals significantly increased the detection of unexpected stimuli by about 10%. The implications of our findings open a novel avenue for reducing the adverse consequences of inattentional blindness.
... Subjects were excluded if they reported: 1) Presence of chronic rhinitis or any other condition that could affect the ability to perceive odors; 2) Pregnancy or breastfeeding; 3) Other mental disorders (other than Social Anxiety Disorder), including substance abuse disorders, severe somatic or neurological conditions; 4) Use of psychotropic drugs at the moment of the recruitment (including antidepressants, antipsychotics, anxiolytics and mood stabilizers); 5) Incapability to understand and to give informed consent. In this study, only women were included, as previous research has demonstrated that gender influences the processing of human body odor (Dal Bò et al., 2021;Krajnik et al., 2014;Martins et al., 2005). Additionally, women have shown a stronger inclination toward social-emotional stimuli compared to men (Lübke et al., 2012;Proverbio et al., 2008). ...
... Notably, only heterosexual participants were included because research shows that women perceive male sweat differently as a function of the donors' and their sexual orientation (e.g. Martins et al. 2005). ...
Article
A growing body of research suggests that emotional chemosignals in others’ body odour (BO), particularly those sampled during fearful states, enhance emotional face perception in conscious and preconscious stages. For instance, emotional faces access visual awareness faster when presented with others’ fear BOs. However, the effect of these emotional signals in self-BO, i.e., one’s own BO, is still neglected in the literature. In the present work, we sought to determine if emotional self-BOs modify the access to visual awareness of emotional faces. Thirty-eight women underwent a breaking-Continuous Flash Suppression (bCFS) task in which they were asked to detect fearful, happy, and neutral faces, as quickly and accurately as possible, while being exposed to their fear, happiness, and neutral self-BOs. Self-BOs were previously collected and later delivered via an olfactometer, using an event-related design. Results showed a main effect of emotional faces, with happy faces being detected significantly faster than fearful and neutral faces. However, our hypothesis that fear self-BOs would lead to faster emotional face detection was not confirmed, as no effect of emotional self-BOs was found – this was confirmed with Bayesian analyses. Although caution is warranted when interpreting these results, our findings suggest that emotional face perception is not modulated by emotional self-BOs, contrasting with the literature on others’ BOs. Further research is needed to understand the role of self-BOs in visual processing and emotion perception.
... Chemosensory aggression signals, present within axillary sweat, were chosen because such signals are considered to act as inherently "honest signals" (for discussion, see Lübke et al., 2017); hence, their effects should be valid universally (i.e., they are unaffected by cultural or social learning factors). Moreover, sexual orientation has already been shown to affect responses to non-emotional axillary sweat (Lübke et al., 2012;Martins et al., 2005), as well as to sweat compounds probably involved in the communication of aggression (Lübke & Pause, 2014;Lübke et al., 2009). It has repeatedly been shown that chemosensory signals are processed as highly relevant, and exert significant behavioral effects without being consciously perceived as odors (de Groot et al., 2015;Pause et al., 2010Pause et al., , 2020. ...
Article
Full-text available
The current series of studies are the first to examine brain responses to social aggression signals as a function of male and female sexual orientation. For the first set of studies (1a, 1b), axillary sweat had been collected from 17 heterosexual men and 17 heterosexual women aggressively responding to frustrating opponents (aggression condition) and while playing a construction game (control condition). Sweat samples were pooled according to sex and condition, and presented via a constant flow olfactometer to 17 gay and 23 heterosexual men (Study 1a), and 19 lesbian and 25 heterosexual women (Study 1b). Ongoing EEG was recorded from 61 scalp locations, chemosensory event-related potentials (CSERPs; P2, P3-1, P3-2) were analyzed, and neuronal sources calculated (low resolution electromagnetic tomography). Within the second set of studies (2a, 2b), pictures of males’ and females’ weak angry and neutral facial expressions were presented to 21 gay and 23 heterosexual men (Study 2a), and 19 lesbian and 26 heterosexual women (Study 2b), and ERPs (N170, P3) were analyzed. Gay men showed larger P3-1 amplitudes than heterosexual men upon presentation of male aggression sweat, accompanied by activation of the right inferior frontal gyrus (IFG, BA 10). Gay men also displayed longer N170 latencies in response to men’s compared to women’s angry facial expressions, while heterosexual men did not. In women, sexual orientation did not affect the processing of aggression sweat or anger expressions. Gay men showed preferential processing of chemosensory aggression signals (P3-1 amplitudes), indicating fine-tuned socioemotional sensitivity, related to activation of brain areas involved in emotion regulation (IFG). They further process the relative relevance of visual aggression signals (N170 latency). These results were in line with theories proposing a common evolutionary pathway for same-sex attraction and traits easing social integration.
... To remove potential individual odor-donor effects on the participants of the experiments (Mitro et al., 2012), supra-donors were created. A supra-donor BO consists of four quadrants, each obtained from four same-sex and same approximate age donors (Martins et al., 2005). ...
Preprint
Full-text available
Odors help us to interpret the environment, including the nature of social interactions. But, whether and how they influence the ability to discriminate the intentional states embedded in actions is unclear. In two experiments, we asked participants to discriminate motor intentions from videos showing one agent performing a reach-to-grasp movement with another agent with a cooperative or a competitive intent, and the same movement performed alone at either natural- or fast-speed, as controls. Task-irrelevant odor primes preceded each video presentation. Experiment 1 included masked cooperative and competitive body odors, whereas Experiment 2 included a common odor (cedarwood oil) and no odor (clean air) as primes. In an odor-primed, two-alternative forced choice task, participants discriminated the intention underlying the observed action. The results indicated that the odor exposure modulated the discrimination speed across different intentions, but only when the action intentions were hard to discriminate (cooperative vs. individual natural-speed, and competitive vs. individual fast-speed). Contrary to our hypothesis, a direct odor-action intention compatibility effect was not found. Instead, we propose a negative arousal compatibility-like effect to explain our results. Discrimination of high arousing action intentions (i.e., competitive) took longer when primed by high arousing odors (common odor and competitive body odor) than by low arousing odors (cooperative body odor and no odor). Discrimination of low arousing action intentions (i.e., cooperative) took longer when primed by low arousing odors than by high arousing odors. All in all, competitive (but not cooperative) body odors bias the discrimination of action intentions towards cooperation.
Article
This study examined the role of odors in sexual attraction and partner selection among non-heterosexual individuals. We searched using MESH terms in databases including PubMed, Embase, Scopus, Web of Science, Cochrane Central Register of Controlled Trials, CINAHL, and Clinical Trials. We focused on experimental or quasi-experimental studies where olfactory cues were used in partner selection. The studies had to identify participants’ sexual orientation and include heterosexuals for comparison. Seven studies, published between 2005 and 2014, involving 345 participants (Mean age, 27.09 years), met the criteria. Results suggest that sexual orientation affects both preference for and production of human body odors and that human body odors appear to provide cues about the sex and sexual orientation of potential partners. Most participants were male, limiting conclusions about the role of pheromones in attraction among non-heterosexual women.
Chapter
Chapter 3 covers the nonverbal cues (appearance and behaviors) associated with people’s non-clinical sexual orientations. Part 1 deals with terms/labels and methodological caveats, and also provides descriptions of the major sexual orientations. Part 2 addresses—and hopefully answers—legitimate concerns that have been raised about investigating and reporting nonverbal markers of various sexual orientations (i.e., gaydar research). Coverage of general nonverbal cues to men’s and women’s sexual orientation follows part 2 (part 3). In keeping with the modern lens approach of this book, nonverbal cues linked to asexuality, ambiphilia, and androphilia and gynephilia in men and women are discussed in part 4.
Chapter
This chapter primarily covers the nonverbal expression of sexual interest in cisgender, heterosexual individuals, from their libidinal urges to their post-sex behaviors, with a major focus on flirtation. The focus on flirtation necessitates consideration of the theoretical frameworks and methodological issues that might elucidate, cloud, or distort a true understanding of this domain of scientific inquiry. In part 1, a new framework for defining and discussing gender differences in the human courtship sequence (e.g., expressions of sexual interest or flirting) is offered. In part 2, historical and contemporary research pertaining to how sexual interest is nonverbally expressed and gender differences in the same are discussed in the following areas: sex drive; flirtation; sexual arousal; consent to sex; sex activity; the orgasm gap; and post-copulation. Findings pertaining to non-heterosexual individuals are integrated within each of the covered areas, unless they were extensive enough to warrant separate treatment, which was the case with flirtation and sexual consent.
Article
Full-text available
Although some research suggests that sexual orientation is a stable, early appearing trait, interviews with 89 young sexual-minority women revealed that a majority of women failed to report at least one of the following: childhood indicators of sexual orientation, stability in same-sex attractions, or awareness of same-sex attractions prior to the conscious process of sexual questioning. Lesbians were not more likely to report these experiences than bisexuals, although they reported significantly greater same-sex attractions. Consistent with studies on older cohorts, few young women reported exclusive same-sex attractions. These findings suggest that recollected consistency among prior and current behavior, ideation, and attractions are not systematically associated with sexual orientation among contemporary young women.
Book
We are entering one of the most exciting periods in the study of chemical communication since the first pheromones were identified some 40 years ago. This rapid progress is reflected in this book, the first to cover the whole animal kingdom at this level for 25 years. The importance of chemical communication is illustrated with examples from a diverse range of animals including humans, marine copepods, Drosophila, Caenorhabditis elegans, moths, snakes, goldfish, elephants and mice. It is designed to be advanced, but at the same time accessible to readers whatever their scientific background. For students of ecology, evolution and behaviour, this book gives an introduction to the rapid progress in our understanding of olfaction at the molecular and neurological level. In addition, it offers chemists, molecular and neurobiologists an insight into the ecological, evolutionary and behavioural context of olfactory communication.
Chapter
Historically, insect pheromones and the responses to them were thought to have a high degree of specificity and a considerable degree of genetic programming. These include overt displays of attraction and copulation mediated solely by chemical signals, which have been described as releaser effects on behavior. More subtle neuroendocrine effects, i.e., primer effects, resulting in changes in reproductive cycle-length, timing and success, have been demonstrated in mammals. Humans have potential sources of chemical signals and a sensory system to receive them. Recent studies suggest the presence of a vomeronasal organ (VNO) in humans; however, other observations suggest only scant evidence for the presence of an anatomically complete VNO with connections to the central nervous system (CNS). One would not expect to see observable “releaser” pheromone effects in humans, which are primarily behavioral and immediate. Despite the lack of evidence, numerous fragrances, or additives to fragrances, whose advertisements perpetuate the myth that an odor can make one irresistible to members of the opposite sex, have been, or are being sold. Studies conducted over the past two decades present evidence that humans emit primer pheromones, which can alter the length and timing of the menstrual cycle. The human axillae is a likely source of these chemosensory signals. The molecular identity and chemoreceptive and endocrine pathways by which they operate remain to be elucidated.
Chapter
Among rodents, males and females produce certain chemosignals that are different. These sexually dimorphic odors serve both to attract conspecifics and to coordinate reproductive physiology and behavior. In fact, among some rodents such as housemice and golden hamsters, chemoreception may constitute the single most important sensory modality for gender recognition and stimulation of sexual arousal.
Chapter
Evidence from studies in rodents suggests that mate selection is influenced by major histocompatibility complex (MHC) haplotypes, with preferences for dissimilar partners. We initiated studies to determine whether avoidance of a mate with the same HLA haplotype as one’s own might be occurring in the Hutterites, a reproductive isolate of European origins. Previously, we reported a statistically significant deficiency of couples matching for 1 or more haplotypes among 411 couples with known HLA haplotypes defined by serology (Ober, Weitkamp, Cox, Dytch, Kostyu, & Elias, 1997). In this report, matching for 5-lo-cus, 11-locus and 16-locus HLA haplotypes defined by serological, molecular, and biochemical methods, we considered the same 411 couples. Using the same two methods for estimating the number of couples expected to match for a haplotype as we did in our earlier report, fewer couples than expected matched for a haplotype (first method, using population genotype frequencies, P = 0.0023-0.0035; second method, using computer simulations, P = 0.001-0.049). These results are consistent with the conclusion that Hutterite mate choice is influenced by HLA haplotypes, with an avoidance of spouses with haplotypes that are the same as one’s own.
Article
Part two of this three-part series commences with anomalous dominance and special talents. Part one appears in a previous issue of the Archives.1ANOMALOUS DOMINANCE AND SPECIAL TALENTS According to our hypothesis, slowed growth within certain zones of the left hemisphere is likely to result in enlargement of other cortical regions, in particular, the homologous contralateral area, but also adjacent unfaffected regions. The influences that favor anomalous dominance may thus favor talents associated with superior development of certain regions either in the right hemisphere or in adjacent parts of the left hemisphere. Even with excessive retardation of growth and the resultant migration abnormalities and learning disorders (LD), high talents may exist as a result of compensatory enlargement of other cortical regions.Several types of data are in concordance with these conclusions. Several studies have claimed that the average level of spatial talents is higher in male subiects.2 Hier
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This article examines sexual identity formation among 346 lesbian-identified and 60 bisexual-identified women. On average, bisexuals come out at later ages and exhibit less “stable” identity histories. However, variations in identity history among lesbians and bisexuals overshadow the differences between them and demonstrate that coming out is not a linear, goal-oriented, developmental process. Sexual identity formation must be reconceptualized as a process of describing one's social location within a changing social context. Changes in sexual identity are, therefore, expected of mature individuals as they maintain an accurate description of their position vis-à-vis other individuals, groups, and institutions.