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Stigma: Barrier to mental health care among ethnic minorities. Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 26(10), 979-999

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This paper explicates the stigma of mental illness as it is experienced by four ethnic minority groups in the United States. Concerns about prejudice and discrimination among individuals who suffer burdens related to mental illness are delineated. It is proposed that ethnic minority groups, who already confront prejudice and discrimination because of their group affiliation, suffer double stigma when faced with the burdens of mental illness. The potency of the stigma of mental illness is one reason why some ethnic minority group members who would benefit from mental health services elect not to seek or adequately participate in treatment. The combination of stigma and membership in an ethnic minority group can impede treatment and well-being, creating preventable and treatable mortalities and morbidities. The article concludes with recommendations for research and health policy implications.
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Issues in Mental Health Nursing, 26:979–999, 2005
Copyright
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Taylor & Francis Inc.
ISSN: 0161-2840 print / 1096-4673 online
DOI: 10.1080/01612840500280638
STIGMA: BARRIER TO MENTAL HEALTH
CARE AMONG ETHNIC MINORITIES
Faye A. Gary, EdD, RN, FAAN
Medical Mutual of Ohio Professor of Nursing for
Vulnerable and At-Risk Persons, Frances Payne Bolton
School of Nursing, Case Western Reserve University,
Cleveland, Ohio, USA
This paper explicates the stigma of mental illness as it is
experienced by four ethnic minority groups in the United
States. Concerns about prejudice and discrimination among
individuals who suffer burdens related to mental illness are
delineated. It is proposed that ethnic minority groups, who
already confront prejudice and discrimination because of
their group affiliation, suffer double stigma when faced with
the burdens of mental illness. The potency of the stigma of
mental illness is one reason why some ethnic minority group
members who would benefit from mental health services
elect not to seek or adequately participate in treatment. The
combination of stigma and membership in an ethnic
minority group can impede treatment and well-being,
creating preventable and treatable mortalities and
morbidities. The article concludes with recommendations
for research and health policy implications.
Much like leprosy in earlier centuries, mental illness remains em-
bedded with connotations that serve as barriers to help seeking and
treatment compliance (Corrigan, 2004a, 2004c). Remnants of this real-
ity continue despite the phenomenal scientific advancements that have
been made with regard to treatment modalities and subsequent evidence-
based outcomes (Corrigan, Watson, Warpinski, & Gracia, 2004b). Even
when individuals elect to seek treatment, many of them neglect the pre-
scribed regimen, while others abort treatment and terminate mental
Address correspondence to Faye A. Gary, Frances Payne Bolton School of Nursing, Case
Western Reserve University, 10900 Euclid Ave., Cleveland, OH 44106. E-mail: fgary@case.edu
979
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980 F. A. Gary
health services (Corrigan, 2004a; Gary, Baker, & Grandbois, 2005;
Szasz, 2003). Stigma is one of the major reasons. In this paper, stigma
refers to a collection of negative attitudes, beliefs, thoughts, and behav-
iors that influences the individual, or the general public, to fear, reject,
avoid, be prejudiced, and discriminate against people with mental disor-
ders. Stigma is manifest in language, disrespect in interpersonal relation-
ships, and behaviors. It is a barrier to those individuals who need mental
health services, but who are reluctant or refuse to seek help because
of the potential for discrimination and rejection by others (Corrigan,
2004b; Corrigan, Green, Lundin, Kubiak, & Penn, 2001; Corrigan &
Penn, 1999). It is considered “the most formidable obstacle to future
progress in the area of mental illness and health” (U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, 1999, p. 29).
This paper presents a discussion about stigma, and highlights some
of constructs that can be employed to understand stigma among any one
of the four minority groups.
Reasons why many people avoid needed psychiatric treatment are not
yet fully understood, even though it is an enduring, though troubling,
theme throughout the mental health system. The concept of Double
Stigma is hypothesized to be an additional burden that confronts ethnic
minority groups in America, but may affect different cultural groups
in special ways. Related constructs that are useful in understanding the
dynamics that set up and reinforce stigma in mental health as expressed
by ethnic minorities are embedded in the following discussion.
PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION
Prejudice
Individuals who are prejudiced tend to embrace negative stereotypes
about people. Statements such as, All people with PTSD are danger-
ous and incompetent, are likely to generate negative emotional reac-
tions from others . . . including comments such as “Yes ...they frighten
me . . . I stay away from them” (Corrigan, 2004b). Prejudice is a cog-
nitive and affective response, serving as an antecedent to discrimina-
tion, which has behavioral dimensions (Bettelheim & Janowitz, 1964;
Corrigan, 2004b; Gary, 1991; Kramer, 1949; Link, Phelan, Bresnahan,
Stueve, & Pescosolido, 1999; Pinel, 1999). Prejudice denotes thoughts
and feelings that members of one group have about individuals in an-
other group that are frequently based on stereotypes and unsubstantiated
information (Gary, 1991; Nicholson, 1998). In the United States, preju-
dice continues to negatively impact the lives of ethnic minority people
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Stigma: A Barrier among Ethnic Minorities 981
at all levels of their existence (Byrd & Clayton, 2002; Myrdal, 1996).
It also looms over individuals who are in need of psychiatric treatment
(Corrigan, 2004b; Pinel, 1999).
Discrimination
When dominant group members express certain stereotypes and neg-
ativisms about minority groups and then act in ways that are not in
the best interest of these groups, discrimination is in action. Discrim-
ination is expressed through decision-making and behaviors that are
observable, measurable, and reportable. Through this process, domi-
nant groups afford themselves advantages and privileges that they deny
minority groups (Byrd & Clayton, 1992, 2000, 2002; Myrdal, 1996).
Double Stigma is obvious: Until recently, individuals with psychiatric
disorders were placed in large state hospitals located in rural areas with
huge fences around them; many of the patients were confined until
death (Lamb & Weinberger, 1998). In communities, property owners
were and continue to be reluctant to lease dwellings to persons with
mental illnesses. Employers often will not extend opportunities to for-
merly hospitalized individuals. Changes in federal laws have helped to
relieve some of these discriminating actions, but constant monitoring
is still required (see, for example, the Americans with Disabilities Act,
http://www.usdoj.gov/crt/ada/adahom1.htm).
Today, individuals with mental illness are often inappropriately placed
in jails and prisons, a practice that has extended over more than two
centuries (Buchanan & Leese, 2001; Corrigan, Watson, Warpinski, &
Gracia, 2004a; Lamb & Weinberger, 1998; Szasz, 1971). When dis-
crimination is examined from the perspective of ethnic minority group
membership and mental illness, the problem becomes more complicated.
DOUBLE STIGMA
In an effort to explain some of the deleterious outcomes associated
with discrimination based on minority group status and the burden of
having to live with a mental disorder, I propose the concept of Double
Stigma. Hence, minority group members with mental illnesses endure
discriminatory practices as manifest by numerous segments of this so-
ciety, including politicians, researchers, and clinicians. Centuries-old
practices of discrimination against the mentally ill (Abreu, 1999; Balsa
& McGuire, 2003; Corrigan, 2004b; Szasz, 2003) are inculcated into
American society, and can have a deleterious impact on individuals and
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982 F. A. Gary
families. Szasz (2003) posits that one of the enduring social obligations
that psychiatrists have to society is to control the “harm to self [suicide]
and to others [crime], which creates an ethical dilemma for the med-
ical profession” and for psychiatric nurses who have acquired similar
societal obligations (Szasz, 1971).
From the other side of the discrimination paradigm, America’s history
abounds with prejudice and discrimination against African Americans,
American Indians and Alaska Natives, Asian Americans, and Hispanic
Americans. Unfortunately, prejudice and discrimination continue to ex-
ist and affect all aspects of these people’s lives (Abreu, 1999; Balsa &
McGuire, 2003; Byrd & Clayton, 2001; Hamilton & Sherman, 1994).
Overlaps can occur in Double Stigma when race/ethnicity and health
care are cross-cutting phenomena. The United States Public Health Ser-
vice’s infamous four-decades-old Tuskegee Syphilis Study serves as a
powerful example of the deleterious effects of prejudice and discrim-
ination. This one study helps to clarify the harm that health profes-
sionals, in collusion with the federal government, can perpetuate upon
ethnic minority individuals in the name of the advancement of science
and protection of the public (Gary, Yarandi, & Scruggs, 2003; Jones,
1998; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999). Ethnic
minorities who have symptoms or histories of mental disorders expe-
rience vastly different access and outcome histories when compared
to their more socially accepted Caucasian counterparts (Pescosolido,
Gardner, & Lubell, 1998; Poussaint & Anderson, 2000; Rogler, Cortes,
& Malgady, 1991). Figure 1 depicts the factors that help to influence
the individual’s decision to seek, delay, or avoid treatment for mental
disorders.
Double Stigma is created by ethnic minority group membership, and
membership in one of these groups confronts the individual with sig-
nificant barriers. Moreover, too few nurses or other mental health pro-
fessionals who are members of these four ethnic minority groups have
been able to join the ranks of mental health professionals. This fact
helps to continue to perpetuate health disparities, and the lack of cul-
turally competent care in mental healthcare delivery systems (Smedley,
Stith, & Nelson, 2003; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services,
1999). The Sullivan Commission Report suggests that the missing per-
sons in healthcare systems are ethnic minority professionals; it calls for
new and novel approaches to diversifying nursing’s workforce (See the
Sullivan Commission Report, 2004, for a more detailed discussion). A
discussion of the model in Figure 1 will help the reader to integrate the
numerous factors that interact to produce and sustain stigma related to
mental disorders among ethnic minority groups.
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Stigma: A Barrier among Ethnic Minorities 983
FIGURE 1. Sources: Corrigan, 2004b; Corrigan, River Lundin, Penn, Uphoff-
Wasowski, Campion et al., 2001; Gary, 1991; Lefley, 1989; Rowe, 2005;
Smedley, Stith, & Nelson, 2003; U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services, 1999.
Race Applied as a Biological Concept
It is essential that readers become aware that the biological con-
struct of race has no scientific evidence. Nevertheless, for more than a
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984 F. A. Gary
century, health professionals and other powerful societal entities per-
petuated the concept of race and linked it to biological constructs,
based on superficial differences such as the light-skinned Europeans,
the dark-skinned people of African descent, the brownish-red-skinned
Native Americans and Alaska Natives, or the almond-shaped eyes of
Asians. Informed biology can now document the fact that these dif-
ferences are more related to environmental adaptations, and have lit-
tle significance to a biological phenomenon (Anderson & Nickerson,
2005). Advances in human genetics suggest that all human beings have
about 99.9% identical DNA (Rowe, 2005). (See Rowe, 2005; Sternberg,
Grigorenko, & Kidd, 2005 for a more detailed discussion.) However,
race is a social concept that has powerful and sometimes devastat-
ing consequences. Its presence has dominated American culture and
helped to create legal and formal mechanisms used as rationales for
prejudice, discrimination, social stigma, health disparities, and pat-
terns of questionable forensic outcomes (Anderson & Nickerson, 2005;
Cooper, 2005; Myrdal, 1996; Ossorio & Duster, 2005; Shields et al.,
2005).
Labeling as Stigma Inducing
Stigma is a term that is used to convey prejudice or negative stereo-
typing. It emits poorly justified and often false information about
people that helps to create discriminatory acts against them (Corrigan,
Green, Lundin, Kubiak, & Penn, 2001; Corrigan et al., 2004b; Dinges
& Duong-Tran, 1993; Jones, 1998; Jorm, 2000). Numerous types of
stereotypical labeling of minority groups have endured for centuries
(Corrigan, Thompson, Lambert, Sangster, Noel, & Campbell, 2003;
Harris, Gorelick, Samuels, & Bempong, 1996; Johnson & Cameron,
2001; Jones, 2003). Researchers and clinicians, including mental health
professionals, endeavored to document the inferiority of certain ethnic
minority groups in the service of justifying prejudice and discrimination
(Anderson & Nickerson, 2005; Helms, Jernigan, & Mascher, 2005;
Smedley, & Smedley, 2005; Yee, Fairchild, Weizmann, & Wyatt, 1993).
One of the most provocative but least discussed labeling phenomena
that have negatively impacted minority populations is intelligence test-
ing based on the bogus use of race. In this twenty-first century, clar-
ity through a better understanding of the genome, and DNA, could
help bring science to a more socially responsible debate (Anderson &
Nickerson, 2005; International HapMap Consortium, 2003; Interna-
tional Human Genome Sequencing Consortium, 2001). A more educa-
tionally sophisticated group of ethnic minority researchers and clinicians
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Stigma: A Barrier among Ethnic Minorities 985
will participate in this debate, which will no longer be in the exclu-
sive domain of Caucasians (Anderson & Nickerson, 2005; Thomas,
2000).
Labels that are generated by others, though without malice, never-
theless can produce stigma. When mental health professionals provide
psychiatric diagnoses such as schizophrenia or paranoia, stigma is a pos-
sible outcome (American Psychological Association, 1993; American
Psychiatric Association, 2000). The potency associated with labeling is
such that a certain symbol, or the association with a certain professional,
can lead to the person being labeled and subsequently stigmatized. For
example, a sign on a door saying “Mental Health Clinic” can provoke
stigmatizing thoughts and feelings among casual passersby, with impli-
cations that the persons who enter the clinic are not “playing with a full
deck. Similarly, the professionals who provide care there can some-
times not be immediately identifiable from among the patient group at
the clinic. Goffman (1963), Birenbaum (1970), and Gray (1993) refer to
this process as “courtesy stigma” suggesting that family members might
also share some of the stigmatization because of their affiliation and
kinship with the mentally ill person. Some family members try to avoid
the stigma, while others appear not to be concerned about its impact
(MacRae, 1999).
Stereotypes
Stereotypes are not necessarily pernicious (Corrigan & Penn, 1999).
They are knowledge structures that are learned and practiced by indi-
viduals in society. Stereotypes can be efficient but potentially dangerous
beliefs associated with categorizing information about certain ethnic
minority people and other populations such as individuals with men-
tal illnesses (Balsa & McGuire, 2003; Byrd & Clayton, 2001; Corrigan
et al., 2003; Corrigan, Green, Lundin, Kubiak, & Penn, 2001; Macrae
et al., 1994). Stereotyping includes categorizing information about cer-
tain groups of people and their behaviors (Corrigan & Penn, 1999; Gary,
1991; Hamilton & Sherman, 1994). Consider the stereotype that Asian
Americans are the “model minority. This stereotype creates some ad-
vantages for this minority group, but it also produces blind spots and false
negatives. Societal constructs follow: Asians do not have social or sub-
stance abuse problems, or do not experience poverty. Such stereotypes
could serve as a deterrent to mental health care for Asian Americans, and
place extreme ambivalence at the center of their need to seek help for
preventable and treatable mental health disorders (Bach, Pham, Schrag,
Tate, & Hargraves, 2004; Shields et al., 2005).
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986 F. A. Gary
Public Stigma
Stereotypes can negatively influence the lives of individuals with
mental illness through the public’s thoughts about violence (Penn
& Corrigan, 2002), incompetence in self-care and independent liv-
ing (Corrigan et al., 2001; Okazaki, 2000), and self-blame (Corrigan,
2004b), including the insinuation that individuals with mental illnesses
are responsible for their own disorders (Lefley, 1989). As a rule, stereo-
types are difficult to eradicate (Balsa & McGuire, 2003; Byrd & Clayton,
2001) and can endure for years and years. One can glean from this dis-
cussion that stereotypes, prejudice, labels, and discrimination can help
to interrupt the lives of thousands of individuals—and thwart their op-
portunities to become productive citizens (Corrigan et al., 2004a, 2004b;
Gary, 1991; Wahl & Harman, 1989).
The negative impact of stigma also is observable in the general health
system. Individuals with mental illnesses are less likely to obtain the
necessary health assessments and subsequent care when compared with
individuals without these mental illnesses. A variety of factors interact to
create these disparities, including muddled approaches to attaining care
(Pescosolido, Gardner, & Lubell, 1998) or the behavior of the illness,
which includes denial, as found in mood disorders, Bipolar, or Type II
Depression (American Psychiatric Association, 2000). Individuals with
mental illnesses receive fewer medical services than persons with similar
conditions who do not have mental illnesses (U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services, 1999, 2001; U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services & Health Resources and Services Administration, 2003). The
nature of the illness can act as a barrier to receiving appropriate mental
health care (Brown, Schulberg, & Prigerson, 2000; Kessler et al., 2003;
Roy-Byrne et al., 2000). Public policy issues regarding parity of mental
health insurance coverage with general health insurance coverage con-
tinue to be debated among politicians, economists, providers, and the
public, while limits to access to care remain a major concern among pa-
tients and providers (Goffman, 1963; LaFromboise & Howard-Pitney,
1995; Pescosolido et al., 1998; Pillay & Sargent, 1999; Rodriguez, Allen,
Frongillo, & Chandra, 1999; Schneider, Zaslavsky, & Epstein, 2002).
Hence, mental illness can be a barrier to receiving appropriate health
care.
With regard to the criminal justice system, there is a crossing point
between mental health and criminal justice systems. Briefly, the men-
tally ill are frequently criminalized, and are “housed” in confinement
facilities such as jails and prisons where they may or may not receive
the necessary treatment. This tendency is observed across the lifespan
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Stigma: A Barrier among Ethnic Minorities 987
(Corrigan, Lickey, Campion, & Rashid, 2000; Lamb, Weinberger, &
DeCuir, 2002; Shelder, Mayman, & Manis, 1993; Wolff, 2002).
Consider, too, the disproportionate numbers of African Americans,
American Indians and Alaska Natives, and Hispanics who are in the na-
tion’s prisons. Being of ethnic minority status increases the chances of
incarceration and a long-term sentence with the criminal justice system
(Braithwaite & Arriola, 2003; Dressel & Barnhill, 1994; Freudenberg,
2002; Hartwell, 2001). This fact reflects another example of “double
stigma.
Together, these realities support the hypothesis that in American soci-
ety, persons with mental illnesses are at risk for experiencing substantial
stigma related to mental illnesses, and that ethnic minority populations
endure the greater burdens (Corrigan, 2004b; Goffman, 1963; Lefley,
1989; MacRae, 1999; Pinel, 1999). Higher rates of mortality and mor-
bidity, and diminished well-being (Cooper, Corrigan, & Watson, 2003;
Corrigan, 2004b; Marmot & Wilkinson, 1999) are unfortunate natural
outcomes.
Family and Courtesy Stigma
In addition to the public’s stigma about mental illness, patients’ fam-
ilies also might encounter stigma that is generalized to them, as in the
case of “courtesy stigma” (see MacRae, 1999). Social barriers can be
erected against the patients, their families, and sometimes their friends
(Caldwell, 1996; Corrigan, 2004a, 2004b; Corrigan et al., 2003; Lefley,
1989). Symptom severity as manifested by patients who carry the burden
of chronic mental illness also might help to further isolate and alien-
ate patients and their families. It can diminish their reputations and
status in the community, and jeopardize their relationships with neigh-
bors and the public (Lefley, 1989; Pescosolido et al., 1998; Pescosolido,
Wright, & Kikuzawa, 1999). Kafkaesque nightmares sometimes emerge
within families as they ponder how, when, why, and under what cir-
cumstances these horrific illnesses occurred in their family members
(Adshead, 2003; Anderson & Nickerson, 2005; Lefley, 1989; Nemeroff,
2003; Pinel, 1999; Szasz, 2003). Residual and sometimes overwhelming
familial guilt accompanies the illness; parents and families struggle with
providing care for their loved ones as they try to unravel the complex
and costly nature of treatment that is required to maintain the individ-
ual (Adshead, 2003; Corrigan, Lickey et al., 2000; Lefley, 1989; Szasz,
2003). In many instances, family resources are depleted and individuals
only have access to care within the public domain (Hudson, 2005). That
is to say, given the severity of the illness and its chronic nature, families
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988 F. A. Gary
cannot afford the necessary treatment for their loved ones. Limited sci-
entific evidence and the lack of knowledge and skills among mental
health professionals sometimes add to family stigmatization (Lefley,
1989; Vaughn, Snyder, Jones, Freeman, & Falloon, 1984).
Until recently, mental health professionals focused their scholarly ef-
forts on understanding mental illness from the conceptual frameworks
of family theories that delineated the family as the pathogenesis of the
individual’s mental illness. Based on this conceptualization, treatment
modalities were developed (Lefly, 1989; Lidz, 1968; Vaughn & Leff,
1976). The implicit and sometimes explicit message promulgated by
mental health professionals was that “the patient’s illness was their [the
family’s] fault and they should go away, shrouded in guilt, and leave the
professional to undo the damage” (Goldstein, 1981, p. 2). Inherent in this
framework is the possibility of iatrogenic damage expressed through a
variety of pathways. Included are the avoidant or recriminate responses
to familial requests for information and support for their efforts. Other
areas of tension linked to the prevailing schools of thought during that
era included double-bind communications, and the selection of interven-
tions that, by their nature, would alienate the family and other supporters.
Self-filling prophesies served to motivate particular types of behaviors
within the family and provider structures (Goldstein, 1981; Lefly, 1989;
Lidz, 1968; Vaughn & Leff, 1976). Other researchers such as Grunebaum
(1984) have suggested that family members are placed in untenable po-
sitions of having to endure the pain of the ill member’s disorder, tolerate
the stigma related to having caused the disorder, and the responsibil-
ity of having to oversee and monitor compliance with a treatment plan
that is often poorly understood. At the same time, the family struggles
with patient-related issues such as housing, medication compliance, and
conflicting advice from mental health professionals (Ahshead, 2003;
Corrigan, 2004b; Grunebaum, 1984; Lefley, 1989; Szasz, 2003).
Self-Stigma
The discussion is in no way complete without acknowledging the
impact of self-stigma, which can be an inhibiting factor that impedes
help-seeking behaviors and the quality of treatment and life experienced
by individuals with the illness (Corrigan, 2004b; Corrigan, Edwards,
Green, Diwan, & Penn, 2001; Jost & Banaji, 1994). Many individuals
with mental illnesses experience lowered self-esteem (Link, Struening,
Neese-Todd, Asmussen, & Phelan, 2001). Over time, they exhibit dimin-
ished self-efficacy, and continual lowering of self-esteem (Link et al.,
1999). They are at risk for a blighted future embedded with hopelessness
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Stigma: A Barrier among Ethnic Minorities 989
and sometimes despair (American Indian Policy Center, n.d.; Borowsky,
Resnick, Ireland, & Blum, 1999; Edmonson, 2000; Ferry, 2000; Gary,
Yarandi, & Scruggs, 2003). Numerous aspects of these mental states
are antecedents to suicide, one of the most devastating outcomes asso-
ciated with this malady. Mentally ill persons can internalize the stigma
that is prevalent within society. In this sense, they come to believe and
act as if the stigma is a real and legitimate phenomenon (Corrigan,
2004b; Corrigan et al., 2003; Link et al., 2001; Miller & Kaiser, 2001;
Okazaki, 2000; Snowden, 2001; Snowden & Cheung, 1990; Stevens &
Hall, 1988). That is to say, some come to believe that they are less val-
ued than others in society, and literally devalue themselves and their real
or potential contributions to the society (Hudson, 2005). As a result,
individuals with mental illness might avoid employment, and elect not
to be successful at some task or in a job, because of fear of failure, or
internalized self-stigma, which can translate into self-abhorrence (Balsa
& McGuire, 2003; Cool & Garrido, 2000; Cooper-Patrick et al., 2002;
Flores & Vega, 1998; Jones, 2003; LaVeist, Nickerson, & Bowie, 2000).
Importantly, a similar dynamic can occur among ethnic minority
persons who have fears and doubts about their own abilities or who
depend on reflected appraisal from others to attain and maintain their
self-worth and sense of self-efficacy (Corrigan, McCracken, & Holmes,
2001; Corrigan et al., 2004a; Costello, Compton, Keeler, & Angold,
2003; Gary, Baker, & Grandbois, 2005; Gary et al., 2003; Poussaint &
Anderson, 2000).
Revisiting the Overlap between Stigma and Ethnic Minorities
The long history of discrimination and maltreatment of ethnic minor-
ity groups in America has left its seemingly indelible stain on this society
(Byrd & Clayton, 2001; Smedley & Smedley, 2005; U.S. Department of
Health and Human Services, 1999, 2001). Statistical data suggest that
there are mortality and morbidity differentials among ethnic minorities
and Caucasians. Health differentials between the two groups cannot be
entirely explained by race and ethnicity: Socioeconomic status and envi-
ronmental factors also must be considered, and are sometimes a proxy for
race and ethnicity. Research that differentiates among the three and their
outcomes is just beginning to emerge (Anderson & Nickerson, 2005;
Shields et al., 2005). The importance of social class is evidenced through
facts that suggest that people live, die, and get sick depending on their
race and ethnicity, gender, age, and socioeconomic group status (Hudson,
2005; Rowe, 2005; Smedley & Smedley, 2005). Social class determina-
tion consists of level of education, income, and occupation. Individuals
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990 F. A. Gary
with less education and who belong to the working class (laborers) are
more likely to die of heart disease than are people with higher levels
of education and who work as professionals (Navarro, 1997; Smedley
et al., 2003). Those with less education and/or of the working class re-
ceive mental health care that is substantially compromised; stigma is
a dynamic force that brings this hypothesis to fruition. Psychiatric ser-
vices are more often sought by Caucasians than by African American,
American Indian and Alaska Native, Asian American, and Hispanic
American groups (Byrd & Clayton, 2001; Jones, 2003; Smedley et al.,
2003; Smedley & Smedley, 2005; U.S. Department of Health and Hu-
man Services, 1999). Given the lower socioeconomic status (limited
capacity to purchase goods and services), the public and private stigma
influences, and the distrust of the mental health system, ethnic minority
people are at risk for not receiving adequate mental health care. Hence,
their chances for experiencing higher mortality and morbidity rates will
continue to increase exponentially, unless new and novel approaches are
implemented to forestall and reverse this trend (Marmot & Wilkinson,
1999; Mayberry, Mili, & Ofili, 2002; McDonnell, 2000). These are some
of the factors that are the pathogeneses of health disparities among eth-
nic minority groups in America (Byrd & Clayton, 2002; LaVeist, 2002;
LaVeist, Bowie, & Cooley-Quille, 2000; Shields et al., 2005; Smedley
et al., 2003; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999,
2001).
Based on the ubiquitous nature of stigma, an aggressive approach to
its eradication is a major public health objective, in service to the larger
goal of reducing mental health disparities that currently exist among the
four ethnic groups (see Healthy People 2010, U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services, 2000). This discussion concludes with particular
recommendations that address stigma.
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR RESEARCH
Research
Nurse researchers and others need to move beyond the lofty goal
of assuring equal access to research and broaden its scope. Research
about stigma should be a major focus for nurses and other mental health
professionals. It should address cogent issues such as public stigma,
self-stigma, family stigmatizing, help-seeking and delaying behaviors,
quality indicators for mental health care among ethnic minority groups,
and others. Decisions to abort, or not comply with, treatment also should
be robustly examined among the four groups. Of equal importance is
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Stigma: A Barrier among Ethnic Minorities 991
the impact of public and courtesy (proxy) stigma on decision making
related to help-seeking and treatment-seeking behaviors. Culturally rel-
evant research studies are needed from the perspective of self-stigma,
self-esteem, self-worth, and self-depreciating attitudes and behaviors
(Lefley, 1989; Macrae et al., 1994; MacRae, 1999; Rowe, 2005; Shields
et al., 2005; Smedley et al., 2003; Szasz, 2003; U.S. Department of
Health & Human Services 1999, 2001).
The roles and influences of support systems or reference groups in
helping to facilitate or delay help seeking is essential information that
needs to be further examined. What are the key elements that maintain
consumer-driven groups? Would initiatives that explore stigma from the
perspective of care settings be informative from the policy perspective?
At the systems level, with regard to insurance, how do the insurance
disparities for mental health disorders affect each of the ethnic minor-
ity groups (Lee & Estes, 2001)? Are there differences within the four
groups? And, if there are differences, how do these differences manifest
themselves? What are the diverse methods and techniques of addressing
these differences?
Interpretation and Dissemination of Research Results
Nurse researchers and others must become more cognizant of how
their research findings will potentially be interpreted and used to trans-
late science to service. Scientists should become more sensitive to the
levels of mental health literacy that exist among its own groups and the
public. Given the increased interest in and intersection with genetics and
race—within the context and interpretation of behavior—a finely tuned
intellect embedded in ethically and socially responsible critical think-
ing is required. In addition, research practices and how research results
could be framed and/or exploited, interpreted, and understood must be
added to the basic research process (Geller, Barnhardt, & Holtzman,
2002; Lefley, 1989; Macrae et al., 1994; MacRae, 1999; Rowe, 2005;
Shields et al., 2005).
Health Literacy
Nurse researchers and practitioners must provide health literacy in-
formation for the public and for individuals and families who endure the
burden of mental illness. They must strengthen the premise that individ-
uals with mental illness and their families can benefit from the science
that is being promulgated about the prevention and treatment of mental
disorders. Researchers ought to produce summary abstracts that clearly
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992 F. A. Gary
and specifically highlight their findings, including sensible statements
about implications for disease and acuity-level prevention and self-care
(Corrigan et al., 2004a; Jones, 1998; Jorm, 2000; Smedley et al., 2003;
U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, 1999, 2001).
RECOMMENDATIONS FOR HEALTH POLICYMAKERS
Health policymakers must support research that informs health pro-
fessionals about the social determinants of health, including mortality
and morbidity. In order to approach this dimension with rigor and sci-
entific accuracy, the use of race and or ethnicity as “proxies” for so-
cioeconomic status, environmental and situational life experiences that
are known to disproportionately impact minority groups should not be
continued. The alternative is to measure these constructs directly. A set
of measures, defined by consensus, that more accurately addresses these
variables should be developed at the national level (by the National Insti-
tutes for Health). When unraveling the numerous complexities related
to health disparities, federal and local initiatives that build consensus
around core measures that address inequity and social determinants of
health status and their impact on disaggregated populations should be
constructed (Anderson & Nickerson, 2005; Shields et al., 2005). That is,
research should move beyond the current “racial and ethnic” categories
that are typically used in research, and begin to focus more on local
groupings/variables for the purpose of better understanding health be-
liefs and behaviors. Then the development of specific interventions for
the given population designed to alleviate the disparities would be more
relevant and perhaps produce better outcomes (see National Academy
of Sciences report, Ver Ploeg & Perrin, 2004, for a more detailed dis-
cussion).
Health policymakers should also support interdisciplinary learning
across all health professionals with an emphasis on research and health
policy. As the proliferation of research continues to grow exponentially,
it is imperative that all disciplines recognize the complexities that are
inherent in human behaviors and mental disorders among all human
groups. Importantly, the need for sophisticated and complex configu-
rations related to constructs, design options, measures, recruitment ap-
proaches, human subject issues, and data analyses should be incorpo-
rated into the standards for all research. The future of research should be
embellished with the best thinking for addressing complex issues related
to mental disorders and ethnic minority groups—with carefully con-
structed findings and implications for research and practice (Anderson
& Nickerson, 2005; Balsa & McGuire, 2003; Byrd, & Clayton, 2001;
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Stigma: A Barrier among Ethnic Minorities 993
Rowe, 2005; Shields et al., 2005; Smedley et al., 2003). To prevent and
treat mental disorders, and relieve the burden of disease for all peo-
ple, psychiatric nurses must commit to addressing issues of intricate
magnitudes—many with callous and heinous histories.
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... Consequently, stigma is considered the leading barrier to treatment seeking by many experts [1,[7][8][9]. This includes among racial minorities, who are understudied in stigma research [10][11][12] and experience strong treatment disparities [10,[13][14][15][16]. ...
... Although stigma is often perceived to occur largely within the individual (e.g., as internalized stigmatizing beliefs/attitudes), decades of research have revealed that stigma is heavily socially constructed and enforced [6] with the social environment: (1) providing the context in which discrimination is anticipated and experienced by individuals, and (2) defining which personal attributes (e.g., mental illness) are devalued/rejected by others [3,17]. In this way, individuals considering mental health treatment are likely to closely appraise the prevailing stigma beliefs and attitudes of their social environments (i.e., "stigma contexts") to identify potential threats to their social status and well-being [1,11,18]. In highly stigmatizing contexts, individuals frequently become aware of and adopt negative societal beliefs, attitudes, and intentions toward mental disorders and treatment seeking [19][20][21]. ...
... For racial minority groups, the influence of stigma on treatment seeking may be even more pronounced as studies indicate minorities seek mental health treatment at lower rates than the general public [10,[13][14][15][16]. Although several reasons for this treatment disparity exist including elevated rates of uninsurance/underinsurance, decreased access to mental health care, lack of culturally responsive providers/ services, and cultural mistrust [26,27], stigma is suspected to play a critical role in curtailing minority treatment seeking [11]. ...
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Mental illness stigma has significant psychiatric consequences and can impede mental health treatment seeking, especially among racial minority groups; who are understudied in stigma research and experience striking treatment disparities. Guided by a novel empirical model of racial minority stigma and treatment seeking, this study investigated stigma and its effects on treatment seeking in Black, Latina/o, and Asian American adults. Data were collected via national panel survey from 613 Black, Latina/o, and Asian American adults. Perceptions of mental illness including seriousness, treatability, causal attributions, desired social distancing, and perceived dangerousness were assessed. Data were analyzed and compared with a nationally representative sample of the U.S. public from the 2018 General Social Survey. Minority participants exhibited stronger mental illness stigma than the U.S. public, with Black, Latina/o, and Asian American participants largely perceiving mental illness as less serious, less treatable, and desiring greater social distance from individuals with major depression, who were perceived as potentially dangerous. Notably, different stigma components significantly associated with willingness to seek treatment differently across Black, Latina/o, and Asian American participants. Overall, study findings indicate that mental illness stigma is strong and associates with treatment seeking in Black, Latina/o, and Asian Americans, suggesting a need to develop culturally tailored interventions to reduce stigma and associated treatment utilization disparities in these underserved minority groups.
... Disparities in mental health outcomes among different demographic groups highlight the unique barriers faced by Black, Indigenous, and people of colour (BIPOC) in accessing mental health services. These inequities often result in lower utilization of evidence-based care (Alegria et al., 2002;Gary, 2005;Kataoka et al., 2002;Stewart et al., 2017). A mental health paradox among BIPOC service users has been described: individuals from these communities can be more prone to experiencing mental health concerns yet are less likely than the general population to seek support (Arday, 2018;Sancho & Larkin, 2020;Turner et al., 2007;Olaniyan & Hayes, 2022). ...
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Understanding the current state of equity, diversity, and inclusion (EDI) within the crisis line sector is essential to enhancing accessibility and acceptability of crisis line services for all. Through an intersectional lens, we examined 9-8-8 crisis line workers' personal and work demographics, training, resources, perceived competencies in supporting diverse populations. We conducted an electronic survey of crisis line responders and leadership in Canada. Data was analyzed using descriptive statistics, Fisher’s test, and Mann-Whitney U/Kruskal-Wallis H tests. Open ended responses were analyzed using content analysis. 323 surveys were completed. Analysis revealed statistically significant associations between respondent demographics, training satisfaction, access to resources, and perceived competency in supporting diverse communities. Conclusion: The findings indicate the need for new approaches to recruitment and training in the crisis line sector to enhance the inclusivity of crisis services for all individuals seeking mental health support.
... Despite increased awareness of mental health, a significant number of individuals silently endure suffering, with timely intervention proving challenging, particularly in regions where mental health services are scarce. Bangladesh as a densely populated South Asian country serves as an example of such a setting where mental health issues are often underreported and stigmatized [2]. ...
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This research aims to create and apply efficient sentiment analysis methods for the Bengali language. It also aims to investigate how people in Bangladesh communicate their feelings and mental health issues on social media platforms with a particular emphasis on depression and suicidal thoughts. The process of applying deep learning models to sentiment analysis of suicidal and depressing writing in Bangla entails a few thorough stages. First a dataset of 1076 data points is created by carefully classifying data from a variety of sources including news articles, Facebook, YouTube, and any other online resources into three categories: depressive, non-depressive, and suicidal. Tokenization, stop word removal, and stemming are important preprocessing techniques that help to improve the text. The dataset is split into training and testing sets to train various algorithms. Confusion metrics are used for evaluation and LSTM has the best accuracy (92.01%). This study advances the understanding of sentiment analysis in Bengali by exploring various methodologies and addressing specific challenges in this area. The usefulness of LSTM models is notably highlighted, and it shows that deep learning may be used to achieve accurate sentiment classification. The study compares the simplicity of use of machine learning with the superior performance of deep learning in managing contextual information. The goals are to employ sentiment analysis more widely in interdisciplinary fields and to improve existing methods.
... BIPOC communities are initially deterred from accessing mental health care due to mistrust, fear of treatment or discrimination, and differences in culture, language, and communication with the (often Dutch) providers. This mistrust can historically be traced to the criminalisation of mental illness and unethical experimental 'health care' practices performed on BIPOC communities (Gary, 2005;Vergès, 2020). For the ABCSSS islands in particular, the mistrust is rooted in colonial and postcolonial histories (Allen, 2010;Blom, 2015;Ansano, 2019). ...
... In fact, Black British patients are over four times more likely to be detained under the Mental Health Act than White patients (NHS Digital, 2019). In addition to unequal access to mental health care and treatment, attitudinal factors such as stigma can influence the way Black communities feel towards seeking mental health care (Abdullah & Brown, 2020;Alvidrez et al., 2008;Gary, 2005). In sum, it is possible that racial disparities in mental health care are a contributing factor to the ethnic minority overrepresentation seen in the official statistics of missing person cases. ...
... Personal beliefs and societal attitudes towards mental illness can also lead to perceived stigma regarding mental illness. 39 Negative beliefs about mental care can also contribute to stigma and low utilization care. 40 Stigma leads to shame and makes vulnerable groups not seek help when needed. ...
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Although vulnerable populations are disproportionately affected by mental disorders, they face significant barriers when it comes to access and service utilization. Research has shown that these groups utilize services less frequently than the general population and remain with significant unmet needs. Barriers are the main factors that contribute to mental health service underutilization among these populations. Some of these barriers are stigma, financial constraints, geographical barriers, systematic discrimination and historical trauma, language barriers, and lack of competent care. Considering the complexity of these factors, there is a need to design effective strategies to address these barriers. Incorporating mental care into primary practice is one of the measures that can be used to address barriers and increase service utilization. There is also a need to incorporate technology into care. Recognizing the role that mental health plays on overall health and well-being can enable health systems and other stakeholders to put measures in place to address the existing barriers that undermine service use. The aim of this review is to investigate how vulnerable groups utilize mental services, including the barriers that hinder utilization and measures that can address these barriers.
... For depression prevalence the denominator is number of people registered with a general practitioner, which has been shown to vary by local area (Baker 2016). Finally, for some population subgroups there may be more of a stigma around mental health and therefore people in these groups may be less likely to seek a diagnosis (Gary 2006). Findings should be complemented by analysis of self-reported health data from the 2021 Census (ONS 2023). ...
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Mental disorders are a growing problem worldwide, putting pressure on healthcare systems and wider society. Anxiety and depression are estimated to cost the global economy US$1 trillion per year, yet only 2% of global median government healthcare expenditure goes towards mental health. There is growing evidence linking housing, socio-economic status and local environmental conditions with mental health inequalities. The aim of this paper is to link several open-access datasets at the local area level (N = 32,844) for England to clinical mental health metrics and describe initial statistical findings. Two mental health metrics were used: Small Area Mental Health Index (SAMHI) and diagnosed depression prevalence. To demonstrate the utility of the longitudinal mental health data, changes in depression prevalence were investigated over two study periods (2011–19, i.e. austerity; and 2019–22, i.e. COVID-19). These data were linked to housing data (energy efficiency, floor area, year built, type and tenure) from Energy Performance Certificates (EPCs); socio-demographic data (age, sex, income and education deprivation, household size) from administrative records; and local environment data (winter temperature, air pollution and access to green space). The linked dataset provides a useful resource with which to investigate the social and environmental determinants of mental health. Practice relevance Initial observations of the data revealed a non-linear relationship between home energy efficiency (EPC band) and the mental health metrics, with depression prevalence higher in local areas where the mode EPC bands were C and D, compared with B and E. Researchers can further investigate this relationship using the dataset through robust statistical analysis, adjusting for confounding variables. National and local governments may use the dataset to help allocate resources to prevent and treat mental health conditions. Practitioners can map and interrogate the data to describe their local areas and make preliminary conclusions about the relationships between the built environment and mental health. This preliminary analysis of the data demonstrated a gradient in SAMHI and depression prevalence with income and employment deprivation at the local area level.
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The rate of exposure to traumatic events is high globally, and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is one of the most serious consequences. It was reported that approximately 14 million people were affected by earthquakes in Turkey in February 2023. Cognitive Behavioral Therapy (CBT) is a therapeutic approach to treating PTSD and has a proven efficacy. However, access to face-to-face therapies such as CBT is limited and there is a high dropout rate. Technology-based interventions can offer new solutions to make CBT more accessible and integrated into daily life. In this study, we will develop an application called TraumaRelief, which aims to relieve PTSD symptoms. We will test the feasibility, acceptability, and efficacy of this application through a pilot randomized controlled study conducted in Turkey, with 105 participants aged between 18 and 65 years who have experienced a traumatic event. Participants will be randomly assigned to the Application Plus Online Therapist Support Group (AT + OT Group), Application Only Group (Group A), and Waitlist Control Group (WLC Group). This study aims to evaluate symptoms of PTSD, depression, and anxiety, as well as their effects on quality of life. In addition, the feasibility and acceptability of the study; the attrition, consent, recruitment, and adherence rate to the application; fidelity of intervention delivery; system usability score; preferred and least preferred module components; app utilization frequency; and likelihood to recommend the application will be examined. Application efficacy will be monitored with follow-ups at one and three months. The results could provide important information on the integration of technology-based treatments with psychotherapy. In addition, it could allow the evaluation of potential mobile applications in the field of psychotherapy and represents an important step in the development and evaluation of a customized mobile application for a society with unique cultural and social dynamics, such as Turkey. It could also be an important resource for increasing the capacity to cope with the effects of traumatic events that have occurred in Turkey or future events. Clinical Trial Registration ClinicalTrials.gov Identifier NCT06288594. Unique Protocol ID: DEU-PSI-HA-001.
Chapter
Utilizing the Nell Hodgson School of Nursing Four-Pillar SDOH Framework, this chapter describes the ways in which social, cultural, environment (physical and social), and policy conditions are shaped by structural racism and subsequently disparities in health outcomes. Although these Four-Pillars are explored separately for their contribution to disparities in health outcomes, in reality they are interwoven like puzzle pieces. That is, although one pillar may emerge and prominent in the promotion of health or alleviation of disease, an imbalance in one is likely to influence the other three SDOH pillars. Moreover, it is important to consider that at any given time, any one or more of these four pillars can be protective or place individuals at risk for illness and health inequities.
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Sixty therapists randomly assigned to 1 of 2 priming conditions were primed with African American stereotypes or neutral words using 80-ms flash words on a computer screen. This procedure may activate information processing outside of conscious awareness. After this task, participants were exposed to a brief vignette introducing Mr. X, a patient referred for treatment, and then were asked to rate Mr. X on various dimensions. Results indicate that participants primed with stereotype words rated Mr. X significantly less favorably on hostility-related attributes and significantly more favorably on hostility-unrelated attributes than did participants primed with neutral words. The findings suggest that therapists can be affected by African American stereotypes in ways that produce negative or positive first impressions depending on the nature of the attribute that is rated.
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Whereas past researchers have treated targets of stereotypes as though they have uniform reactions to their stereotyped status (e.g., J. Crocker & B. Major, 1989; C. M. Steele & J. Aronson, 1995), it is proposed here that targets differ in the extent to which they expect to be stereotyped by others (i.e., stigma consciousness). Six studies, 5 of which validate the stigma-consciousness questionnaire (SCQ), are presented. The results suggest that the SCQ is a reliable and valid instrument for detecting differences in stigma consciousness. In addition, scores on the SCQ predict perceptions of discrimination and the ability to generate convincing examples of such discrimination. The final study highlights a behavioral consequence of stigma consciousness: the tendency for people high in stigma consciousness to forgo opportunities to invalidate stereotypes about their group. The relation of stigma consciousness to past research on targets of stereotypes is considered as is the issue of how stigma consciousness may encourage continued stereotyping.
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Acculturation, the process whereby immigrants change their behavior and attitudes toward those of the host society, is a fundamental part of migration-induced adaptations to new sociocultural environments. A rapidly expanding research literature on acculturation has accompanied the growth of international migrations. In response to the need to integrate the growing literature on acculturation and mental health status among Hispanics in the United States, and to identify points of convergence and new directions for research, 30 publications were examined. Points of convergence are identified, as are problems and limitations. The research needs new directions, proceeding from but not constricted by the assumptions and procedures in the work already done.
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The biological concept of race has long been controversial in psychology. Although many psychologists have challenged the concept of race, others have espoused it as a deductive premise and applied it as an inferential and research factor and variable, especially regarding Black-White IQ differences. Although race and its use have been polemically disputed for decades, no discipllne-wide, concerted action within psychology has been taken to ascertain the scientific meaning of race and to determine its proper application. Psychology's inaction contrasts with deliberate steps taken by other national and international scientific groups. This article examines a variety of problems concerning race in psychology: (a) definition, (b) application, (c) invoking authority and references for genetic knowledge, and (d) passive inaction by psychologists and professional associations.
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The authors examine determinants of satisfaction with medical care among 1,784 (781 African American and 1,003 white) cardiac patients. Patient satisfaction was modeled as a function of predisposing factors (gender, age, medical mistrust, and perception of racism) and enabling factors (medical insurance). African Americans reported less satisfaction with care. Although both black and white patients tended not to endorse the existence of racism in the medical care system, African American patients were more likely to perceive racism. African American patients were significantly more likely to report mistrust. Multivariate analysis found that the perception of racism and mistrust of the medical care system led to less satisfaction with care. When perceived racism and medical mistrust were controlled, race was no longer a significant predictor of satisfaction.
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Context: American Indians and Alaska Natives have the highest suicide rates of all ethnic groups in the United States, and suicide is the second leading cause of death for American Indian and Alaska Native youth. Objective: To identify risk and protective factors associated with suicide attempts among native male and female adolescents. Design: The 1990 National American Indian Adolescent Health Survey. Setting: Schools of reservation communities in 8 Indian Health Service areas. Participants: Eleven thousand six hundred sixty-six 7th-through 12th-grade American Indian and Alaska native youth. Main Outcome Measures: Responses were compared among adolescents with and without a self-reported history of attempted suicide. Independent variables included measures of community, family, and individual characteristics. Separate analyses were conducted for boys and girls. Results: Ever attempting suicide was reported by 21.8% of girls and 11.8% of boys. By logistic regression done on boys and girls separately, suicide attempts were associated with friends or family members attempting or completing suicide; somatic symptoms; physical or sexual abuse; health concerns; using alcohol, marijuana, or other drugs; a history of being in a special education class; treatment for emotional problems; gang involvement; and gun availability. For male and female youth, discussing problems with friends or family, emotional health, and connectedness to family were protective against suicide attempts. The estimated probability of attempting suicide increased dramatically as the number of risk factors to which an adolescent was exposed increased; however, increasing protective factors was more effective at reducing the probability of a suicide attempt than was decreasing risk factors. Conclusions: A history of attempted suicide was associated with several risk and protective factors. In addition to targeting youth at increased risk, preventive efforts should include promotion of protective factors in the lives of all youth in this population.
Chapter
The history and definition of minority status in this country is a central consideration in our analysis of the conditions that affect the etiology, identification, assessment, incidence, and treatment of developmental psychopathology in these populations. As history clearly illustrates, the status of a minority in a country is not a function of numerical representation. In South Africa, the “minority” population created by the system of apartheid was actually the numerical majority of its habitants. Minority status is not a matter of numbers: It is a matter of access to resources and the power to determine their allocation and distribution.