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The Structure of Goal Contents Across 15 Cultures
Frederick M. E. Grouzet
University of Ottawa
Tim Kasser
Knox College
Aaron Ahuvia
University of Michigan—Dearborn
Jose´ Miguel Ferna´ndez Dols
Universidad Auto´noma de Madrid
Youngmee Kim
American Cancer Society
Sing Lau
Hong Kong Baptist University
Richard M. Ryan
University of Rochester
Shaun Saunders
University of the Sunshine Coast
Peter Schmuck
Technical University of Berlin
Kennon M. Sheldon
University of Missouri—Columbia
The authors investigated the structure of goal contents in a group of 1,854 undergraduates from 15
cultures around the world. Results suggested that the 11 types of goals the authors assessed were
consistently organized in a circumplex fashion across the 15 cultures. The circumplex was well described
by positing 2 primary dimensions underlying the goals: intrinsic (e.g., self-acceptance, affiliation) versus
extrinsic (e.g., financial success, image) and self-transcendent (e.g., spirituality) versus physical (e.g.,
hedonism). The circumplex model of goal contents was also quite similar in both wealthier and poorer
nations, although there were some slight cross-cultural variations. The relevance of these results for
several theories of motivation and personality are discussed.
Keywords: intrinsic– extrinsic goals, self-determination theory, circumplex structure, cross-cultural re-
search, motivation
Personality psychology has been increasingly successful in describ-
ing the basic universal traits and values common across various
cultures of the world. Although work certainly remains to be done in
each of these areas, and although cultural variation still is notable
across each of these psychological constructs, the literature is quite
clear in suggesting five dimensions that underlie human personality
traits (McCrae & Allik, 2002) and a two-dimensional circumplex
model that organizes and explains the basic human values that people
view as important in life (Schwartz, 1992). In the current study, we
extend this quest of understanding cross-cultural consistency in per-
sonality constructs by examining the content of people’s personal
goals and aspirations. Specifically, we attempt to determine whether
culturally consistent dimensions can be identified that organize the
content of personal goals and aspirations in a coherent, theoretically
meaningful fashion.
To this end, we draw on theory and research concerning per-
sonal goals and aspirations, as well as the closely related but
distinct concept of values, in order to (a) define and measure
personal goals that differ from each other in focus and content but
are relevant to individuals around the world and (b) examine the
structural relations between these varied goals and determine
whether a model can be derived that organizes them in a consistent
way across the 15 cultures from which we sampled.
Goals and Their Content: A Theoretical Approach
Since the 1980s, psychological research on goals has experi-
enced a real renaissance, as researchers from a variety of theoret-
Frederick M. E. Grouzet, School of Psychology, University of Ottawa,
Ottawa, Ontario, Canada; Tim Kasser, Department of Psychology, Knox
College; Aaron Ahuvia, Department of Management Studies, University of
Michigan—Dearborn; Jose´ Miguel Ferna´ndez Dols, Departemento de Psi-
cologı´a Social y Metodologı´a, Universidad Auto´noma de Madrid, Madrid,
Spain; Youngmee Kim, Behavioral Research Center, American Cancer
Society, Atlanta, Georgia; Sing Lau, Center for Child Development, Hong
Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong, China; Richard M. Ryan, Depart-
ment of Clinical and Social Sciences in Psychology, University of Roch-
ester; Shaun Saunders, Faculty of Business, University of the Sunshine
Coast, Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia; Peter Schmuck, Department of
Psychology, Technical University of Berlin, Berlin, Germany; Kennon M.
Sheldon, Department of Psychology, University of Missouri—Columbia.
After the first two authors, the remainder are ordered alphabetically.
We thank the following individuals who helped with data collection and
management at various stages of this project: Elena Marin, Paolo Pirondi,
Yadika Sharma, Anne Taillandier, and Neil Torbert.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Frederick
M. E. Grouzet, who is now at the Department of Educational and Coun-
selling Psychology, McGill University, 3700 McTavish Avenue, Montreal,
Quebec H3A 1Y2, Canada. E-mail: frederick.grouzet@mcgill.ca; or to Tim
Kasser, Department of Psychology, Knox College, 2 East South Street,
Galesburg, IL 61401-4999. E-mail: tkasser@knox.edu
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Copyright 2005 by the American Psychological Association
2005, Vol. 89, No. 5, 800 – 816 0022-3514/05/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0022-3514.89.5.800
800
ical perspectives have begun to examine a wide range of processes
and dimensions relevant to the activation of, success at, and
disengagement from the strivings, personal projects, and aspira-
tions that people often pursue (for an early summary of this work,
see Pervin, 1989). Alongside this work on such topics as efficacy,
conflict, and approach–avoidance, other researchers have exam-
ined the content of goals as a way of understanding how people
organize their lives and the types of aims for which individuals
strive (Emmons, 1989; Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996; Roberts &
Robins, 2000; Sheldon & Kasser, 1995, 1998). Although the
literature on the content of goals is smaller, newer, and perhaps
more controversial than is work on other dimensions of goal
striving, the content of goals has nonetheless been shown to be an
important predictor of outcomes of interest.
One of the more widely researched goal content distinctions
concerns the differentiation between intrinsic and extrinsic aspira-
tions (Kasser & Ryan, 1996). Intrinsic goals are defined as those
pursuits that are generally congruent with the psychological needs
for relatedness, autonomy, and competence proposed by self-
determination theory (see Deci & Ryan, 2000; Kasser, 2002b;
Ryan & Deci, 2000) and thus are inherently satisfying to pursue, in
and of themselves. Intrinsic goals include those for self-
acceptance, affiliation, community feeling, and physical health. In
contrast, extrinsic goals are primarily concerned with obtaining
some reward or social praise; because they are typically a means to
some other end or compensate for problems in need satisfaction,
they are less likely to be inherently satisfying (see Deci & Ryan,
2000). For instance, research shows that people with strong ex-
trinsic aspirations have more difficulty fulfilling their needs for
competence, relatedness, and autonomy (see Kasser, 2002a;
Kasser, Ryan, Couchman, & Sheldon, 2004). Financial success,
image, and popularity are common extrinsic goals. Research has
shown not only that these two types of goals relate in different
ways to personal well-being, social behavior, and ecologically
relevant activities (Kasser, 2002a; see also Saunders, 2001; Saun-
ders & Munro, 2000), but that the two goals are distinguishable by
using factor analyses in various nations, including the United
States (Kasser & Ryan, 1996), Germany (Schmuck, Kasser, &
Ryan, 2000), Russia (Ryan et al., 1999), and South Korea (Kim,
Kasser, & Lee, 2003).
Although this previous research suggests that one fundamental
dimension along which the content of goals might vary is whether
they are intrinsic or extrinsic, the extant literature is limited in
many respects. First, although thus far the cross-cultural general-
izability of the distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic goals has
been promising, only four relatively economically developed na-
tions have been explored; more nations from a variety of back-
grounds need to be studied. Second, although factor analyses have
suggested that the two sets of pursuits are distinct, perhaps they lie
on a continuum with intrinsic aspirations at one end and extrinsic
at the other. To test this possibility, other more sophisticated
analytic methods are needed to shed new light on the organization
of intrinsic and extrinsic goals. Third, at this point of theoretical
development, goals within each type (i.e., intrinsic or extrinsic)
have been treated as essentially equivalent, when there may in fact
be important differences between individual goals within each
type. For example, even though community feeling and physical
health both share an intrinsic character, they certainly differ from
each other in terms of the types of activities they encourage and the
developmental histories that may lead a person to focus on one or
the other. Finally, these seven goals (i.e., self-acceptance, affilia-
tion, community feeling, physical health, financial success, image,
and popularity) clearly do not represent a complete taxonomy of
the aims for which people strive in life, particularly because some
goals are probably neither intrinsic nor extrinsic in nature, as they
are neither directly related to psychological need satisfaction nor to
the pursuit of rewards and/or praise.
Such limitations spurred us to conduct the present study, which
sampled from a wider variety of nations while examining a broader
array of goals that we hoped might suggest the existence of a
second, orthogonal dimension that organizes individuals’ goal
pursuits into a circumplex model. Our reading of the literature on
motivation and personal goals led us to devise new measures for
four additional goals, three of which were inspired by Schwartz’s
(1992) work on values, that is, the higher order conceptions of the
ideal that typically organize people’s goals (Emmons, 1999;
Schwartz, 1992). The first new aspiration we assessed concerned
conformity, or people’s attempts to fit in with others in their social
surroundings, a concern notable in human behavior and recognized
by the classic work of Asch (1951) as well as by theories suggest-
ing that people want not only to stand out from the crowd, but to
also blend in (e.g., Brewer, 1991). Second, safety goals are also
pointed to by evolutionary (Buss, 1999), attachment (Bowlby,
1988), and terror management theories (e.g., Pyszczynski, Green-
berg, & Goldenberg, 2003), which all suggest that people are
strongly motivated to feel safe and know that their survival is
likely. Third, hedonic goals were added because such motivations
have long been examined by psychologists (e.g., Freud, 1933;
Morris, 1956; Young, 1961), and people throughout the ages have
certainly pursued a variety of sensual pleasures. Finally, the fourth,
additional goal we assessed was for spirituality, which often
emerges as an important striving for people (Emmons, 1999;
Emmons, Cheung, & Tehrani, 1998) and which Kasser (1996)
examined in some past work on aspirations.
It seemed likely to us that these additional four goals, combined
with the variations described above within intrinsic and within
extrinsic goals, might result in a second dimension reflecting
tendencies toward either self-transcendent or physical pursuits, or
what many religious writings have called the conflicts between the
spirit and the flesh. Such a dimension would be consistent with
James’s (1892/1985) proposed three hierarchically ordered
“selves” (or “me”s) “with the bodily me at the bottom, the spiritual
me at top, and the extracorporeal material selves and the various
social selves between” (p. 57). Freud’s (1960) frequent discussions
concerning the fundamental conflicts between the id (physical
drives) and the superego (the influence of society) also point to
such a dimension. More recent empirical work has also suggested
such a distinction in goal pursuit. For example, Schwartz’s (1992)
model of values included a dimension representing self-
transcendent versus self-enhancing values, and Brewer and Gard-
ner (1996) proposed that the social selves differ along a dimension
ranging from the individual self to the interpersonal self to the
collective self (for a review, see Sedikides & Brewer, 2001). If a
dimension ranging from self-transcendent to physical organized
the goal contents we assessed, it might also help to distinguish
among goals within intrinsic and within extrinsic types. For ex-
ample, the intrinsic goal of community feeling would probably be
more self-transcendent than the intrinsic goal of physical health,
801
GOAL CONTENTS ACROSS CULTURES
which is more physical. Similarly, the extrinsic goal of financial
success is probably more physically oriented than goals for pop-
ularity or image, given that money can help to buy survival and
physical pleasures.
We also believed that these additional four goals would vary
with regard to their placement on the intrinsic– extrinsic dimen-
sion. First, we expected that neither spirituality nor hedonism goals
could be classified as typically intrinsic or extrinsic, because they
do not consistently conform to the conceptual criteria of satisfying
inherent psychological needs (i.e., for intrinsic goals) or of involv-
ing the pursuit of external rewards or praise (i.e., extrinsic goals).
As such, spirituality and hedonism might form the basis of the
proposed orthogonal dimension of self-transcendent versus phys-
ical goals. Opposing sets of predictions can be made with regard to
the placement of conformity and of safety along the intrinsic–
extrinsic dimension. Regarding conformity, Schwartz’s (1992)
model would suggest that it might cluster most closely with
affiliation aspirations, given that conformity values are adjacent to
benevolence values in his research. On the other hand, because
conformity goals are primarily concerned with obtaining other
people’s praise and positive opinions (Kasser, 2002b), they have
much in common with extrinsic pursuits like popularity and image.
With regard to goals for safety, Schwartz’s model demonstrated
that values of security oppose those for self-direction, stimulation,
and universalism and are thus consistent with values of power. As
such, safety goals would be most likely to fall in the realm of
extrinsic goals. In contrast, Maslow’s (1954) humanistic perspec-
tive on needs suggests that security and safety goals would fall
with intrinsic goals, as they concern basic psychological needs had
by all people (see also Kasser, 2002a; Saunders, Munro, & Bore,
1998).
The Present Study
To test the ideas presented above, we first administered a survey
packet on goals to 1,854 college students from 15 nations around
the world. These nations varied in a number of regards, including
geography, individualism versus collectivism, and economic
wealth, and thus provided an initial opportunity to examine simi-
larities and differences in the structure of goal contents across
people from different cultures.
Next, we sought to establish that our measure of goals had
acceptable psychometric properties in terms of internal reliability
and cross-cultural validity. Recent work by Spini (2003) on
Schwartz’s (1992) value measure showed that most value types
from the Schwartz Value Survey had configural and metric equiv-
alence across 21 countries.
1
We expected our measure of goal
importance, the Aspiration Index, to yield as good psychometric
properties as Schwartz’s Value Survey. Thus, we hypothesized
(Hypothesis 1) that the 11 individual goals described above and in
Table 1 would have acceptable internal reliability and that covari-
ance analyses would demonstrate that the subscales have accept-
able measurement equivalence across cultures.
Our next task was to determine whether the goals would be
consistently and coherently organized across the 15 cultures. That
is, like Schwartz’s (1992) model of values or the five-factor model
of traits (e.g., see McCrae & Allik, 2002), we expected that across
different cultures, people would organize their goals in essentially
similar ways. In particular, we expected goals to be organized into
a “circumplex” structure in which (a) certain goals were compat-
ible with each other while being in conflict with other goals and (b)
two dimensions underlay the organization of the goals (Hypothesis
2A). To this end, we predicted that multidimensional scaling
(MDS) analyses (e.g., Borg & Groenen, 1997; Davison, 1983;
Dillon & Goldstein, 1984) would reveal that intrinsic goals for
self-acceptance, affiliation, community feeling, and physical
health would be compatible with each other and would lie on a
dimension opposite from the extrinsic goals of popularity, finan-
cial success, and image, which would in turn be compatible with
each other. Second, we expected that spirituality and hedonism
goals would form the basis of an orthogonal self-transcendent/
physical dimension. We made no hypotheses about the relative
placement of conformity and safety, given the competing argu-
ments in the literature about the goals with which they might be
1
It is difficult to conclude any equivalence across culture from Spini’s
(2003) results because Satorra–Bentler (SB) scaled difference chi-square
test statistics were not correctly estimated. As we explain later in the
Method section, Satorra (2000) showed that the difference between two SB
chi-square statistics cannot be obtained by computing the simple difference
between them (see Satorra & Bentler, 2001). Moreover, root-mean-square
error of approximation (RMSEA) differences cannot be criteria because
“FITMOD does not compare two RMSEA indices” (Browne, personal
communication, April 14, 2003).
Table 1
Goal Contents, Descriptions, and Sample Items
Goal contents Description Sample items
Affiliation To have satisfying relationships with family and friends “I will have a committed, intimate relationship.”
Community feeling To improve the world through activism or generativity “I will assist people who need it, asking nothing in return.”
Conformity To fit in with other people “I will live up to the expectations of my society.”
Financial success To be wealthy and materially successful “I will be financially successful.”
Hedonism To experience much sensual pleasure “I will experience a great deal of sensual pleasure.”
Image To look attractive in terms of body and clothing “My image will be one others find appealing.”
Physical health To feel healthy and free of illness “I will be physically healthy.”
Popularity To be famous, well-known, and admired “I will be admired by many people.”
Safety To ensure bodily integrity and safety “I will have few threats to my personal safety.”
Self-acceptance To feel competent and autonomous “I will have insight into why I do the things I do.”
Spirituality To search for spiritual or religious understanding “I will find religious or spiritual beliefs that help me make
sense of the world.”
802
GROUZET ET AL.
most consistent. In order to most stringently test whether the goals
organized themselves into a “circumplex model” (as defined by
Fabrigar, Visser, & Browne, 1997 and by Larsen & Diener, 1992),
we hypothesized that the goals could be ordered along the circum-
ference of a circle (Hypothesis 2B). To test this hypothesis, we
conducted confirmatory covariance analyses using Browne’s
(1992) circular stochastic modeling technique (i.e., CIRCUM;
Browne, 1995; see Overview of Analytic Strategy section).
Finally, to further test whether the configuration, compatibili-
ties, and conflicts of goals were essentially similar across cultures,
we used 1997 data on the gross national income per capita (source:
http://www.worldbank.org
) to place each culture into a wealthier
group (United States; Quebec, Canada; France; Spain; Germany;
Hong Kong, China; South Korea; and Australia; gross national
income ranged from $11,400 to $30,030 per capita) and a poorer
group (the Dominican Republic; Colombia; Romania; Bulgaria;
Egypt; India; and Beijing, China; gross national income ranged
from $420 to $2,500 per capita).
2
We then examined whether the
goals were ordered in a similar circumplex configuration in both
wealthier and poorer cultures, with the expectation that they would
be (Hypothesis 3).
Method
Samples
Between 1996 and 2000, we collected 1,984 questionnaires from uni-
versity students in 15 different countries and provinces: Australia, Bul-
garia, Canada (Quebec), China (Beijing and Hong Kong separately), Co-
lombia, the Dominican Republic, Egypt, France, Germany, India, Roma-
nia, South Korea, Spain, and the United States. Table 2 presents the main
characteristics of the samples in terms of size, geographical location,
language in which the survey was administered, percentage of female
subjects, mean age, ethnic origin, religion, and marital status. Of the 1,984
participants, 1,854 (93%) had no missing answers on the 57 items of the
Aspiration Index and were retained for further analyses.
Measure: The Aspiration Index
This version of the Aspiration Index was based on earlier versions
(Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996, 2001) and was designed to measure 11
different goal domains. Subjects were presented with 57 different “goals
that you may have for the future” and were asked to rate “how important
each goal is to you” on a scale ranging from 1 (not at all)to9(extremely).
Odd numbered scale points were given labels of 3 (a little),5(moderately),
and7(very). Eight of the goal subscales were adapted from previous
studies (Kasser, 1996; Kasser & Ryan, 1993, 1996) and measured the
following domains: financial success (4 items), image (5 items), popularity
(4 items), self-acceptance (8 items), affiliation (6 items), community feel-
ing (4 items), physical health (5 items), and spirituality (6 items). Three
other goal subscales were developed for this study and measured goals for
2
Wealthier nations, with a couple of exceptions, tended to be relatively
individualistic, whereas poorer nations tended toward collectivism. Given
this, any similarity or difference could be interpreted also according to this
individualistic– collectivistic dimension. It would be interesting to examine
whether self-transcendence goals, such as conformity and community
feeling, could possess different meaning in collectivistic and individualistic
cultures.
Table 2
Characteristics of Samples
Culture Region or town n Language
Sex
(% of female) Age Race (majority) Religion
Marital
status
(% of single) Year
Australia Newcastle 91 English 65.9 24.70 95.3% Caucasian 39.5% Protestant 87.1 1998–1999
29.6% atheist
25.9% Catholic
Bulgaria Sofia 106 Bulgarian 79.2 21.91 100% Caucasian 89.4% Orthodox 90.2 1998
Canada Montreal 164 French 84.8 24.94 95.2% Caucasian 72.3% Catholic 72.0 2000
22.0% Atheist
China Beijing 94 Chinese 25.5 21.43 100% Asian — 84.0 1998
China Hong Kong 94 Chinese 70.2 20.41 81.5% Asian 100% Protestant 100.0 1998
Colombia Bogota 146 Spanish 50.7 20.27 — — 100.0 1998
Dominican Republic Santo Domingo 70 Spanish 52.9 22.79 — — 83.3 1998
Egypt Cairo 105 English 58.7 20.38 97.0% Arabian 70.9% Islamic 89.0 1998
France Tours 108 French 54.6 20.48 88.4% Caucasian 55.0% Atheist 93.4 2000
35.0% Catholic
Germany Goettingen 150 German 60.0 21.67 100% Caucasian 62% Protestant 98.7 1998
19.3% Atheist
18.7% Catholic
India Bombay 123 English 63.3 20.17 98.3% Asian 75.6% Hindu 95.8 1996
Romania Brasov 100 Romanian 50.0 21.15 — 95.9% Protestant 95.0 1998
South Korea Seoul 201 Korean 30.5 21.66 100% Asian 53.3% Protestant 98.5 1997
24.8% Catholic
20.2% Buddhist
Spain Madrid 138 Spanish 56.9 22.32 — — 99.3 1998
United States Columbia, MO 164 English 64.2 18.59 83.2% Caucasian 50.3% Protestant 98.2 1997
25.5% Catholic
Total 1,854 57.6 21.48 92.9
803
GOAL CONTENTS ACROSS CULTURES
conformity (5 items), hedonism (5 items), and safety (5 items). The items
were presented in a random order.
Procedure
The questionnaire was originally written in English and then translated
by competent bilinguals who were either our research collaborators or were
supervised by them. Translations, following back-translation procedure
(Brislin, 1970), were required for the Bulgarian, Chinese, French, German,
Korean, Romanian, and Spanish versions of the Aspiration Index.
The survey packet was distributed to participants on a voluntary basis at
universities and colleges around the world. No financial incentives were
provided to the students in exchange for their participation, although extra
course credit was given on occasion. Some students completed the survey
packet in class, whereas others completed it at their own leisure and
returned it to the experimenter within a day or two. The survey packet
included several other questionnaires besides the Aspiration Index, and one
other set of ratings (i.e., likelihood of attainment) was made on the goals
composing the Aspiration Index; these data are not relevant to the present
set of hypotheses.
Overview of Analytic Strategy
After first using internal reliability tests to determine which items were
to be retained within each of the 11 goal subscales, we conducted a
confirmatory factor analysis (CFA) on the retained items to test the
proposed 11-factor structure of the Aspiration Index. Because indica-
tors of goodness of fit, such as the comparative fit index (CFI; Bentler,
1990), are not ideal for testing complex models such as this one (Beauducel
& Wittmann, 2005), we applied the decision rules of Hu and Bentler (1998,
1999), which concern the root-mean-square error of approximation (RM-
SEA; Steiger & Lind, 1980) and the standardized root-mean-square resid-
ual (SRMR; Bentler, 1995). Specifically, Hu and Bentler’s decision rules
claim that a model adequately fits the data if the following requirements are
satisfied: RMSEA ⱕ .05 and SRMR ⱕ .06 or RMSEA ⱕ .06 and SRMR ⱕ
.09, respectively.
Next, we tested the measurement equivalence of the subscales to deter-
mine whether these goal ratings were invariant across cultures. Equiva-
lence of measurement across cultures was evaluated with multigroup CFAs
of unidimensional structural equation models (using EQS Version 6.1
software; Bentler, 2003). Specifically, we performed 11 (one for each goal
scale) mean and covariance structures (MACS) analyses (Little, 1997) in
each of the 15 cultures. Each of the 11 MACS analyses involved three
nested models corresponding to different levels of equivalence across
groups (Meredith, 1993; e.g., see also Byrne & Campbell, 1999; Little,
1997; Spini, 2003; Steenkamp & Baumgartner, 1998):
1. Configural invariance is tested through models that estimate factor
loadings, factor variance, error of variances, and intercepts. The factor
loading for each item should be different from zero across the cultures.
These first models were considered here as the basic model (or M
configural
).
In our study, acceptable levels of configural invariance mean that the goal
(as measured by the scale) is unidimensional in each culture—that is, that
only one factor represents the interrelations among the items of the scale.
2. Metric invariance is tested through models in which factor loadings
are constrained to be equal across cultures. This corresponds to Meredith’s
(1993) weak invariance. Acceptable levels of metric invariance mean that
factor loadings are comparable across the 15 cultures. These metric models
(M
metric
) are nested in the M
configural
models.
3. Scalar invariance is tested through models in which factor loadings
and intercepts are constrained to be equal across cultures. This corresponds
to Meredith’s (1993) strong invariance. Acceptable levels of scalar invari-
ance mean that intercepts are comparable across 15 cultures. This level of
equivalence is important for testing whether different cultures endorse the
concepts measured (i.e., the latent variable) to different extents. These
scalar models (M
scalar
) are nested in the M
metric
models.
3
Maximum likelihood estimation procedures are used with SB scaling
corrections, allowing the calculation of the SB scaled chi-square value
(Satorra & Bentler, 1988, 1994). Two types of fit indices were used: overall
and comparative fit indices (see Bollen, 1989). Because these models were
simpler than the 11-factor model initially tested (i.e., they tested only 1
factor as opposed to 11), we used the CFI, SRMR, and RMSEA. Further-
more, as recommended by Widaman and Thompson (2003), the CFI (i.e.,
an incremental fit index) was calculated with statistics from an acceptable
independence null model, which is nested in the M
scalar
analyses.
4
Values
equal or superior to .95 for the CFI are considered to indicate a good fit to
the data (Hu & Bentler, 1999). Similarly, SRMR values equal to or smaller
than .08 are considered acceptable (Hu & Bentler, 1999). Finally, the SB
scaling corrections allow the calculation of an adjusted RMSEA for non-
normal conditions (see Nevitt & Hancock, 2000). Values below .06, with
a confidence interval (CI) limit below .08, are used as thresholds for not
rejecting a model (Browne & Cudeck, 1992; see also Hu and Bentler,
1999).
In addition to these overall fit indices, two comparative fit indices were
also used to statistically evaluate the difference between nested models
(i.e., M
configural
vs. M
metric
;M
metric
vs. M
scalar
; see Bollen, 1989). First, we
used the scaled difference chi-square test (⌬SB
2
; Satorra, 2000; Satorra &
Bentler, 2001), which compares two SB chi-square values from nested
models rather than computing the simple difference between them (e.g.,
Byrne & Campbell, 1999). Second, as recommended by Cheung and
Rensvold (2002), we also examined the changes in the CFIs (i.e., the
difference in the CFIs between two nested models [⌬CFIs]) when invari-
ance constraints were added. An absolute value of ⌬CFI smaller than or
equal to |.01| indicates that the invariance hypothesis should not be
rejected, but when the absolute differences lie between |.01| and |.02|,
one should be suspicious that differences exist (Cheung & Rensvold,
2002). One of the advantages of the ⌬CFI statistic over the ⌬
2
statistic
is that it is not as strongly affected by sample size. To sum up, a
nonsignificant difference between the M
configural
’s and the M
metric
’s scaled
chi-squares or an absolute difference between the M
configural
’s and the
M
metric
’s CFIs of |.01| or less means that metric invariance is attained.
Further, a nonsignificant difference between the M
metric
’s and the M
scalar
’s
scaled chi-squares or an absolute difference between the M
metric
’s and the
M
scalar
’s CFIs of |.01| or less means that scalar invariance is attained.
To examine the circumplex structure of relations among the 11 goal
domains, as well as whether the relations were cross-culturally consistent,
we used two statistical techniques: (a) nonmetric MDS analyses (e.g.,
Borg & Groenen, 1997; Davison, 1983; Dillon & Goldstein, 1984) to
test the hypothesized two-dimensional component of the goal structure
(Hypothesis 2A) and (b) Browne’s (1992) circular stochastic modeling
(i.e., CIRCUM; Browne, 1995) to test the circumplex component of the
hypothesized goal structure (Hypothesis 2B).
The appropriateness of MDS techniques over factor analysis for testing
multidimensional hypotheses has been explained elsewhere (e.g.,
Schwartz, 1992; Schwartz & Bilsky, 1990). In brief, this technique repre-
sents the goal factors as points in a two-dimensional space such that the
3
As Little (1997, note 1) noted, “strong factorial invariance is less
biasing than strict factorial invariance (i.e., wherein residual variances are
also equated; Meredith, 1993),” and “in practical applications of cross-
cultural research . . . an invariant measurement space can be specified.”
4
More specifically, the acceptable independence null model we used
corresponded to Widaman and Thompson’s (2003) “Model OB” (p. 25,
Fig. 1) where, besides constraining the covariances among all manifest
variables to zero (only the variance and mean of each manifest variable are
freely estimated; these constraints correspond to the traditional indepen-
dence null model), the intercepts are constrained to be equal across groups.
804
GROUZET ET AL.
distance between the points reflects the empirical relations among goals.
Thus, goals that lie close to each other are considered by most individuals
to be relatively consistent or complementary with each other, whereas
those goals that are on opposite sides of the two-dimensional space (and are
thus far apart) are viewed by people as in conflict or inconsistent with each
other. Because the actual axes resulting from MDS analyses are considered
to be arbitrary, they are not assumed to have substantive meaning. Con-
sequently, the MDS solution can be (orthogonally) rotated to draw different
meaningful representations. In the MDS analyses conducted below, we
used the factor scores rather than the mean scores for each of the 11 goal
factors. Then, 11 ⫻ 11 dissimilarity matrices for the combined samples
were generated with Euclidian distances, and these dissimilarity data were
used as input in a two-dimensional MDS of the combined samples.
The choice of a two-dimension solution was motivated by the interpret-
ability of the solution (see Schwartz, 1992, note 10, p. 23) and our
hypotheses. Our approach was therefore confirmatory, but we nonetheless
tested this two-dimension solution in accord with Davison’s (1983) three
criteria of interpretability, fit, and reproducibility. The interpretability
criterion dictates that the number of dimensions should be the smallest
number necessary to incorporate all of the important stimulus features
(stimulus orderings or groupings). In terms of fit, we examined the stress
indicators and the R
2
measures for one- through five-dimensional solutions,
paying particular attention to the dimensions-by-fit plots (i.e., scree plot;
see Hair, Anderson, Tatham, & Black, 1995). Finally, reproducibility
dictates that the solution be composed of dimensions that occur consis-
tently across subgroups. We thus performed 15 additional MDSs (one for
each culture) to determine whether the results from these stress analyses
confirmed the results from the overall stress analysis in the combined
sample of 1,854 participants.
To examine similarities of the structural configuration across cultures,
we examined the 15 aforementioned MDSs. In particular, as described by
Schwartz (1992, pp. 35–36), we examined how close or distant each pair
of goal factors was to each other in the MDS for each sample. More
specifically, for each pair of goal factors, we calculated the distance
between the two points that they had been assigned to in the two-
dimensional space generated by the MDS.
5
Then, we transformed the
distance score into an ipsative distance score.
6
Positive ipsative distance
scores represent consistent goals, whereas negative ipsative distance scores
represent inconsistency. For ease of interpretation, we report not only the
mean ipsative distance scores but also the number of samples in which
these scores suggested that different pairings of goals were consistent or
inconsistent.
As mentioned above, we also tested whether the configuration, compat-
ibilities, and conflicts were essentially similar in wealthier (United States;
Canada; France; Spain; Germany; Hong Kong, China; South Korea; and
Australia) and in poorer (the Dominican Republic; Colombia; Romania;
Bulgaria; Egypt; India; and Beijing, China) cultures. Thus, we recomputed
the analyses reported above separately for the two groups of cultures.
Although MDS was largely used to provide spatial representations of the
data structure and to observe a circumplex ideal, Gurtman and Pincus
(2003, p. 411) noted that “any serious test of the circumplex model should
also include application of confirmatory methods. Hence, confirmatory
methods offer the logical next step in validating the circumplex properties
of a given data set.” As such, in order to confirm the circular component
of a circumplex structure (Hypothesis 2B), we used Browne’s (1992)
circular stochastic modeling approach, using CIRCUM (Browne, 1995),
which is a structural equation modeling (SEM) program similar to EQS
(Bentler, 1995).
7
In particular, CIRCUM evaluates the extent to which an
observed correlation matrix fits a particular kind of correlation model
referred to by Guttman (1954) as the circulant matrix. If it does, the
correlation between two variables should be a function of the angle
between the variables on the perimeter of a circle
8
(Browne, 1992; see also
Fabrigar, Visser, & Browne, 1997; for an extended review on circumplex
modeling, see Gurtman & Pincus, 2003). Furthermore, like other standard
SEM programs, CIRCUM yields indices of the goodness of fit of the
model, such as the RMSEA. As mentioned before, an RMSEA value close
to .06, with a CI limit below .08, is indicative of relatively good fit
(Browne & Cudeck, 1992). CIRCUM yields several additional useful
maximum likelihood estimates, including the polar angles of common
score variables (i.e., location on the circle in relation to a reference
variable, whose position is set to 0°), estimates of the communality of each
measured variable (i.e., the proportion of variance estimated to represent
common variance), and the minimum common score correlation (i.e., the
correlation between variables that are 180° apart). CIs for RMSEA and
these estimates are also provided.
In the present study, the 11 ⫻ 11 Pearson product–moment correlation
matrices from goal factor scores (used in MDS) were entered in CIRCUM
for analysis. The goal affiliation was arbitrarily designated as the reference
variable (i.e., its location was set to 0° and the locations of the other
variables were estimated relative to it). No constraints were placed on the
location of the variables, the communalities, or the minimum common
score correlation (CIRCUM allows these additional constraints to be
placed on the model, but they are not necessary for a circumplex
hypothesis).
To examine consistencies of the circumplex configuration across cul-
tures, we performed two additional CIRCUM analyses (for wealthy and
poor culture groups; see above) following the steps described above. Then,
the empirical placements (i.e., estimated angular positions) of the goal
variables on the wealthier and poorer culture circles were correlated.
5
The formula used to calculate the distance between two points in a
two-dimension space is as follows:
d
i
⫽ √共兩x
i1
⫺ x
i2
兩
2
⫹ 兩y
i1
⫺ y
i2
兩
2
兲,
where x
i1
and x
i2
are the first (horizontal) axis coordinates for the points 1
and 2, and y
i1
and y
i2
are the second (vertical) axis coordinates for the
points 1 and 2.
6
An ipsative (from the Latin ipse, meaning he, himself) transformation
involves standardizing the score within the individual’s scores (e.g., see
Chan, 2003). Here the ipsative distance scores were calculated within
culture’s scores with the following formula:
id ⫽ 共d
i
⫺ M
⌺ D
兲/
⌺ D
,
where d
i
is the distance score for the i pair, M
⌺D
is the mean of all the 10 ⫻
11 d
i
s, and
⌺D
is the standard deviation of all the 10 ⫻ 11 d
i
s. With this
formula, smaller distance scores (which represent consistency between two
goals) result in negative ipsative scores, whereas larger distance scores
(which represent inconsistency) result in positive ipsative scores. To avoid
such illogical associations between consistency and negativity and between
inconsistency and positivity, we reversed the ipsative distance scores by
multiplying them by ⫺1.
7
Recently, Schwartz and Boehnke (2004) tended to confirm the
Schwartz’s circumplex value structure, by using standard CFA. Although
CFA is well suited to analyze interrelation among latent variables, it cannot
test the circumplex assumptions as defined by Gurtman and Pincus (2003).
However, CIRCUM has been elaborated for this specific purpose. Further
program developments are needed in order to allow SEM programs to
simultaneously model factorial and circumplex structures.
8
Browne (1992) has demonstrated that a circulant matrix can be
“reparametrized” as a Fourier series, such as
r
ij
⫽

0
⫹ ⌺

k
䡠 cos 共k ⫻
d
兲,
with k ⫽ 1tom components in the Fourier series, and where r
ij
is the
correlation of variables i and j, and
d
is the angular discrepancy between
their respective polar angles.
805
GOAL CONTENTS ACROSS CULTURES
Results
Psychometric Characteristics of the Aspiration Index:
Internal Reliability and Measurement Equivalence
(Hypothesis 1)
To detect any item that consistently detracted from a subscale’s
reliability, in each culture we computed reliability coefficients
(Cronbach’s alpha) and item-total correlations for the items that a
priori composed each of the 11 goal domains. These analyses
suggested the removal of one item each from the popularity,
conformity, affiliation, community feeling, safety, and health do-
mains, and two items each from the hedonism and spirituality
domains. The final versions of the subscales showed acceptable
levels of internal consistency, as the mean and median alpha
reliabilities across countries for the 11 domains of aspirations
were, respectively, as follows: financial success, .84 and .83;
image, .76 and .74; conformity, .67 and .62; popularity, .73 and
.71; self-acceptance, .79 and .73; affiliation, .81 and .75; commu-
nity feeling, .75 and .71; physical health, .72 and .74; hedonism,
.70 and .72; safety, .71 and .70; and spirituality, .90 and .87.
The retained 47 items were then analyzed in a CFA in which we
specified 11 distinct (but correlated) latent factors corresponding
to the hypothesized goal domains. Fit indices were as follows: SB
2
(979, N ⫽ 1,854) ⫽ 4,643.93, p ⬍ .001; CFI ⫽ .87; SRMR ⫽
.050; RMSEA ⫽ .045 (90% CI: .044, .046). Although the CFI was
slightly below the .90 criteria that is sometimes used for simpler
models, the RMSEA and SRMR indices that are more appropriate
for complex models such as ours (Beauducel & Wittmann, 2005;
Raykov, 1998) provided strong support for the model; that is, both
met Hu and Bentler’s (1999) decision rules for determining that a
model adequately fits the data. Further, the average of the absolute
correlation residual (i.e., the discrepancy between observed and
predicted correlation matrices) was lower than .10 (i.e., it was
.039), and less than 5% of these correlation residuals were higher
than .10 (i.e., 95% were below .10); these results also indicate
good local fits (Tomarken & Waller, 2003).
Next, we examined measurement equivalence of each goal sub-
scale across cultures to test our first hypothesis. Table 3 shows SB
chi-square statistics and overall fit indices for each of the three models
testing configural, metric, and scalar invariance, as well as compara-
tive fit indices between nested models. Regarding configural invari-
ance, we could not evaluate this for three subscales (i.e., Community
Feeling, Hedonism, and Popularity) because each was composed of
only three items. All eight of the remaining goal subscales, however,
were invariant and unidimensional across the 15 samples. Regarding
metric invariance, although a couple of SRMR values were above .08,
most of the CFI and RMSEA values and ⌬CFI statistics supported the
hypothesis, as each item loaded on the relevant goal domain at
approximately equal strength across the 15 cultures. In contrast,
regarding scalar invariance, although RMSEA values were acceptable
for some of the goal domains, other statistics indicated that the scalar
invariance hypothesis should be rejected for all the goal models.
In sum, these results supported not only our implicit assumption
that the Aspiration Index is composed of 11 factors, but also our
first hypothesis by indicating that each of the 11 goal subscales
was reliably measuring a unidimensional factor across the different
cultures. However, the mean structures of the subscales were
varying across the cultures. These results suggest the absence of
between-groups differences in some forms of item bias (e.g.,
translation, extreme response style; Cheung & Rensvold, 2000;
Mullen, 1995), but it remains possible that there are between-
groups differences in other response styles (e.g., acquiescence;
Cheung & Rensvold, 2000). Because scalar invariance is important
in cross-cultural research to compare (latent) means across cul-
tures,
9
any mean difference tests should be interpreted with cau
-
tion. As this study’s hypotheses about goal structures did not
require such comparisons, we could conclude that the Aspiration
Index’s reliability was sufficiently invariant across cultures to
proceed with analyses of its structure.
Two-Dimensional Representation: Multidimensional
Scaling Analyses (Hypothesis 2A)
Validation of the two-dimension solution. As described above,
we sought support for the proposed two-dimensional organization of
the 11 goals by applying Davison’s (1983) three criteria of interpret-
ability, fit, and reproducibility. As we believe is demonstrated below,
the interpretability criterion received good support, as the two-
dimension solution organized the goal structure in a relatively elegant
fashion, and a third dimension was not necessary to conceptualize this
organization. Less subjectively, support for the fit criterion came from
analyses of the stress indicators and the R
2
measure using the entire
sample. The stress indicators were .40, .10, .05, .02, and .01 for one-
to five-dimensional solutions, respectively, revealing that the addition
of a second dimension increased substantially the fit (⌬stress ⫽ .30),
but the third through fifth dimensions did not increase fit as much
(⌬stress ⫽ .05 or less). Moreover, R
2
measures revealed that the first
dimension explained 54% of the variance, and a second dimension
added an additional 38%, but the third through fifth dimensions did
not add large enough amounts of variance (i.e., ⬍ 5%) to warrant their
inclusion in the model. In terms of reproducibility, similar patterns of
results were also found when MDS analyses were conducted on each
of the 15 culture samples individually; here, the median stress indi-
cator for the second dimension was .11. Moreover, the average R
2
change was 20% for an added second dimension, whereas it was only
5% for a third dimension, suggesting again that adding a third dimen-
sion provided little in the way of additional information. In sum, these
results suggest that a two-dimensional model of goal structure was
more parsimonious and valid, as well as more reproducible across the
15 cultures, than was a model including any other number of dimensions.
An initial model. Having established that a two-dimensional
model worked well to organize the goals, we next used the MDS
analyses to examine whether the goals were organized in a way
supportive of our hypotheses. The MDS analysis based on the
entire sample of subjects yielded the representation in Figure 1.
10
9
The hypothesis of equivalent intercepts across numerous samples (e.g.,
more than 10) is difficult to reach, as found by Spini (2003) with Schwartz’s
(1992) values. Of course, partial equivalence could also have been tested to
assess equivalence in a smaller number of nations, but we shared Spini’s and
Schwartz’s objectives considering only universality and, so, full invariance.
10
It should be recalled here that MDS analysis yields a two-dimensional
space representation without meaningful axes. Positions of the orthogonal
axes according to each other (i.e., where the two axes cross each other) are
essentially arbitrary and guided by the hypothesis. Therefore, axes should
be considered as two orthogonal continuums rather than frontiers that
organize goals in rigid categories.
806
GROUZET ET AL.
Examination of this figure yields several conclusions. First, the
goal importance ratings do indeed appear to be organized in a
circumplex fashion. Second, one of the dimensions that seemed to
organize goal placements (represented in Figure 1 as the vertical
dimension) appears quite similar to what we suggested would be
self-transcendent versus physical. On the top of this dimension are
aspirations that represent going beyond or outside of oneself;
spiritual strivings are the primary representation of this end of the
dimension, and community feeling and conformity aspirations are
also involved. At the bottom of this dimension are aspirations that
primarily concern the physical body; hedonism aspirations are
especially representative of this, as are safety, physical health, and
financial success aspirations.
The other, horizontal dimension seems to support previous work
suggesting that goals are also organized along an intrinsic versus
extrinsic dimension. On the right of the circumplex are the theo-
rized intrinsic goals of self-acceptance, affiliation, community
feeling, and physical health. Notably, safety aspirations also fall
into this cluster, as would be predicted by Maslovian theory
(Maslow, 1954). On the left of this axis are the three extrinsic
goals found in past research (i.e., financial success, image, and
popularity) as well as the newly measured conformity goal, which
Kasser (2002b) predicted would fall with these extrinsic goals. In
sum, the results suggest that across cultures people do experience
goals as falling along an intrinsic– extrinsic dimension.
Consistency of the model across cultures. Figure 1 presents a
model of a configuration of goals that ignores potential differences
between the cultures by averaging across them. We undertook
several different types of analyses to test whether the compatibil-
ities and conflicts represented in Figure 1 also revealed themselves
within individual cultures.
To begin, we computed a measure of the ipsative distance
between pairs of goals on the basis of MDS analyses within each
culture. As described above, we considered goals to be compatible
if this ipsative distance measure was positive and conflictual if it
was negative. One way to examine whether the goal pairs were
Table 3
Overall Fit Indices for Configural Models (i.e., Without Equality Constraints), Equal Factor Loadings Models (Metric Invariance),
and Equal Means Loadings (Scalar Invariance), and Change in Fit
Subscale Items
SB chi-square Absolute fit indices Comparative fit indices
SB
2
df p CFI SRMR RMSEA RMSEA CI ⌬SB-
2
⌬df p ⌬CFI
Hedonism 3
Metric invariance 3 31.7894 28 .283 .997 .065 .009 [.000, .021]
Scalar invariance 3 352.9836 56 .000 .956 .152 .054 [.048, .059] 391.44 28 .000 ⫺.041
Safety 4 38.2179 30 .144 .995 .032 .012 [.000, .023]
Metric invariance 4 121.0954 72 .000 .970 .096 .019 [.013, .025] 81.81 42 .000 ⫺.025
Scalar invariance 4 451.4008 114 .000 .928 .121 .040 [.036, .044] 426.05 42 .000 ⫺.042
Physical Health 4 149.1787 30 .000 .950 .063 .046 [.039, .054]
Metric invariance 4 236.2161 72 .000 .932 .137 .035 [.030, .040] 96.74 42 .000 ⴚ.019
Scalar invariance 4 861.3459 114 .000 .858 .394 .060 [.056, .063] 1,027.56 42 .000 ⫺.074
Self-Acceptance 7 325.1833 210 .000 .956 .065 .017 [.013, .021]
Metric invariance 7 426.2373 294 .000 .950 .105 .016 [.012, .019] 102.55 84 .083 ⴚ.006
Scalar invariance 7 986.0803 378 .000 .907 .124 .030 [.027, .032] 939.00 84 .000 ⫺.043
Affiliation 5 99.6315 75 .030 .985 .047 .013 [.004, .020]
Metric invariance 5 164.0732 131 .027 .980 .100 .012 [.004, .017] 65.47 56 .181 ⴚ.005
Scalar invariance 5 420.4861 187 .000 .943 .111 .026 [.023, .029] 375.68 56 .000 ⫺.037
Community Feeling 3
Metric invariance 3 33.1505 28 .230 .996 .067 .010 [.000, .021]
Scalar invariance 3 134.6749 56 .000 .987 .071 .028 [.022, .033] 113.07 28 .000 ⴚ.009
Spirituality 5 119.8520 75 .001 .995 .034 .018 [.012, .024]
Metric invariance 5 231.3218 131 .000 .988 .100 .020 [.016, .025] 116.43 56 .000 ⴚ.006
Scalar invariance 5 553.7881 187 .000 .982 .114 .033 [.029, .036] 426.12 56 .000 ⴚ.006
Conformity 4 74.7544 30 .000 .987 .058 .028 [.020, .036]
Metric invariance 4 167.4642 72 .000 .972 .095 .027 [.021, .032] 91.77 42 .000 ⴚ.015
Scalar invariance 4 1,382.3340 114 .000 .848 .324 .078 [.074, .081] 1,879.05 42 .000 ⫺.124
Popularity 3
Metric invariance 3 32.0619 28 .272 .998 .064 .009 [.000, .021]
Scalar invariance 3 203.5553 56 .000 .988 .074 .038 [.032, .043] 190.30 28 .000 ⴚ.010
Image 5 138.0259 75 .000 .980 .052 .021 [.016, .027]
Metric invariance 5 262.8648 131 .000 .958 .103 .023 [.019, .027] 126.34 56 .000 ⫺.022
Scalar invariance 5 907.6270 187 .000 .909 .197 .046 [.043, .049] 891.10 56 .000 ⫺.049
Financial Success 4 110.8379 30 .000 .978 .042 .038 [.031, .046]
Metric invariance 4 194.7192 72 .000 .966 .100 .030 [.025, .035] 80.68 42 .000 ⴚ.012
Scalar invariance 4 513.0700 114 .000 .953 .113 .044 [.040, .047] 373.01 42 .000 ⴚ.013
Note. SB ⫽ Satorra–Bentler; SB
2
⫽ SB adjusted chi-square; CFI ⫽ robust confirmatory fit index (Bentler, 1990) based on the acceptable null model
SB chi-square (CFI ⱖ .95 in bold); SRMR ⫽ standardized root-mean-square residual (SRMR ⬍ .08 in bold); RMSEA ⫽ robust root-mean-square error
of approximation (RMSEA ⱕ .06 in bold); CI ⫽ confidence interval (upper limit ⬍ .08 in bold); ⌬SB
2
⫽ difference in SB
2
for nested models (i.e.,
the configural versus the metric invariance models; the metric invariance versus the scalar invariance models) adjusted following Satorra and Bentler
(2001); ⌬CFI ⫽ difference in CFI for nested models (absolute ⌬CFI ⬍ .02 in bold).
807
GOAL CONTENTS ACROSS CULTURES
compatible or conflictual was to calculate the proportion of cul-
tures (out of the 15) in which the goal pairs were either compatible
or conflictual.
11
This method, however, did not provide an indi
-
cation of the strength of the compatibility or conflict. Thus, we
also computed the mean ipsative distance for each goal pairing and
used t tests to determine whether this mean ipsative distance score
was significantly different from zero (i.e., the number that repre-
sents neither conflict nor compatibility). We followed this proce-
dure for each goal pair by working clockwise around the circum-
plex and for the clusters of goals at each end of the dimensions
resulting from the MDS analyses.
As can be seen in the second and third columns of Table 4 (see
also Note), each goal type was compatible with its adjacent goal
types on the circumplex in at least 10 samples (67%); six of the
compatibilities occurred in 14 (93%) or all of the cultures. Further,
the mean ipsative distance score was significantly greater than zero
(indicating compatibility) in all but three cases: the compatibilities
of conformity and spirituality, of hedonism and safety–physical
health, and of hedonism and financial success. Despite these few
variations, the results overall indicate that most cultures agree that
goals next to each other in Figure 1 are compatible and that these
compatibilities are reasonably strong.
Next we examined the compatibilities of clusters of goals rep-
resenting the ends of the two dimensions represented in Figure 1.
As can be seen in the bottom portion of Table 4, the intrinsic and
extrinsic clusters were each compatible within themselves in all 15
cultures, and the strength of this compatibility was significant (i.e.,
⬎0). Results were somewhat weaker for the physical cluster, as it
was apparent in only 11 of 15 cultures, and even weaker for the
self-transcendence cluster, which occurred in only 9 of the 15
cultures and whose mean ipsative distance score was not signifi-
cantly different than zero.
Turning now to the conflicts between clusters, intrinsic and
extrinsic goals were clearly in conflict with each other, as were the
physical and self-transcendence dimensions. As can be seen there,
the intrinsic and extrinsic clusters were each in conflict with each
other in all 15 cultures, and the strength of this conflict was
significant (i.e., ⬍0). A very similar pattern of results can be seen
concerning the physical/self-transcendence conflict.
Wealthier and poorer cultures. Using MDS analyses, we next
examined whether the basic ordering of goals around the circum-
plex was essentially the same in wealthier (Figure 2A) and poorer
(Figure 2B) cultures. As can be seen in Figure 2, the ordering was
essentially the same, although three small differences in the rela-
tive placement of goals emerged. First, safety and physical health
appeared to be somewhat closer to hedonism (and thus had a
somewhat more physical character) in the wealthier cultures than
in the poorer cultures. Second, community feeling and conformity
11
For compatibilities among goal types, we reported the mean of dis
-
tances for each possible pair of value type. For instance, in the case of the
conformity–spirituality– community feeling cluster, we reported the mean
of the conformity–spirituality, the community feeling– conformity, and the
spirituality– conformity ipsative distances. For conflicts among value
types, we reported the mean of distances for each possible conflict of value
type. For instance, in the case of the affiliation/self-acceptance versus
appearance–social recognition conflict, we reported the mean of the
affiliation–appearance, the affiliation–social recognition, the self-
acceptance/appearance, and the self-acceptance/social recognition ipsative
distances.
Figure 1. Two-dimensional representation of the goals resulting from multidimensional scaling analysis for all
samples.
808
GROUZET ET AL.
appeared to be somewhat closer to spirituality (and thus had a
somewhat more self-transcendent quality) in the poorer cultures
than in the wealthier cultures. Third, financial success appeared to
have a somewhat less physical character and a somewhat less
extrinsic flavor in the poorer cultures, although it still fell with the
other extrinsic aspirations. Again, however, these small differences
do not eclipse the overall similarity between Figures 2A and 2B.
We next examined the proportion of wealthier and poorer cul-
tures in which ipsative distance scores for the goal pairings were
above or below zero, as above. These results suggested similar
levels of compatibility (or conflict) for wealthier and poorer cul-
tures, except in two cases. First, the compatibility of physical
health–safety and hedonism was weaker in the poorer cultures.
Second, the self-transcendence cluster (i.e., community feeling,
spirituality, and conformity) was not as compatible within itself for
the wealthier cultures.
Next, we examined whether the mean ipsative distance scores
for compatibilities or conflicts were different in size between the
wealthier and the poorer cultures. Notably, the degrees of freedom
(13) here were quite small, and so results should be treated with
extreme caution. Two significant differences between rich and
poor cultures emerged, as reported in Table 4. First, the extrinsic
cluster (i.e., popularity, image, financial success, and conformity)
of goals was significantly more compact in wealthier cultures than
Table 4
Hypothesis Testing on Compatibilities and Conflicts Among Goal Types
Goal type
Proportion
of cultures
(N ⫽ 15)
Mean
ipsative
distance
Wealthier
cultures
(n ⫽ 8)
Poorer
cultures
(n ⫽ 7)
t test on ipsative
distances between
wealthier and poorer
cultures
(df ⫽ 13)
a
Compatibilities (circumplex-like perspective two-by-two)
Spirituality–community feeling 13/15 0.54** 7/8 6/7 ⫺0.570
Community feeling–affiliation/self-acceptance
b
13/15 0.56** 6/8 7/7 ⫺0.665
Affiliation/self-acceptance
b
–physical health/safety
b
14/15 0.69*** 8/8 6/7 1.370
Physical health/safety
b
–hedonism
11/15 0.62
c
*
7/8 4/7 0.059
Hedonism–financial success 12/15 0.46
c
*
6/8 6/7 ⫺1.369
Financial success–image/popularity
b
15/15 1.08*** 8/8 7/7 1.417
Image/popularity
b
–conformity
14/15 0.64*** 8/8 6/7 2.988
c
*
Conformity–spirituality 10/15 0.33 5/8 5/7 ⫺0.665
Compatibilities (dimensional perspective by cluster)
Community feeling/affiliation/self-acceptance/
physical health/safety (i.e., intrinsic) cluster 15/15 0.67*** 8/8 7/7 ⫺0.492
Conformity/image/popularity/financial success
(i.e., extrinsic) cluster 15/15 0.82*** 8/8 7/7 2.938
c
*
Community feeling/spirituality/conformity (i.e.,
self-transcendence) cluster 9/15 0.11 3/8 6/7 ⫺3.220
d
Financial success/hedonism/safety/physical health
(i.e., physical self) cluster 11/15 0.51** 5/8 6/7 ⫺0.945
Conflicts (dimensional perspective cluster-against-cluster)
Community feeling/affiliation/self-acceptance/
physical health/safety vs. conformity/image/
popularity/financial success (i.e., intrinsic vs.
extrinsic) 15/15 ⫺0.46*** 8/8 7/7 ⫺0.044
Conformity/spirituality/community feeling vs.
financial success/hedonism/physical
health/safety (i.e., self-transcendence vs.
physical self) 15/15 ⫺0.66*** 8/8 7/7 ⫺0.904
Community feeling vs. appearance/social
recognition/financial success 14/15 0.99** 8/8 6/7 2.171†
Conformity vs. affiliation/self-acceptance/physical
health/safety 12/15 0.71** 6/8 6/7 ⫺0.996
Note. Unless otherwise indicated, values are nonsignificant at p ⬎ .10.
a
Between-group coding: 1 ⫽ wealthy cultures, 2 ⫽ poorer cultures.
b
Compatibilities between affiliation/self-acceptance (15/15; ⫺1.51***), physical
health/safety (13/15; ⫺0.97***), and appearance/social recognition (14/15; ⫺1.37***) were strong, and then they were considered as a pair rather than
individually.
c
Test statistics were nonsignificant after Bonferroni adjustment according to Jaccard and Wan’s (1996, p. 30) method.
d
It should be noted
that we dropped out Chinese sample in this t test because it seemed to be an outlier. The mean for the poorer nation group including China was ⫺.30, and
the t test was close to significance, t(13) ⫽ 1.747, p ⬍ .10 (see Footnote 12).
† p ⬍ .10. * p ⬍ .05. ** p ⬍ .01. *** p ⬍ .001.
809
GOAL CONTENTS ACROSS CULTURES
Figure 2. Two-dimensional representation of the goals resulting from multidimensional scaling analysis for
wealthy countries (A) and poor countries (B).
810
GROUZET ET AL.
in poorer cultures (M ⫽⫺1.01 vs. M ⫽⫺0.61), t(13) ⫽⫺2.938,
p ⬍ .05. Second, the self-transcendence goal cluster was more
compact in the poorer cultures (M ⫽ –.50)
12
than in the wealthier
cultures (M ⫽ .07), t(12) ⫽ 3.220, p ⬍ .007.
Circumplex Representation: CIRCUM Analysis
(Hypothesis 2B)
An initial model. We next examined whether the Aspiration
Index would yield a circular configuration, which is a more spe-
cific hypothesis than the prediction that the organization would
reflect a two-dimensional space (Gurtman & Pincus, 2003). This
subsequent step (after MDS analysis) was important because it
permitted us to validate the circumplex shape of goal placements
on the two-dimensional representation that the MDS results
showed in Figures 1, 2A, and 2B.
The CIRCUM analysis converged (residual cosine ⬍ 0.0001)
after 15 iterations. The RMSEA was .065 (90% CI: .058, .072),
indicating a close fit. All ratios of reproduced variances to input
variances were fairly close to 1, ranging from 0.98 to 1.019. The
estimated polar angles are represented graphically in Figure 3, and
their point estimates and 95% CIs are shown in Table 5. The
estimated item communality indices (i.e., the correlations between
measured and common score variables) ranged from .54 to .85. As
can be seen in Figure 3, positions of goal variables on the circle are
similar to those obtained with MDS. This result confirms that the
nature of the relationships among goal contents can be described as
an ordering of variables along the circumference of a circle.
Wealthier and poorer cultures. The results from CIRCUM
analyses showed that the basic ordering of goals around the circle
was essentially the same in wealthier and poorer cultures (see
Table 5). Furthermore, the polar position of the 11 variables was
almost identical in wealthier and poorer cultures (correlation ⫽
.99). As with MDS, a couple of small differences in the relative
placement of goals emerged, however. First, safety and physical
health had slightly different positions in the wealthier and poorer
cultures. Second, as observed in MDS results, financial success
appeared to have a somewhat less extrinsic flavor in the poorer
cultures, being a bit closer to affiliation than in wealthier cultures
(angle ⫽ 81° vs. 108°).
Discussion
The current study examined the goal importance ratings of 1,854
college students from 15 cultures around the world in an attempt to
better understand (a) what goals people typically strive for and (b)
how those goals are organized in people’s psyches. Given the
consistent organizations that have emerged for personality traits
(e.g., McCrae & Allik, 2002) and for values (Schwartz, 1992), we
were interested in the extent to which consistent results would
occur for importance ratings of goal contents.
Overview of Results
We began by demonstrating the reliability and cross-cultural
validity of the measure we implemented in this study (the Aspi-
ration Index) through a series of analyses, including MACS (Little,
1997). Our results suggested that the 11 goal domains assessed
herein each had acceptable internal reliability and measurement
equivalence across the 15 cultures. These validity checks on the
Aspiration Index also suggested that the 11 different domains of
goals we assessed are notable cross-culturally (see Table 2). Multidi-
mensional scaling analyses suggested that two dimensions best sum-
marized the organization of the goals; these MDS analyses along with
ipsative distance analyses and confirmatory CIRCUM analyses fur-
ther showed that the goal-importance ratings were organized in a very
similar circumplex fashion across cultures (see Figures 1 and 3), with
some goals viewed as consistent with each other and other goals
viewed as being in conflict with each other. Despite a few small
cross-cultural variations, the two–dimensional circumplex organi-
zation of goals was essentially the same in both wealthier and
poorer nations (see Figures 2a and 2b and Tables 4 and 5).
The 11 goals that we assessed in this study were on the whole
well organized by two underlying dimensions suggested by pre-
vious empirical and theoretical work. The first dimension supports
past work from the self-determination theory tradition (e.g., Deci
& Ryan, 2000; Kasser, 2002b; Kasser & Ryan, 1996), suggesting
that goals differ in terms of whether they are intrinsically oriented
and focused on the satisfaction of inherent psychological needs or
whether they are extrinsically oriented and focused on rewards and
praise. The current data confirmed past research that intrinsically
oriented goals included self-acceptance, affiliation, community
feeling, and physical health; safety goals also clustered here, in
line with predictions derived from Maslovian theory (Maslow,
1954). Extrinsically oriented goals included financial success, im-
age, and popularity, confirming past work; conformity was also
added to this list, as predicted by Kasser (2002b). It is particularly
important to note that MDS analyses including ipsative distance
scores suggested that the intrinsic and extrinsic clusters were
strongly consistent within themselves and strongly opposed to
each other in all 15 cultures surveyed.
The second dimension represents goals that are primarily con-
cerned with maintaining and enhancing one’s own physical plea-
sure and survival as opposed to those that concern something
higher; this dimension is reflected not only in religious writings
but also in the theories of several psychologists (e.g., James,
1892/1985). Specifically, the self-transcendent end of the dimen-
sion included goals that involve matching society’s desires (e.g.,
conformity), benefiting society and future generations (e.g., com-
munity feeling), and seeking out universal meanings and under-
standings (e.g., spirituality), whereas the physical end concerned
bodily pleasures (e.g., hedonism), physical survival (e.g., safety
and health), and the material means to both of these (e.g., financial
success). Although this self-transcendent versus physical dimen-
sion was clearly identified and the two sets of pursuits were
certainly in opposition with each other, we also note that neither
self-transcendent nor physical goals were as strongly consistent
within themselves as were intrinsic and extrinsic goals (see results
on ipsative distance scores, Table 4). Although this does not
invalidate the self-transcendent versus physical dimension, it does
suggest that the intrinsic versus extrinsic dimension is powerful and
attracts goals on the right and left sides of the two-dimensional space.
12
It should be noted that we dropped out the Chinese sample in this t test
because it seemed to be an outlier. The mean for the poorer nation group
including China was –.30, and the t test was close to significance: t(13) ⫽
1.747, p ⬍ .10.
811
GOAL CONTENTS ACROSS CULTURES
Although the results described above were on the whole
consistent in both wealthier and poorer cultures, two differences
based on cultural wealth are worthy of comment. Given the low
degrees of freedom for these analyses, the following specula-
tions should be treated with caution. First, financial success had
a less extrinsic and less physical character in the poorer cultures
than in the wealthier cultures. That is, financial success was
further from hedonism and closer to safety–physical health
goals in the poorer cultures than in the wealthier cultures. This
makes good sense, given that financial success in poorer cul-
tures is probably more likely to concern basic survival than in
wealthier cultures, where financial success is more often a
means to acquire status and nonessential pleasantries (i.e., goals
related to image and popularity; e.g., see Wong & Ahuvia,
1998). Similarly, the finding that financial success aspirations
were somewhat closer to affiliation in poorer nations than in
wealthier nations might reflect that individuals in poorer na-
tions may strive to make money to ensure the basic welfare of
those they care about. Second, the compatibilities of the clusters
defining each end of the self-transcendent versus physical di-
mension were somewhat weaker in the poorer cultures than in
the wealthier ones. At this point of our investigations, it is unfor-
tunately difficult to explain this last difference between wealthier
and poorer cultures.
Figure 3. Circular representation of the goals, resulting from CIRCUM analysis for all samples.
Table 5
Point Estimates and 95% Confidence Intervals (CIs) of Variable Polar Angles for the Total
Sample as Well as for Wealthier and Poorer Culture Groups
Goal type
Total sample
(N ⫽ 1,854)
Wealthier cultures
(n ⫽ 815)
Poorer cultures
(n ⫽ 1,039)
Estimate 95% CI Estimate 95% CI Estimate 95% CI
Affiliation 0° [0, 0] 0° [0, 0] 0° [0, 0]
Self-acceptance 6° [0, 12] 6° [355, 17] 1° [353, 8]
Physical health 31° [24, 37] 32° [16, 47] 34° [25, 43]
Safety 31° [24, 39] 37° [24, 49] 32° [23, 41]
Hedonism 59° [51, 68] 67° [50, 84] 63° [52, 74]
Financial success 105° [98, 113] 108° [95, 122] 81° [71, 91]
Image 138° [131, 146] 135° [122, 148] 129° [119, 140]
Popularity 147° [139, 155] 139° [125, 153] 144° [132, 156]
Conformity 184° [175, 193] 174° [158, 190] 192° [180, 205]
Spirituality 248° [238, 259] 252° [235, 269] 274° [260, 289]
Community feeling 297° [289, 305] 284° [270, 299] 292° [281, 302]
Note. Correlation between wealthier and poorer culture point estimates ⫽ .99.
812
GROUZET ET AL.
Theoretical Implications
The two orthogonal dimensions of intrinsic versus extrinsic and
self-transcendent versus physical provide an interesting and intu-
itively appealing way to categorize and understand the nature of
different types of goals and perhaps of human motivational sys-
tems. That is, these results suggest that an understanding of a
consciously articulated goal for which a person might strive can be
classified on the basis of how much it is oriented toward inherent
psychological needs or to external rewards or praise and how much
it is oriented toward one’s own physical pleasure and survival or
toward societally and spiritually self-transcendent aims. To exem-
plify this, let us follow the circumplex presented in Figures 1–3
around the circumference, beginning with spirituality. Spirituality
goals are clearly self-transcendent, concerning themselves with
large universal issues outside of one’s physical self, but they are
inherently neither intrinsic nor extrinsic in nature, as spirituality is
sometimes pursued for satisfaction of intrinsic needs (as when a
sense of communion with one’s church is attained) but can also be
motivated largely by fears of punishment and by guilt (Ryan,
Rigby, & King, 1993). Community feeling has a self-transcendent
quality, being concerned with the welfare of society and future
generations, but it is also intrinsic, as such pursuits can frequently
satisfy needs for relatedness as well as for competence and auton-
omy. Self-acceptance and affiliation are clearly intrinsic in nature,
as they very directly relate to the satisfaction of inherent psycho-
logical needs, but they fall midway between the physical and the
self-transcendent, as they primarily concern the personal, psycho-
logical realm of the ego (Freud, 1960); the material–social self
(James, 1892/1985); or the individual or relational selves (Brewer
& Gardner, 1996). Physical health and safety also fall with intrin-
sic goals, as all people need to feel safe and healthy (Bowlby,
1988; Pyszczynski, Greenberg, & Solomon, 1997); these goals are
more physically based than the other intrinsic goals, however,
given that health and safety concern bodily integrity. Hedonism is
clearly concerned with the body, although its focus on pleasure
rather than safety moves it out of the realm of intrinsic pursuits;
further, the fact that hedonism can sometimes be pursued for sheer
pleasure but frequently is a way to avoid that which is anxiety
provoking (Baumeister, 1991) shows that it is neither inherently
intrinsic nor extrinsic in nature (see also Veenhoven, 2003). Fi-
nancial success, with its focus on rewards and social status, is an
extrinsic goal but has a physical flavor given that money is
typically used to ensure survival and to purchase momentary,
fleeting pleasures of the flesh. Image and popularity share an
extrinsic character but are more self-transcendent than financial
success, with their greater focus on others’ opinions. Finally,
conformity typifies the blending of extrinsic concerns for fitting in
to others’ desires with the self-transcendent concern of that which
is outside of one’s self (i.e., society).
The fact that these characterizations can be made with some
degree of generalizability given their consistency across 15 nations
suggests that motivational systems, as they concern goals, involve
some commonality across people, regardless of their cultural sit-
uation. Specifically, as they approach their goals in life, people
apparently take into consideration their psychological needs (in-
trinsic), their physical survival and pleasure (physical), their de-
sires for rewards and praise (extrinsic), and their existential quest
to have a meaningful place in the broader world (self-
transcendence). These influences on goals might be considered as
four occasionally overlapping but sometimes conflictual motiva-
tional systems that people must negotiate as they make their way
through life. Of course, some individuals will organize their lives
more around one of these systems than around others; some will be
spiritual individuals who attempt to solve the problems of the
world, others will involve themselves in the pleasures of the body,
others will pursue wealth and status, and others will look for a
simpler life focused on family and personal growth. In future
work, we hope to build on this and past research to examine
whether such clusters of individuals can be identified and whether
people’s well-being relates to the choices they make about how
their goals in life represent and blend these basic motivational
systems.
On a final theoretical note, it is interesting to see that our present
circumplex model had both similarities with and differences from
Schwartz’s (1992) well-known value model. Like Schwartz, our
analyses found that goal-importance ratings were organized in a
very similar circumplex fashion across cultures, as some goals
were relatively consistent with each other whereas other goals
were in conflict with each other. Second, two dimensions were
found to underlie the goal-importance ratings, but they were not
exactly the same as what Schwartz found in his work on values.
The first dimension of intrinsic versus extrinsic goals that we
identified as underlying goal pursuits bears relatively little con-
ceptual similarity to Schwartz’s dimension of openness to change
versus conservatism. The second dimension, which we identified
as self-transcendent versus physical, certainly bears a conceptual
resemblance to Schwartz’s self-transcendent versus self-enhancing
dimension, even if the goals comprising the dimensions are not
exactly the same. That is, we found that strivings for financial
success, hedonism, physical health, and safety that are primarily
concerned with maintaining and enhancing one’s own physical
pleasure and survival do in fact cluster together and oppose an-
other cluster that is concerned with something higher, be it soci-
ety’s desires (e.g., conformity), benefiting society and future gen-
erations (e.g., community feeling), or transcending the self (e.g.,
spirituality).
Another difference between our results in Figures 1 and 3 and
those of Schwartz (1992) concerns the placement of two of the
goals in the circumplex. First, Schwartz found that conformity
values lie between benevolence and security, whereas in our data,
such goals were almost directly opposed to the two parallel goals
we assessed (i.e., affiliation and safety). Our understanding of this
result is that conformity goals are a type of extrinsic pursuit, given
that they primarily concern desires to fit in with others and receive
social praise for being one of the crowd (see above). Indeed,
conformity goals did cluster with other extrinsic goals of image
and popularity in 14 of 15 cultures. Safety goals were the second
pursuit that yielded results rather different from Schwartz’s model.
Security values in Schwartz’s model are wedged between
conformity–tradition and power, whereas our results show safety
as opposing these extrinsic-type pursuits and instead having a
physical and intrinsic flavor. We believe that these results suggest
that when safety is considered at the level of a personal goal rather
than a value, it clusters with other types of goals that concern the
satisfaction of psychological needs. That is, just as intrinsic goals
for self-acceptance, affiliation, and community feeling are rela-
tively good ways to satisfy one’s psychological needs, safety goals
813
GOAL CONTENTS ACROSS CULTURES
might concern other needs whose satisfaction is a prerequisite for
good psychological health. Examination of the items composing
the safety goal and the fact that it landed most closely to physical
health goals in the circumplex both suggest that the aim of safety
is primarily about ensuring physical survival, which of course is an
important motivator of human behavior recognized by many the-
ories (see above) and is probably a need in its own right (Kasser,
2002; Maslow, 1968).
Limitations and Future Directions
Although we believe that the present results provide some
important information about the fundamental organization of hu-
man strivings and pursuits, our study is of course limited in many
respects. First, research that involves latent variables and latent
dimensions, such as those identified via CFA and MDS, are not
immune from the subjectivity involved in the labeling process. The
present study was no exception. We therefore acknowledge that
our labeling of the two dimensions in the goal circumplex was
motivated primarily by our theoretical approach concerning goal
structure. Thus, just as some researchers have relabeled Schwartz’s
(1992) dimensions (e.g., Oishi, Schimmack, Diener, & Suh, 1998;
Rohan, 2000), we acknowledge that other researchers may have
potentially different ways of labeling the dimensions we identified.
A second limitation of the study concerns sampling. Our sample
consisted only of college students, who of course are not a repre-
sentative sample of people in general and are probably even less
representative of people who live in the poorer cultures from
which we sampled. Although the intrinsic–extrinsic dimension has
been found in samples of U.S. and German adults (Kasser & Ryan,
1996; Schmuck, 2001; Sheldon & Kasser, 2001) and Schwartz and
Sagiv (1995) found that the organization of values in college
students is quite similar to that for adult teachers, any claims
regarding the generalizability of this model must be tempered by
this limitation of sampling. Furthermore, we sampled from only 15
cultures and provinces around the world, and although every
populated continent was represented, sub-Saharan Africa was no-
tably absent from among the cultures we investigated. And of
course all cultures and subcultures have their own particularities
that make them worthy of sampling, especially if one’s aim is to
catalogue all possible pursuits and the way in which they are
organized.
Third, the measure we used, like all measures, has its limits, and
thus it would be interesting to see whether parallel results emerge
with other measures that operationalize people’s aims in life in
other ways. For example, it would be interesting to examine
whether idiographic means of assessing people’s goals (e.g., Em-
mons, 1989; Sheldon & Kasser, 1995) result in similar goal orga-
nizations. Relatedly, because the Aspiration Index was designed
by Westerners, it is possible that some goals that non-Westerners
pursue were absent and thus unable to influence the form of the
circumplex. It would be worthwhile to conduct future studies in
which participants from a variety of cultures generate goals rather
than respond to goal items provided by the experimenters. Such
research could thus determine whether any frequently occurring
contents have been missed in the present study and then determine
whether the addition of such goals modifies the circumplex orga-
nization that we identified in the present study.
Finally, we surely did not sample all possible pursuits for which
humans might strive: for example, goals for knowledge or aesthet-
ics (Maslow, 1968) or for ecologically sustainable ways of living
(e.g., Dunlap & Mertig, 1995; Schwartz & Boehnke, 2004; Stern
& Dietz, 1994) are notably absent, as are a variety of other goals
around which individuals might organize their lives. The real
challenge of future research will be to make specific predictions
about where any additional goals might fall in the circumplex we
present in Figures 1 and 3. For example, we would hypothesize
that goals for knowledge would probably have more of a self-
transcendent and intrinsic than physical and extrinsic quality and
would thus fall somewhere close to community feeling in the
circumplex; that prediction, like others that might be made, is an
empirical question. Further, if enough additional goals were mea-
sured, perhaps a third dimension might be identified; thus, we
recognize that the present two-dimensional model may not be the
final word on goal organization, even though it is seemingly a clear
advance over extant models.
In addition to studies addressing the limitations listed above,
future research could address a variety of other questions based on
the circumplex model of aspirations we have described. For ex-
ample, we are already in the process of analyzing data to investi-
gate how cultures are similar and/or different in the relative im-
portance they place on the different goals listed in Table 1 and how
ratings of the importance and likelihood of attainment of those
goals relate to measures of happiness and well-being. A variety of
other constructs might also be predictable from the model pre-
sented in Figures 1 and 3, including political, social, and environ-
mental behavior; quality of relationships; and personal interests.
Further, it would be of great interest to better understand the
developmental precursors of the relative importance people place
on particular goals (e.g., Kasser, Koestner, & Lekes, 2002; Kasser,
Ryan, Zax, & Sameroff, 1995) as well as how the importance they
place on different goals changes throughout the life span (e.g.,
Sheldon & Kasser, 2001).
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Received July 8, 2004
Revision received May 17, 2005
Accepted June 7, 2005 䡲
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