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Medical generalists: connecting the map and the territory

Authors:

Abstract

Despite enormous advances within medical science over the past 100 years, an under-recognised but inevitable gap remains between the map of medical science and the territory of individual human suffering.1 The task of the medical generalist is to make useful connections across this constantly recurring gap. All doctors carry the medical map, albeit with patchy and varying levels of detail, but only the medical generalist uses it to try and make sense of the whole human person, transcending all the arbitrary divisions of specialist practice. Here we explore the role of the medical generalist and consider how this might be affected by current NHS reforms.
The NHS revolution: health care in the market place
Medical generalists: connecting the map and the territory
Iona Heath, Kieran Sweeney
The debate on market reforms must not overlook general practitioners’ over-riding responsibility
to recognise and relieve patients’ suffering
Despite enormous advances within medical science
over the past 100 years, an under-recognised but inevi-
table gap remains between the map of medical science
and the territory of individual human suffering.1The
task of the medical generalist is to make useful connec-
tions across this constantly recurring gap. All doctors
carry the medical map, albeit with patchy and varying
levels of detail, but only the medical generalist uses it to
try and make sense of the whole human person,
transcending all the arbitrary divisions of specialist
practice. Here we explore the role of the medical
generalist and consider how this might be affected by
current NHS reforms.
Generalist’s role
In the initial consultation with a general practitioner,
doctor and patient work together to explore the
usefulness and the limitations of the medical map in
relation to the territory (or subjective experience) of
the patient’s particular illness. When the patient has an
acute and remediable illness or accident, attention will
be mostly on the map, but when the patient is dying the
attention will revert almost entirely on to the territory.2
In chronic illness, a careful balance must be achieved
and maintained so that neither aspect is neglected.
To work effectively in this context, the medical gen-
eralist must maintain a clear understanding of both
borders of the gap. This requires a thorough, robust,
and continuously updated knowledge of medical
science; an empathic willingness to recognise, acknowl-
edge, and witness the true extent of suffering; and an
appreciation of the details of individual lives, combined
with a respect for the history, aspirations, and values
which have made those lives what they have become.
Centrality of medical diagnosis
General practitioners operate in a low tech environ-
ment, where, until recently, the most sophisticated
instruments available were the stethoscope and sphyg-
momanometer. Yet they are responsible for making the
initial medical diagnosis on which almost all subse-
quent care is based. The accuracy of that initial diagno-
sis is crucial and necessitates a high degree of technical
and experiential competence, combining a robust
appreciation of the range of the normal with a high
index of suspicion for the dangerous. Diverse diagnos-
tic challenges such as reviewing the diabetic retina,
inspecting the cervix, making sense of multiple
non-specific symptoms, assessing the suicide risk in a
depressed young man, and carrying out a developmen-
tal check on a newborn baby are just part of the
normal working day for the medical generalist.
General practitioners encounter diseases at the
earliest stages of their development, long before a clear
and coherent clinical picture forms. Much illness
resolves without reaching the threshold of disease defi-
nition, and fully developed disease is much rarer in pri-
mary care than in secondary care. The general
practitioner must develop the skill of using time to
reveal the natural course of a presenting condition.
The inevitable uncertainty of front-line primary
care medicine is confirmed by the fact that the predic-
tive tests of medical science do not work nearly as
robustly in the low prevalence setting of general prac-
tice.3One of the contributions of generalist practice to
improving health outcomes for populations is medi-
ated by broadly based diagnostic skills that can select,
through the referral process, high prevalence popula-
tions for specialist practice and thereby ensure the
effectiveness of specialists. This skill constitutes a
uniquely valuable healthcare commodity.4Illness is
much more extensive than disease
and the disease
which is referred on to specialist colleagues is only just
over a tenth of that seen and treated in general
practice. At each stage, the prevalence of biomedical
abnormality increases and diagnostic tests work more
robustly.
Thus general practitioners must use technical and
experiential evidence from a multiplicity of sources to
formulate both a diagnosis and a response.5This pro-
cess always involves judgment and is always risky. Both
too little and too much caution can be dangerous. It is
surely right that society should place the responsibility
for these risks on those who are most highly trained.
The current proposals to replace doctors with nurses,
pharmacists, and computers can do nothing to reduce
the risks and, in the face of less medical knowledge,
General practitioners operate in a low tech environment
Education and debate
This article is
part of a series
examining the
government’s
planned market
reforms to
healthcare
provision
Caversham Group
Practice, London
NW5 2UP
Iona Heath
general practitioner
Peninsula Medical
School, Royal
Devon and Exeter
Hospital, Exeter
EX2 5DW
Kieran Sweeney
honorary clinical
senior lecturer in
general practice
Correspondence to:
I Heath
iona.heath@
dsl.pipex.com
BMJ 2005;331:1462–4
1462 BMJ VOLUME 331 17 DECEMBER 2005 bmj.com
may well increase them. To offer this substitution is to
misunderstand the complexity of the generalist’s task.6
Coordination of care
The role of the general practitioner in coordinating
health care across a range of professionals, within and
beyond primary care, is often assumed but has been
subject to little analysis. The role falls to the general
practitioners because of their continuing commitment
to the care of a registered list of patients, and because,
alone across the whole range of health professionals,
the general practitioner is not expected to discharge
the patient from his or her care. Patients and general
practitioners therefore have a tacit understanding that,
if the healthcare system is not working, the general
practitioner is in a position to sort things out and has a
responsibility to do so. Practising within a defined local
area, general practitioners rapidly develop knowledge
and understanding of how the local healthcare system
works and an awareness of which parts of the service
are performing well and which are struggling with, for
example, an excessive workload or a staff shortage.
This knowledge is continually updated by patients, who
return from hospital or from other parts of the service
to give an account of their experience.
The general practitioner’s coordinating role7
becomes absolutely crucial given the increasing
number of patients who have more than one health
problem, each of which affects the course and
management of the others.8Such comorbidity occurs
disproportionately within populations that are socio-
economically disadvantaged or elderly, and particu-
larly within populations which are both.9
Social solidarity
The NHS is an expression of social solidarity by which
citizens, through taxation, provide health care, free at
the time of need, to each other.10 The current emphasis
on rights within health care without a balancing
emphasis on duties threatens the survival of the under-
pinning social solidarity. The right to see a general
practitioner within 48 hours, and at any time of day or
night, with no allowance for the degree of need, mini-
mises the duty of citizens to use the limited provisions
of the NHS in a manner that is proportionate to their
needs.
General practitioners working within a nationally
funded service will always have a role as agents of dis-
tributive justice, if only in the way that they choose to
allocate their time to different patients competing for
this limited resource. This means that general
practitioners and other clinicians must retain both the
ability to allocate their resources on the basis of
perceived need and the responsibility to try to modify
health seeking behaviour. The emphasis on rights at
the expense of duties also makes it more and more
usual for people to demand a level of service for them-
selves and their families while declining to pay the level
of taxes that would be needed to provide that same
level of care for everyone.
Suffering
Much contemporary discussion about general practice
focuses on the profession’s response to the enormous
pressure for change within the NHS.11 How will
general practitioners adapt to new relationships with
other professionals? How will they deal with the
challenges of new technologies and new interventions?
At the heart of general practice however rests the cen-
tral, enduring responsibility of doctors in any society
the recognition and relief of suffering.
Paradoxically, the successes of medicine have
enabled an increasing number of people to survive
many previously fatal events and diseases including
heart attacks, strokes, and cancers. As a result, more
people live long enough to experience one, or more
likely several, chronic conditions. These common con-
ditions (such as hypertension, diabetes, ischaemic heart
disease, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease,
and dementia) remain incurable, debilitating, and
progressive.
As general practitioners focus increasingly on the
management of people with multiple and compound-
ing conditions, the balance of technical with compas-
sionate care must be continuously negotiated so that it
makes sense in the context of the patient’s life story
and acknowledges the full diversity of their health and
social problems. In such a situation, the values and pri-
orities of the individual patient must always be allowed
to trump the dictates of medical science and evidence
based guidelines. The ever present, malevolent
potential of illness to destroy an individual’s person-
hood can never be forgotten. Although biomedical
interventions may become more sophisticated, and
service delivery more slick, the responsibility of the
general practitioner to acknowledge and where
possible relieve suffering endures and can never be
abrogated.
Contributors and sources: IH and KS are general practitioners
and the ideas in this article arose from thinking and reading
around the experience of caring for patients in general practice
over many years and from discussions which took place within
the future of general practice group established by the Royal
College of General Practitioners, of which the authors were
members. We thank the convenor of the group, David Haslam,
and the other members, Richard Baker, Bonnie Sibbald, Martin
Roland, David Colin-Thome, Martin Marshall, Maureen Baker,
Tim Wilson, Susannah Graham-Jones, and Hilary De Lyon for
their contributions.
Summary points
General practitioners’ skills encompass both the
principles of science and the experience of
suffering
As more people survive to endure multiple and
compounding chronic illnesses, the need for
generalist skills to integrate care of the whole
person becomes greater
In a system of health care predicated on social
solidarity, the rights of the individuals have to be
balanced against the duties of citizens
The current emphasis on radical transformation
of the NHS demeans the enduring responsibility
of doctors in any society: the relief of suffering
Education and debate
1463BMJ VOLUME 331 17 DECEMBER 2005 bmj.com
Competing interests: IH and KS are general practitioners and
will therefore be directly affected by the government’s planned
changes to healthcare provision.
1 Korzybski A. Science and sanity: an introduction to non-Aristotelian systems
and general semantics. Lancaster, PA: International Non-Aristotelian
Library Publishing Company, 1933.
2 Heath I. Uncer tain clarity: contradiction, meaning, and hope. Br J Gen
Pract 1999;49:651-7.
3 Ahlbom A, Norell S. Introduction to modern epidemiology. Chestnut Hill,
MA: Epidemiology Resources, 1984.
4 Forrest CB. Primary care in the United States: Primary care gatekeeping
and referrals: effective filter or failed experiment? BMJ 2003;326:692-5.
5 Gill CJ, Sabin I, Schmid CH. Why clinicians are natural bayesians. BMJ
2005;330:1080-3.
6 Sweeney KG, Griffiths FE, eds. Complexity and healthcare: an introduction.
Abingdon: Radcliffe Medical Press, 2002.
7 Starfield B, Lemke KW, Bernhardt T, Forrest CB, Weiner JP. Comorbidity:
implications for the importance of primary care in ‘case’ management.
Ann Fam Med 2003;1:8-14.
8 Royal College of General Practitioners. Hard lives: improving the health of
people with multiple problems. London: RCGP,2003.
9 Watt GCM. The inverse care law today. Lancet 2002;360:252-4.
10 Towell D. Revaluing the NHS: empowering ourselves to shape a health
care system fit for the 21st century. Policy Politics 1996;24:287-97.
11 De Maeseneer J, Hjortdahl P, Starfield B. Fix what’s wrong, not what’s
right, with general practice in Britain. BMJ 2000;320:1616-7.
Using markets to reform health care
Nigel Edwards
The English healthcare market will be different from conventional markets and may not behave in
the same way. Predicting whether the reforms will produce the intended results is therefore difficult
Many health systems are using market mechanisms,
competition, and incentives as a way of driving reform.
The benefits of this are seen as increased responsiveness
to the needs of patients and payers, the ability to increase
and reduce supply quickly when required, greater
efficiency, innovation, and less unhelpful meddling in
provider management by central authorities. These
advantages are potentially important but come with
some problems and costs. The policy question is at what
point the costs exceed the expected benefits?
Costs of competition
Competition has costs for providers, payers, and
patients. Competition reduces some management
costs but transaction costs such as billing and contract-
ing are likely to be higher than in managed systems
and providers may have large marketing costs. The
reforms proposed for the NHS have avoided one
important transaction cost by setting prices nationally,
although this may be at the cost of removing some of
the power of market mechanisms.The more independ-
ent providers become, the more they will need to
strengthen their governance arrangements and the
greater the need for external regulation. Competition
requires some duplication and redundancy, which car-
ries a potentially high cost. This means that the
evidence on costs is less clear than economic theory
suggests,1particularly as this does not necessarily apply
to systems with fixed prices.
The creation of spare capacity,which is required for
competition, carries an appreciable risk of creating
supplier induced demand because providers need to
make productive use of their assets. This creates an
industry to manage demand, pre-authorise treatment,
review use of services, etc, which adds to costs for a
relatively low marginal benefit. Too much effort may be
put into differentiating products or aspects of quality
that are important for competition but add cost and
deliver little value to patients.
Choosing providers has a substantial costs for
patients in terms of time spent searching and selecting.
This is especially true for patients with long term condi-
tions, and the benefits of switching may be low, particu-
larly if they value continuity of care. Indeed, low benefit
can be inferred from the observation that switching
family doctors is uncommon in settings where patients
have this right and where supply is less constrained than
in the United Kingdom. Patients need to be able to
switch providers if they are dissatisfied but may regard
frequent changes as having limited value.
Effect on quality
The impact of competition and markets on the quality
of care is contested, and it cannot automatically be
assumed that quality will improve without supporting
policies and regulatory machinery.12Several potential
hazards exist.
Competition and market incentives can lead to the
fragmentation of care and threaten continuity and
integration, which are important for patients with
long term conditions.3–6 For example, disconnecting
management of chronic disease from primary care is
Effects of competition in the NHS are unpredictable
Education and debate
This article is
part of a series
examining the
government’s
planned market
reforms to
healthcare
provision
NHS Confederation,
London SW1E 5ER
Nigel Edwards
policy director
nigel.edwards@
nhsconfed.org
BMJ 2005;331:1464–6
1464 BMJ VOLUME 331 17 DECEMBER 2005 bmj.com
... 4,5 Therefore, in hospitals where each specialist department independently cares for inpatients, the involvement of generalists as coordinators for patients with difficult-to-diagnose or complex multimorbidity is warranted. 6,7 While hospitalists in the United States and acute care physicians in the United Kingdom are responsible for the acute care of hospitalized patients in many hospitals, 8 only a few hospitals in Japan have implemented a system in which generalists widely cover hospitalized patients. Instead, in many hospitals in Japan, physicians in the general internal medicine (GIM) department play a role in coordinating the diagnostic processes. ...
... [11][12][13][14][15][16] This difference indicates that GIM is expected to have specialty in diagnosis. 7,17 Indeed, although a small portion, some consultations were for the purpose of checking for missed diagnoses in already diagnosed patients. ...
... Although this difference may be because this study exclusively surveyed inpatient consultation, it also suggests that more unclear cases are referred to the GIM department than to the infectious disease department, even in hospitals where either department covers both areas, and consultation with GIM may have occurred at an earlier stage of diagnostic evaluation. 7 As the high proportion of neoplasms and connective tissue/autoinflammatory diseases in the consultations for fever was consistent with the results of previous studies of febrile patients admitted to the GIM department, 31 GIM physicians should consider these diagnostic categories in cases consulted for unexplained fever even during hospitalization. ...
Article
Full-text available
Purpose: The general internal medicine (GIM) department can be an effective diagnostic coordinator for undiagnosed outpatients. We investigated the contribution of GIM consultations to the diagnosis of patients admitted to specialty departments in hospitals in Japan that have not yet adopted a hospitalist system. Patients and methods: This single-center, retrospective observational study was conducted at a university hospital in Japan. GIM consultations from other departments on inpatients aged ≥20 years, from April 2016 to March 2021, were included. Data were extracted from electronic medical records, and consultation purposes were categorized into diagnosis, treatment, and diagnosis and treatment. The primary outcome was new diagnosis during hospitalization for patients with consultation purpose of diagnosis or diagnosis and treatment. The secondary outcomes were the purposes of consultation with the Diagnostic and Generalist Medicine department. Results: In total, 342 patients were included in the analysis. The purpose of the consultations was diagnosis for 253 patients (74%), treatment for 60 (17.5%), and diagnosis and treatment for 29 patients (8.5%). In 282 consultations for diagnosis and diagnosis and treatment, 179 new diagnoses were established for 162 patients (57.5%, 95% confidence interval [CI], 51.5-63.3). Conclusion: The GIM department can function as a diagnostic consultant for inpatients with diagnostic problems admitted to other specialty departments in hospitals where hospitalist or other similar systems are not adopted.
... For secondary prevention of CHD, information exchange should be flexible and individually tailored based on patient risk factor profile, health needs and individual circumstances, such as socioeconomic background, gender, employment status, and geographical location [9,24,29]. Further, offering patients choice and actively engaging them in treatment decisions and giving choices have been shown to improve health outcomes [30][31][32]. An example is CHOICE, a brief, patient-centred intervention for ACS survivors not participating in cardiac rehabilitation [24]. ...
... Providing written information increases patients' knowledge of disease [26][27][28] and reduces distress [29] and decisional conflict [30] because it reinforces verbal instructions and serves as a home resource [31]. Effective patient information must be evidence-based, clearly presented and most importantly, involve patients throughout the process of development [32][33][34]. Information materials should succinctly deal with the relevant messages [31], be written in the active voice with personalised messages and use simple terminology [14,31,35]. Layout should be clear, simple and consistent [14,35] and use subheadings to allow patients to efficiently sift through the information [17,31]. ...
... Locally, two examples of programs that involve telephone consultations include CHOICE [32] and COACH [81]. CHOICE, which involves follow-up phone calls for threemonths, showed that a patient-centred modular approach involving telehealth is both feasible and effective in reducing individual risk factors and improving coronary outcomes [82]. ...
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A critical aspect of coronary heart disease (CHD) care and secondary prevention is ensuring patients have access to evidence-based information. The purpose of this review is to summarise the guiding principles, content, context and timing of information and education that is beneficial for supporting people with CHD and potential communication strategies, including digital interventions. We conducted a scoping review involving a search of four databases (Web of Science, PubMed, CINAHL, Medline) for articles published from January 2000 to August 2022. Literature was identified through title and abstract screening by expert reviewers. Evidence was synthesised according to the review aims. Results demonstrated that information-sharing, decision-making, goal-setting, positivity and practicality are important aspects of secondary prevention and should be patient-centred and evidenced based with consideration of patient need and preference. Initiation and duration of education is highly variable between and within people, hence communication and support should be regular and ongoing. In conclusion, text messaging programs, smartphone applications and wearable devices are examples of digital health strategies that facilitate education and support for patients with heart disease. There is no one size fits all approach that suits all patients at all stages, hence flexibility and a suite of resources and strategies is optimal.
... For secondary prevention of CHD, information exchange should be flexible and individually tailored based on patient risk factor profile, health needs and individual circumstances such as socioeconomic background, gender, employment status, and geographical location [9,24,29]. Further, offering patients choice and actively engaging them in treatment decisions and giving choices have been shown to improve health outcomes [30,31,32]. An example is CHOICE, a brief, patient-centred intervention for ACS survivors not participating in cardiac rehabilitation [24]. ...
... Providing written information increases patients' knowledge of disease [26][27][28] and reduces distress [29] and decisional conflict [30] because it reinforces verbal instructions and serves as a home resource [31]. Effective patient information must be evidence-based, clearly presented and most importantly, involve patients throughout the process of development [32][33][34]. Information materials should succinctly deal with the relevant messages [31], be written in active voice with personalised messages and use simple terminology [14,31,35]. Layout should be clear, simple and consistent [14,35] and use subheadings to allow patients to efficiently sift through the information [17,31]. ...
... Locally, two examples of programs that involve telephone consultations include CHOICE [32] and COACH [83]. CHOICE, which involves follow-up phone calls for threemonths, showed that a patient-centred modular approach involving telehealth is both feasible and effective in reducing individual risk factors and improving coronary outcomes [84]. ...
Preprint
A critical aspect of coronary heart disease (CHD) care and secondary prevention is ensuring patients have access to evidence-based information. The purpose of this review is to summarise the guiding principles, content, context and timing of information and education that is beneficial for supporting people with CHD and potential communication strategies including digital interventions. We conducted a scoping review involving searching four databases (Web of Science, PubMed, CINAHL, Medline) for articles published from January 2000 to August 2022. Literature was identified through title and abstract screening by expert reviewers. Evidence was synthesised according to the review aims. Results demonstrated that information-sharing, decision-making, goal-setting, positivity and practicality are important aspects of secondary prevention and should be patient-centred and evidenced based with consideration of patient need and preference. Initiation and duration of education is highly variable between and within people, but hence communication and support should be regular and ongoing. In conclusion, text messaging programs, smartphone applications and wearable devices are examples of digital health strategies that facilitate education and support for patients with heart disease. There is no one size fits all approach that suits all patients at all stages and hence flexibility and a suite of resources and strategies is optimal.
... T he multiple domains of primary care work together in an integrated way enabled by a comprehensive focus on the whole person in context and investment in relationships over time (Heath, 1995;Heath et al., 2009;Heath & Sweeney, 2005;Sweeney & Heath, 2006). Different ways of knowing and doing represent tradeoffs, and the right decision among competing demands and opportunities requires local knowledge on-the-ground and in-the-moment (Kringos et al., 2010;Sturmberg & Schattner, 2001). ...
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Medical science has made magnificent advances by dividing complex problems into their component parts. The strength of clinical trials, and the resulting evidence‐based clinical guidelines, is that they isolate a particular phenomenon or therapy from its context to assess its effect without the confounding of diverse contextual factors. However, the health and health care of whole people, and particularly older people who often live with multiple chronic conditions, is context‐dependent. Older people are not well served by the current fragmented medical knowledge and organization of health care, which is impersonal, often ineffective, and dangerous. More helpful approaches to health care for older people begin with the whole of the person in their family and community circumstance, and then examine the parts of people (including individual strengths, as well as diseases and disabilities) in context. We interpret three case studies in light of research on what patients and primary care clinicians say matters in health care. What matters are 11 domains of care: accessibility, a comprehensive, whole‐person focus; integrating care across acute and chronic illness, prevention, mental health, and life events; coordinating care in a fragmented system; knowing the patient as a person; developing a relationship through key life events; advocacy; providing care in a family context; providing care in a community context; goal‐oriented care; and disease, illness, and prevention management. The health and health care of older people requires contextualized knowledge and personal knowing, supported by integrated systems that treat health care not as a commodity, but as a relationship.
... As a common first point-of-call, patients in primary care often present without fully developed disease processes. [1][2][3] Up to 35% of patients exhibit multiple unexplained physical symptoms 2 or undifferentiated symptoms affecting various body systems. 4 The passage of time is often a crucial factor when considering diagnostic uncertainty in primary care as most symptoms resolve within 3 months 5 while a third of symptoms may never be explained. ...
Article
Full-text available
Background Diagnostic uncertainty is a pervasive issue in primary care where patients often present with non-specific symptoms early in the disease process. Knowledge about how clinicians communicate diagnostic uncertainty to patients is crucial to prevent associated diagnostic errors. Yet, in-depth research on the interpersonal communication of diagnostic uncertainty has been limited. We conducted an integrative systematic literature review (PROSPERO CRD42020197624, unfunded) to investigate how primary care doctors communicate diagnostic uncertainty in interactions with patients and how patients experience their care in the face of uncertainty. Methods We searched MEDLINE, PsycINFO, and Linguistics and Language Behaviour Abstracts (LLBA) from inception to December 2021 for MeSH and keywords related to ‘communication’, ’diagnosis’, ‘uncertainty’ and ‘primary care’ environments and stakeholders (patients and doctors), and conducted additional handsearching. We included empirical primary care studies published in English on spoken communication of diagnostic uncertainty by doctors to patients. We assessed risk of bias with the QATSDD quality assessment tool and conducted thematic and content analysis to synthesise the results. Results Inclusion criteria were met for 19 out of 1281 studies. Doctors used two main communication strategies to manage diagnostic uncertainty: (1) patient-centred communication strategies (e.g. use of empathy), and (2) diagnostic reasoning strategies (e.g. excluding serious diagnoses). Linguistically, diagnostic uncertainty was either disclosed explicitly or implicitly through diverse lexical and syntactical constructions, or not communicated (omission). Patients’ experiences of care in response to the diverse communicative and linguistic strategies were mixed. Patient-centred approaches were generally regarded positively by patients. Discussion Despite a small number of included studies, this is the first review to systematically catalogue the diverse communication and linguistic strategies to express diagnostic uncertainty in primary care. Health professionals should be aware of the diverse strategies used to express diagnostic uncertainty in practice and the value of combining patient-centred approaches with diagnostic reasoning strategies.
... En 2005, Iona Heath afirmaba que "a pesar de los enormes avances en la ciencia médica en los últimos 100 años, existe una infravalorada pero inevitable brecha entre el mapa de la ciencia médica y el territorio del sufrimiento de la persona" (29). Como señalaron posteriormente Javier Padilla y Vicky Lopez(1), la tarea del médico/a de Atención Primaria es conectar la brecha entre el mapa (guía clínica) y el territorio (paciente y su contexto). ...
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Los modelos de determinantes sociales de la salud forman parte desde hace décadas de las estrategias de Salud Pública y debería ser elemento fundamental de la orientación de los sistemas sanitarios. A lo largo del tiempo, diversos estudios epidemiológicos han mostrado la relación de los determinantes sociales con enfermedades prevalentes, por lo que es necesario reducir la brecha entre este modelo y la práctica clínica de los/las profesionales de la salud. En este artículo intentaremos señalar la importancia de aplicar una visión de determinantes en el abordaje de los problemas de salud desde la organización sanitaria a la consulta individual.
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Background: In South Africa, medical students are expected to have acquired a generalist competence in medical practice on completion of their training. However, what the students and their preceptors understand by ‘generalist medical practice’ has not been established in South African medical schools.Aim: This study aimed to explore what the students and their preceptors understood by ‘generalist medical practice’.Setting: Four South African medical schools: Sefako Makgatho Health Sciences University, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Walter Sisulu University and the University of the Witwatersrand.Methods: The exploratory descriptive qualitative design was used. Sixteen focus group discussions (FGDs) and 27 one-on-one interviews were conducted among students and their preceptors, respectively. Participants were recruited through purposive sampling. The inductive and deductive data analysis methods were used. The MAXQDA 2020 (Analytics Pro) software was used to arrange data, yielding 2179 data segments.Results: Ten themes were identified: (1) basic knowledge of medicine, (2) first point of contact with all patients regardless of their presenting problems, (3) broad field of common conditions prevalent in the community, (4) dealing with the undifferentiated patient without a diagnosis, (5) stabilising emergencies before referral, (6) continuity, (7) coordinated and (8) holistic patient care, necessitating nurturance of doctor–patient relationship, (9) health promotion and disease prevention, and (10) operating mainly in primary health care settings.Conclusion: The understanding of ‘generalist medical practice’ in accordance with internationally accepted principles augurs well in training undergraduate medical students on the subject. However, interdepartmental collaboration on the subject needs further exploration.Contribution: The study’s findings can be used as a guide upon which the students’ preceptors and their students can reflect during the training in generalist medical practice.
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Objectives: To identify and evaluate clinical approaches to whole person assessment (WPA) that are translatable to family medicine regarding feasibility, quality and alignment with theoretical models of whole person care (WPC). Design: Systematic literature review. Data sources: MEDLINE, CINAHL, PsycINFO and ATLA Religion databases were searched through 9 March 2020, with additional handsearches. Eligibility criteria: English language clinical assessments of multiple domains; which involve patient-clinician interaction and are translatable to general practice (GP); from the fields of medicine, allied health, nursing, mental health and pastoral care. Tools designed for single diseases or symptoms, for outcome rather than clinical assessment or with outdated classification systems were excluded. Data extraction and synthesis: We appraised the quality of included papers using Johanna Briggs' Institute Checklists and Terwee's criteria for validation studies. Clinical assessments' alignment with theoretical WPC, feasibility for adaptation to GP and quality were examined. We analysed extracted data using framework synthesis. Results: Searches retrieved 7535 non-duplicate items. Fifty-nine were included after screening, describing 42 WPA methods and representing multiple disciplines, purposes and formats. All included assessments aligned partially with models of WPC, but most did not adequately encompass all aspects of WPC. Robustness varied significantly and was often inadequately described. We judged none of the identified assessments to be ideal as a multipurpose WPA in GP. Some could be used for specific purposes, such as elicitation of patient perspectives or complexity assessment. Conclusions: While no WPAs were found that were sufficient for broad implementation in GP, some approaches may be suitable with adaptation and evaluation. Strengths of existing approaches could inform WPA development in future. Prospero registration number: CRD42020164417.
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La Medicina Familiar (MF) es integral, integradora e integrante. Integral, en tanto contenidos, donde la persona fragmentada es visualizada como un todo, con síntomas, signos, vivencias, experiencias, creencias, historia, contexto; integradora, porque nos remite a incorporar activamente todos estos aspectos en el abordaje del continuo salud-enfermedad de las personas, e integrante, al formar parte de un todo mayor, ubicándose en un contexto definido, siendo el propio especialista en MF a su vez integrante de otros contextos, realidades y redes. En Chile, la especialidad de MF, pese a no tener el «apellido» de comunitaria, considera este ámbito como parte importante de su formación y desempeño en Atención Primaria de Salud (APS), reconociendo el rol que esta tiene como aliada en el proceso de salud-enfermedad de sus miembros, como también la contribución que médicos y médicas de familia podrían hacer para mantener y mejorar su salud. Sin embargo, a la hora de abordar estos elementos, se evidencian brechas en las competencias necesarias para emprender el trabajo conjunto con la comunidad, priorizando un abordaje clínico, donde se encuentra mayoritariamente la zona de confort. Pero si la salud se construye socialmente, se requiere el desarrollo de competencias para trabajar en los diferentes contextos en colaboración con la comunidad, desde una lógica que fomente su autonomía. Estrategias como facilitar procesos, capacitar, mediar y abogar requieren de profesionales de MF competentes y activistas, y eso implica dar valor a estas habilidades que apuntan a las causas de las causas, las que han sido menos valoradas que las habilidades clínicas y de gestión, tanto en la formación tradicional como en los espacios en que dichos profesionales desempeñan su trabajo de forma cotidiana. En residentes en MF esto genera incertidumbre al salir de la zona de seguridad. Se percibe en ellos y ellas un «hambre» de aprender a hacer esta integración, que es un proceso madurativo, en espiral. Según Gérvas 1 , el especialista en MF debe navegar en el «mar de la incertidumbre» y tener la habilidad para preparar el viaje junto a sus pacientes y llegar a un buen puerto de destino. Si son las relaciones con las personas las que nos permiten ir construyendo la MF, si es este «saber-sentir» el que nos permite navegar la incertidumbre, entonces, una de las habilidades importantes para médicos y médicas de familia es conocer las emociones: las de los pacientes y las propias. Y esto nos lleva a otra habilidad necesaria en la formación: la autorreflexión. Según Heath 2 , existe una brecha entre el mapa de la ciencia médica y el territorio del sufrimiento humano, por lo que es necesario establecer conexiones que permitan integrarlos. Nuevamente, aparece la incertidumbre como condición inherente a la MF, donde la integración sería la carta de navegación para fluir en este mar. Pero ¿tienen conciencia nuestros residentes de que están navegando? ¿O por el hecho de estar en el barco sienten la ilusión de la tierra firme? ¿Qué herramientas creen que son necesarias para llegar a buen puerto y, algo no menos importante, disfrutar del viaje? Bauman 3 plantea que vivimos en una «sociedad líquida», con relaciones que fluyen permanentemente y no son capaces de mantener su forma. ¿Cómo se construye la integración, la relación con el otro, la relación médico-paciente en una sociedad líquida? El temor a establecer relaciones duraderas aparece como desafío para la MF. ¿Cómo transmitir a los residentes que esto puede ser la oportunidad de una construcción distinta, y a la vez el «plus» de su especialidad? Aparece el acto de integrar como un desafío apasionante para la formación de médicos y médicas de familia. Formarse en MF en estos tiempos líquidos pasa por la incorporación en espacios permanentes para poder mirar integralmente a la persona, compartir saberes y trabajar en equipo, para establecer relaciones en un marco de continuidad, para liderar cambios. Un especialista en MF se forma en equipo y en comunidad. Desde la comunidad formadora se nos plantea el desafío de no reforzar dicotomías como lo biomédico/lo psicosocial y lo clínico/lo comunitario, y actuar en consecuencia, generando dispositivos que permitan darse cuenta de que el proceso de integración está fluyendo, retroalimentando oportunamente la carta de navegación, fortaleciendo las habilidades relacionales y de liderazgo que potencien a la MF como la especialidad que se mueve cómodamente en el mar de la incertidumbre y que opta por la construcción y fortalecimiento de relaciones con los y las pacientes, las familias, el equipo y la comunidad. Es ahora, en tiempos líquidos, el momento de reivindicar la incertidumbre como motor y como oportunidad de crecimiento. BIBLIOGRAFÍA Gervás J, Pérez M. Reflexiones en Medicina de Familia: Aventuras y desventuras de los navegantes solitarios en el mar de la incertidumbre. Aten Primaria. 2005; 35(2):95-8.
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The use of primary care physicians as gatekeepers to specialists and other medical resources—considered to be a managed care innovation in the United States—has proliferated during the past few decades. Its introduction has been accompanied by a government sponsored programme of research into referrals from primary care (box 1). Findings from these studies may offer insights into how the UK's NHS could shape the gatekeeping function of general practitioners. This article discusses the concept of gatekeeping, contrasts the processes of referral to specialists in the United States and the United Kingdom, examines the mechanisms by which gatekeeping influences resource allocation, and discusses the effects of linking gatekeeping with financial incentives and utilisation review. Summary points Gatekeeping systems have emerged in countries with scarce medical resources Gatekeepers ensure equity by judiciously matching healthcare services, including specialty referrals, to healthcare needs Gatekeeping alters patients' behaviour, increasing levels of first contact care with primary care physicians, thereby reducing patients' self referrals Patients in US health plans with gatekeeping arrangements are twice as likely to be referred to specialist care as their UK counterparts There is little evidence that gatekeeping has had much effect on patients' referral rates in the United States, a healthcare environment rich in specialists Gatekeeping in the United States and the United Kingdom Within modern societies, gatekeepers are positioned between organisations and individuals who wish to use resources within those organisations. Gatekeepers use discretion when determining who will be granted access to these resources. Physician gatekeepers collaborate with patients to identify their healthcare needs and choose services that effectively meet those needs. Public acceptance of gatekeeping is strengthened when there are too few resources to satisfy everyone's demands. In the United Kingdom, where long queues to see specialists are common because specialists are in short supply, the general practitioner gatekeeper has enjoyed widespread support. In the United States, the public perceives the supply of specialised healthcare resources as limitless and accessible to all—hence its dissatisfaction with primary care gatekeepers.2 Box 1: Key research issues at the primary care-specialist care interface1 How do economic incentives and healthcare organisation structure affect the referral behaviour of primary care physicians and specialists?Do economic incentives to refer more or less often lead to changes in patients' outcomes?Is it desirable or even possible to standardise the content and language of the information transferred between referring clinician and specialist through use of communication protocols?How can new technology most effectively be used to improve the process and outcomes of communication at the interface of primary and specialist care?Which specific primary care physician competencies (in knowledge, skills, and attitude) have been proved to have an impact on patients' outcomes?Can the effect of physician competencies be separated from the effects of practice organisation and the healthcare system physicians work in?How do patients regard the referral process?What factors shape patient expectations, preferences, attitudes, and understanding about referrals to specialists, and how are these measured? RETURN TO TEXT Gatekeeping intertwines the roles of physicians and healthcare organisations.3 This enmeshment benefits delivery systems because the population trusts healthcare organisations much less than it trusts doctors. Over time, the newly developed primary care trusts in the United Kingdom will align general practitioners more closely with healthcare organisations. Patients' satisfaction with and trust in their doctors will remain high only if the public believes the trusts are acting on their behalf, rather than making decisions in their own financial interests. In the United States, some of the harshest criticism of gatekeeping has resulted from the public's perception that medical decision making was unduly influenced by financial considerations. Although physicians are gatekeepers to almost all medical resources, their role in managing referral to specialists has been the most controversial aspect of gatekeeping. The US federal government is considering a “patients' bill of rights,” which among its many provisions requires healthcare organisations to give patients freer access to specialists. Some health maintenance organisations which use primary care physicians as gatekeepers to specialists are allowing patients to refer themselves if they are prepared to pay more out of pocket. In Britain, some analysts view the referral process as too loose, asserting that high referral rates have led to inappropriate demands on consultants. Referral guidelines are being considered for improving the appropriateness of general practitioners' referrals and for reducing demand at the interface between primary and specialist care.4 General practitioners' referral patterns will be examined more closely through the introduction of new monitoring systems and unified budgets for primary care trusts.5 Box 2: Types of US health plans and health maintenance organisations Indemnity plans—No physician gatekeeper; unrestricted choice of practitioner; fee for service payment; may use some utilisation review (typically for hospital admissions) Preferred provider organisations—No physician gatekeeper; generally use fee for service payments; patients have financial incentives to use practitioners within a defined network; costs are contained by discounted payments to providers and through some utilisation review Health maintenance organisations—Use primary care physicians as gatekeepers; patients' access to specialists must be “authorised” by the gatekeeper; costs are contained by discounted payments, utilisation review of high cost procedures, and gatekeeping Staff or group model—Physicians either are employed by the health maintenance organisation (staff model) or exclusively contract with a single health maintenance organisation (group model); most commonly they are paid by salary, with bonuses linked to productivity or quality assessments Network model or independent practice association model—The health maintenance organisation contracts with physicians practising in their own offices (network model) or a physician organisation that in turns contracts with physicians (independent practice association model); physicians are free to contract with multiple health maintenance organisations; payment may be through capitation fees or fee for service Point of service plan— Individuals choose a physician gatekeeper; patients have the option of obtaining care approved by the gatekeeper (lowest cost to patient) or referring themselves for care (higher cost to patient) RETURN TO TEXT The US healthcare system has a mixture of health plans (box 2). During the past 20 years, formal gatekeeping (physicians authorising referrals to specialists) proliferated in tandem with the growth of health maintenance organisations. Currently 38% of the US population has a primary care physician who acts as a formal gatekeeper.6 In response to the public's discontent with restricted access to specialists, health maintenance organisations have created new organisational models that weaken the physician gatekeeper function. For example, the point of service plan gives patients the option to use services approved by their gatekeeper or, at increased cost to themselves, to refer themselves to any physician within or outside the plan (but only 5% per year use this option).7 The self referral option gives patients the perception of less restricted access to specialist care, even though most are still referred to specialists by their primary care physician gatekeeper. Access to specialists in point of service plans is partly determined by ability to pay, which raises equity concerns. It seems unlikely that the NHS will consider similar mechanisms for managing demand, as this would require a radical change in the underlying principles of the NHS and the way it is funded. Specialty referral rates During an office visit, patients in either country have approximately equal chances of being referred to a specialist (table). Rates of keeping appointments with specialists are strikingly similar among referred patients in the two countries. However, a third of referrals made from primary care physicians' offices in the United States do not involve a face to face encounter with the patient.9 Many are made during telephone conversations with patients and others are made by non-physician staff, which may be part of an integrated sequence of contacts between patients and physicians and can provide an efficient mechanism for reducing physicians' workload. Inappropriately made, however, such referrals can lead to unnecessary specialist care and increased costs. View this table:View PopupView InlineReferrals to specialists and supply of specialists in United Kingdom and United States Patients in the United States are twice as likely as patients in Britain to see a specialist during any 12 months. This large difference is partly because patients refer themselves more often in the United States, even when they have physician gatekeepers and then must pay for the full costs of care. In the United Kingdom, access to specialists has generally not been possible without a general practitioner's authorisation. General practitioners' exclusive control of the referral process may change as nurse practitioners, nurse specialists, nurse consultants, and staff of NHS walk-in centres gain authority to refer patients. The US experience suggests that this may lead to a substantial increase in rates of referrals to specialists. An important explanation for the differences in referral rates between the United States and the United Kingdom is the greater availability of specialists in the United States. The high referral rates in the United States are certainly one of the contributing causes of the country's exceptionally high healthcare expenditures. Gatekeeping and resource allocation In 1998, European countries with gatekeeping systems spent less on healthcare as a percentage of their gross national product than those that allowed direct access to specialists (7.8% v 8.6%). 12 13 Among European nations and in the United States, more referrals are made by physicians who act as gatekeepers than those who do not. 14 15 Although gatekeeping is associated with a greater range of conditions managed by general practitioners at the point of first contact, it has not been linked to other changes in the diagnostic or management styles of general practitioners or primary care physicians,13 or their coordination of referral care. 15 16 In the United States, patients newly enrolling into gatekeeping health plans are less likely to see a specialist than are others in non-gatekeeping plans with unrestricted access to specialists.17–19 When patients switch out of a gatekeeping plan, there is little short term effect on their patterns of use of specialists.20 In US multispecialty medical groups, gatekeeping systems are not associated with any cost savings.21 Gatekeeping systems have developed in countries with a limited supply of specialists. Studies have shown that countries without gatekeeping (n=5) had an average wait of 8.4 days for a specialist appointment, whereas those with gatekeeping (n=8) had an average wait of 23.2 days. 8 13 Gatekeeping itself therefore does not seem to increase waiting time; rather, it is a logical organisational response to scarcity of specialist within a society. Gatekeeping clearly alters the channels by which patients receive care: it is associated with more first contact with a general practitioner or a primary care physician and, consequently, less self referral. Less certain is whether it changes practitioners' behaviour. There is no compelling evidence that gatekeeping modifies physicians' style of decision making or that primary care physicians apply resources any differently to patients for whom they are a gatekeeper. As regards referrals, this is not surprising, as 75% of the variation in referral rates for specific conditions is attributable to the characteristics of the presenting problem (figure).22 View larger version:In a new windowDownload as PowerPoint SlideVisits to primary care physicians for common medical conditions (yellow), surgical conditions (red), and other conditions (white). Data are from US national ambulatory medical care surveys, 1989-94; axes are on the logarithmic scale. Reprinted with permission22 Financial incentives and utilisation reviews Healthcare organisations in the United States have used financial incentives, such as “specialty withholds” and capitation payments, to reduce referrals to specialists by gatekeepers. Withholds are a mechanism used by healthcare organisations to share financial risk for patients' use of certain types of services with the providers. Specialty withholds are proportions of payments to primary care physicians that are withheld prospectively to cover referral costs. Typically, they range from 10% to 20% of payments, and surpluses are split evenly between clinicians and insurers. In one study, a 10% withhold did not reduce rates of referral.23 Physicians considered the potential loss of income to be a cost of doing business; moreover, the financial risk applied to only a small proportion of the physicians' total practice (most US physicians contract with multiple health plans). Withhold payments would have stronger effects if all a general practitioner's or primary care physician's patients were covered by the financial risk. The recent fundholding experiments in Britain placed increased financial responsibility for health services on general practices. Although an evaluation found fundholding had no effect on overall rates of referral, fundholding practices did have a slower rate of rise in referral rates than non-fundholding practices.24 An important conceptual problem with tying financial incentives to referral rates is that the number of referrals tells us nothing about their appropriateness, even if the results are adjusted for the health status of the population. Furthermore, incentives may provoke ethical conflicts when physicians weigh benefits to the patient against loss of income or the health services their organisation can offer. There is little information on whether capitation fees influence the process of referral to specialists. In a national study of the referral practices of US physicians, our research group found that paying physicians by capitation fees did not influence rates of referral, although it was associated with more referrals made for discretionary indications.11 Capitation payments may act at the margins of primary care physicians' scope of practice, increasing the likelihood that health problems which could be managed either in primary care or by a specialist are referred. In recognition of these incentives, some US medical groups have developed blended payment systems that combine capitation fees to primary care physicians with fee for service payments for procedures that straddle the boundaries between primary care physicians' and specialists' practice. In the United States, referral guidelines have not been associated with any substantive impact on physicians' referral rates. On the other hand, primary care physicians and patients have ample experience with review of referral requests (utilisation review) by health plans and in some cases by medical groups. Utilisation review programmes generally apply guidelines retrospectively. In some cases, the review leads to denying a referral request, although this is uncommon. Utilisation reviews shift some gatekeeping authority from the doctor-patient relationship to the healthcare organisation. This two tiered gatekeeping arrangement is cumbersome; it has created substantial dissatisfaction with health care on the part of both patients and physicians; and, it is not clearly associated with any cost savings. One strategy that holds great promise for altering general practitioners' and primary care physicians' referral behaviour relies on decision support—using electronic medical records to integrate referral guidelines that specify timing of referral, the investigations that should be done before referral, and the expectations of the consultant. Conclusions A recent editorial in the New York Times expressed a sentiment common in the United States: that gatekeeping is a failed experiment by managed care organisations.2 On the front line delivery of health care, the primary care gatekeeper has become the lightning rod for consumers' discontent with healthcare delivery. There is no question but that patients value the input of their primary care physicians into medical decisions. At issue is how to manage patients' demand for specialist care in a healthcare environment rich in specialists that promotes expectations for direct access and reliance on invasive technologies over less invasive primary care interventions. Many UK analysts assert that gatekeeping is responsible for the country's low healthcare expenditures relative to other European nations. Although it is true that countries with gatekeeping systems spend less on health care than those without such management of referrals, gatekeeping is not directly responsible for the lower costs. Rather, gatekeeping systems have emerged in societies with scarcer healthcare resources. The lower costs are a function of supply side controls, rather than demand management at the primary care-specialty care interface. Cost arguments aside, primary care gatekeeping provides an important filter to specialist care. Patients who go directly to specialists are less likely to be ill, increasing the chances that diagnostic and therapeutic procedures will be applied inappropriately and outcomes will be threatened. Despite consumerist trends in most developed nations, patients will continue to need primary care practitioners to guide them through an increasingly complex healthcare system and to assure an equitable distribution of resources by matching services to healthcare needs. Footnotes This is the second of four articles in a series edited by Andrew Bindman and Azeem Majeed Funding CBF was supported in part by an independent scientist award from the Agency for Healthcare Research and Quality, Department of Health and Human Services. Competing interests None declared.References1.↵Research at the interface of primary and specialty care: conference summary. http://www.ahrq.gov/research/interovr.htm (accessed 24 Feb 2003)2.↵A verdict on gatekeepers [editorial]. New York Times 2001 Nov 15: 30.3.↵Mechanic D, Schlesinger M. The impact of managed care on patients' trust in medical care and their physicians. JAMA 1996; 275: 1693–1697OpenUrlFREE Full Text4.↵National Institute for Clinical Excellence. Referral practice—a guide to appropriate referral from general to specialist services. London: NICE, 2000. http://www.nice.org.uk/article.asp?a=1178 (accessed 24 Feb 2003).5.↵Majeed A, Malcolm L. Unified budgets for primary care groups. BMJ 1999; 318: 772–776OpenUrlFREE Full Text6.↵Kaiser Family Foundation and Health Research Education Trust. Employer health benefits: 2000 annual survey. http://www.kff.org/docs/ehbs (accessed 24 Feb 2003).7.↵Forrest CB, Weiner JP, Fowles J, Frick K, Vogeli C, Lemke K, et al. Self-referral in point-of-service plans. JAMA 2001; 285: 2223–2231OpenUrlFREE Full Text8.↵Fleming DM. The European study of referrals from primary to secondary care. Report to the Concerted Action Committee of Health Services Research for the European Community. Bristol: Royal College of General Practitioners, 1992. (No 56.)9.↵Forrest CB, Nutting P, Starfield B, von Schrader S. Family physicians' referral decisions: results from the ASPN referral study. J Fam Pract 2002; 51: 215–222OpenUrlMedlineWeb of Science10.Forrest CB, Majeed A, Weiner JP, Carroll K, Bindman AB. Specialty referral rates in the United Kingdom versus United States. BMJ 2002; 325: 370–371OpenUrlFREE Full Text11.↵Stoddard J, Sekscenski E, Weiner J. The physician workforce: broadening the search for solutions. Health Affairs 1998; 17: 252–257OpenUrlMedline12.↵Anderson GF, Hurst J, Hussey PS, Jee-Hughes M. Health spending and outcomes: trends in OECD countries, 1960–1998. Health Affairs 2000; 19: 150–157OpenUrlFREE Full Text13.↵Boerma WG, van der Zee J, Fleming DM. Service profiles of general practitioners in Europe. European GP Task Profile Study. Br J Gen Pract 1997; 47: 481–486OpenUrlMedlineWeb of Science14.↵Gervas J, Perez FM, Starfield BH. Primary care, financing and gatekeeping in western Europe. Fam Pract 1994; 11: 307–317OpenUrlFREE Full Text15.↵Forrest CB, Glade GB, Starfield B, Baker A, Kang M, Reid RJ. Gatekeeping and referral of children and adolescents to specialty care. Pediatrics 1999; 104: 28–34OpenUrlFREE Full Text16.↵Forrest CB, Nutting P, Starfield B, von Schrader S, Rohde C. Managed health plan effects on the specialty referral process: results from the ASPN referral study. Med Care 2003; 41: 242–253OpenUrlCrossRefMedlineWeb of Science17.↵Martin DP, Diehr P, Price KF, Richardson WC. Effect of a gatekeeper plan on health services use and charges: a randomized trial. Am J Public Health 1989; 79: 1628–1632OpenUrlFREE Full Text18.Hurley RE, Freund DA, Gage BJ. Gatekeeper effects on patterns of physician use. J Fam Pract 1991; 32: 167–174OpenUrlMedlineWeb of Science19.↵Ferris TG, Perrin JM, Manganello JA, Chang Y, Causino N, Blumenthal D. Switching to gatekeeping: changes in expenditures and utilization for children. Pediatrics 2001; 108: 283–290OpenUrlFREE Full Text20.↵Ferris TG, Chang Y, Blumenthal D, Pearson SD. Leaving gatekeeping behind—effects of opening access to specialists for adults in a health maintenance organization. N Engl J Med 2001; 345: 1312–1317OpenUrlCrossRefMedlineWeb of Science21.↵Kralewski JE, Rich EC, Feldman R, Dowd BE, Bernhardt T, Johnson C, et al. The effects of medical group practice and physician payment methods on costs of care. Heatlth Serv Res 2000; 35: 591–613OpenUrl22.↵Forrest CB, Reid RJ. Prevalence of health problems and primary care physicians' specialty referral decisions. J Fam Pract 2001; 50: 427–432OpenUrlMedlineWeb of Science23.↵Moore SH, Martin DP, Richardson WC. Does the primary-care gatekeeper control the costs of health care? Lessons from the SAFECO experience. N Engl J Med 1983; 309: 1400–1404OpenUrlMedlineWeb of Science24.↵Surender R, Bradlow J, Coulter A, Doll H, Brown SS. Prospective study of trends in referral patterns in fundholding and non-fundholding practices in the Oxford region, 1990–4. BMJ 1995; 311: 1205–1208OpenUrlFREE Full Text
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Ahlbom A, Norell S. Introduction to modern epidemiology. Chestnut Hill, MA: Epidemiology Resources, 1984.