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The office candy dish: Proximity's influence on estimated and actual consumption

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Objective and purpose: Although there is increasing interest in how environmental factors influence food intake, there are mixed results and misunderstandings of how proximity and visibility influence consumption volume and contribute to obesity. The objective of this paper is to examine two questions: first, how does the proximity and salience of a food influence consumption volume? Second, are proximate foods consumed more frequently because they are proximate, or are they consumed more frequently because people lose track of how much they eat? Research methods and procedures: The 4-week study involved the chocolate candy consumption of 40 adult secretaries. The study utilized a 2 x 2 within-subject design where candy proximity was crossed with visibility. Proximity was manipulated by placing the chocolates on the desk of the participant or 2 m from the desk. Visibility was manipulated by placing the chocolates in covered bowls that were either clear or opaque. Chocolates were replenished each evening, and placement conditions were rotated every Monday. Daily consumption was noted and follow-up questionnaires were distributed and analyzed. Results: There were main effects for both proximity and visibility. People ate an average of 2.2 more candies each day when they were visible, and 1.8 candies more when they were proximately placed on their desk vs 2 m away. It is important to note, however, that there was a significant tendency for participants to consistently underestimate their daily consumption of proximately placed candies (-0.9) and overestimate their daily consumption of less proximately placed candies (+0.5). Discussion: These results show that the proximity and visibility of a food can consistently increase an adult's consumption of it. In addition, these results suggest that people may be biased to overestimate the consumption of foods that are less proximate, and to underestimate those that are more proximate. Knowing about these deviation tendencies is important for those attempting effectively monitor their consumption of fat and sugar.
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SHORT COMMUNICATION
The office candy dish: proximity’s influence on
estimated and actual consumption
B Wansink
1
, JE Painter
2
and Y-K Lee
3
1
Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA;
2
Eastern Illinois University, Charleston, IL, USA and
3
Kyungpook National University,
South Korea
Objective and purpose: Although there is increasing interest in how environmental factors influence food intake, there are
mixed results and misunderstandings of how proximity and visibility influence consumption volume and contribute to obesity.
The objective of this paper is to examine two questions: first, how does the proximity and salience of a food influence
consumption volume? Second, are proximate foods consumed more frequently because they are proximate, or are they
consumed more frequently because people lose track of how much they eat?
Research methods and procedures: The 4-week study involved the chocolate candy consumption of 40 adult secretaries. The
study utilized a 2 2 within-subject design where candy proximity was crossed with visibility. Proximity was manipulated by
placing the chocolates on the desk of the participant or 2 m from the desk. Visibility was manipulated by placing the chocolates
in covered bowls that were either clear or opaque. Chocolates were replenished each evening, and placement conditions were
rotated every Monday. Daily consumption was noted and follow-up questionnaires were distributed and analyzed.
Results: There were main effects for both proximity and visibility. People ate an average of 2.2 more candies each day when they
were visible, and 1.8 candies more when they were proximately placed on their desk vs 2 m away. It is important to note,
however, that there was a significant tendency for participants to consistently underestimate their daily consumption of
proximately placed candies (0.9) and overestimate their daily consumption of less proximately placed candies ( þ 0.5).
Discussion: These results show that the proximity and visibility of a food can consistently increase an adult’s consumption of it.
In addition, these results suggest that people may be biased to overestimate the consumption of foods that are less proximate,
and to underestimate those that are more proximate. Knowing about these deviation tendencies is important for those
attempting effectively monitor their consumption of fat and sugar.
International Journal of Obesity (2006) 30, 871–875. doi:10.1038/sj.ijo.0803217; published online 17 January 2006
Keywords: consumption; proximity; convenience visibility; candy; estimation; salience; food intake
Introduction
Clinicians and health professionals want to understand the
determinants of consumption volume as a foundation for
effective nutrition education and counseling.
1
Although
taste,
2,3
mood,
4,5
stress,
6
social context,
7
and role models
8
have been shown to influence consumption volume, it is not
clear how a food’s proximity or visibility influences how
much one consumes and how much one believes he/she has
consumed. Existing findings related to proximity and
visibility are largely inconsistent.
For instance, when comparing food storage habits in
homes of obese and non-obese families, Terry and Beck’s
9
first study showed food to be more visible in the homes of
obese families, but their second study showed the opposite.
A more recent experiment
10
indicated that accessible food
is often eaten more frequently, but there was no systematic
evidence whether this was related to poor consumption
monitoring or simply due to the convenience of the product.
Some indirect evidence exists that highly salient, stock-
piled and accessible foods are eaten more frequently than
less salient foods.
11
Yet this was only found to be the case
with convenient-to-consume foods such as chips, granola
and juice and was not with less convenient-to-consume
foods such as popcorn, soup and refrigerated cookie dough.
Although such results suggest that consumption conveni-
ence can lead to increases in consumption frequency, it may
be that proximate foods can be consumed with an increased
frequency because they are more quickly consumed and
more easily forgotten. Developmental psychology has shown
that the more effort or time invested in a unique activity, the
Received 22 September 2004; revised 23 March 2005; accepted 6 June 2005;
published online 17 January 2006
Correspondence: Dr B Wansink, Cornell Food and Brand Laboratory, Cornell
University, 110 Warren Hall, Ithaca, NY, 14853, USA.
E-mail: wansink@cornell.edu
International Journal of Obesity (2006) 30, 871875
&
2006 Nature Publishing Group All rights reserved 0307-0565/06
$
30.00
www.nature.com/ijo
more it is likely to be recalled.
12
As an analogue, it may be
that a person who has to walk to another table each time
he/she wants a snack may be more likely to remember how
many snacks they have eaten compared to a person who
only has to reach for a snack that is in a bowl in front of
them.
This raises two questions that are relevant for clinicians,
dieters and nutritionally conscious individuals. First, do
people eat more when a food is within sight, or when it
is within reach? Second, are increases in proximity-driven
consumption associated with systematic biases in how much
people believe they have eaten?
Methods
The participants were 40 female staff members (42.2711.3
years) from across six different departments at the University
of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. Staff members were
recruited by an e-mail which asked them whether they
would be involved in a study related to candy. In exchange,
they were told they would be given a free candy dish filled
with chocolates and a $10 gift certificate to a local restaurant
(the Spice Box).
Those who claimed to typically consume three or more
pieces of candy each week were personally contacted and
told they would be periodically asked about their candy
preferences over a 4-week period. They were also told that
as a thank you, they would be given individually wrapped
chocolates (candy ‘kisses’) over that time period with the
only stimulation being that because of ‘cost constraints’ they
could not share them with others or take them home. They
were told that there were a number of people involved in the
study and that their candy dishes would be rotated with
others at the end of every week and that it might even
change places in their office. They were asked to leave the
bowl wherever it might be relocated.
The study utilized a 2 2 within-subject design with
repeated measures where visibility (visible vs non-visible)
was crossed with the proximity (proximate vs less proximate)
of the food’s location relative to each participant. Visibility
was manipulated by placing the chocolates in covered bowls
that were either clear or opaque. Proximity was manipulated
by placing the chocolates on the desk of the participant or
2 m from the desk of the participant at roughly the same
level as desk level. A distance of 2 m was chosen because it
was just out of reach of the participants and necessitated
them to stand up to get the candy.
10
It should be noted that
making an opaque bowl more proximate, might also make
the candy more salient when in the clear bowl. In general,
this form of salience is more one of salience than of visibility
at small distances of 0.5 m vs 2 m.
In the first week of the study, participants were divided
into four chocolate–placement conditions of 10 people each:
(1) proximate and visible, (2) proximate and non-visible, (3)
less proximate and visible and (4) less proximate and non-
visible. In each condition, the participants were given a
lidded container holding 30 chocolates (candy ‘kisses’).
During each day of the 4 weeks of this study, 30 chocolates
were placed in 20 clear containers and 20 opaque containers
and delivered to the 40 participants. The containers were
replenished every afternoon after 1900 hours. They were kept
in the same location for four consecutive business days
(Monday to Thursday). Because of irregular Friday schedules
(owing to flex-time), no intake data were collected on Friday.
On the next test day, the Monday of the following week, the
containers were rotated for each participant. The procedure
was repeated at the end of the first, second and third week,
and the study was completed on the Friday of the fourth week.
Researchers kept a daily record of the number of chocolates
consumed from each container. Comparisons were made of
the data collected from each location during the study
period. The within-subject factor was the proximity and
visibility of the chocolates; the 4 days in each location were
treated as repeated measures within each condition.
At the end of each week, on a Friday morning, each
participant was given a questionnaire which asked them how
much they thought they had eaten over the entire week and
which asked them their perceptions about the chocolates
(‘it was difficult to resist eating them,’ ‘I thought of eating
chocolates often,’ etc.) on 9-point scales (1 ¼ strongly
disagree to 9 ¼ strongly agree). Over the 4 days for each of
the 4 weeks, 16 consumption observations were obtained for
each of the 40 participants. To insure that the data collected
would be anonymous, the Human Subjects Committee
suggested that measures of height and weight not be
collected. As a result, it was not possible to determine the
body mass index (BMI) of the participants and to use this in
analyses.
The data about actual and perceived chocolate consump-
tion were analyzed across the four conditions using two-way
multiple analysis of variance with repeated measures (SPSS
10.2). As indicated in Table 1, manipulation checks for both
proximity and visibility indicated they were successfully
implemented as experimental conditions.
Results
As a baseline, when the candies were less visible and less
proximate, the average person ate 3.1 candies each day.
When the bowl was more visible and more proximate,
however, intake increased (see Figure 1). People ate an
average of 2.5 more candies each day when they were less
proximate but visible (5.6 vs 3.1; Po0.05), 1.5 more when
the were proximate but non-visible (4.6 vs 3.8; Po0.05) and
4.6 more when less proximate and visible (7.7 vs 3.1;
Po0.05). These results help corroborate the initial hypo-
theses of Terry and Beck
9
regarding the effects of visibility, as
well as the findings of Hearn et al.
13
regarding convenience.
At the same time, they also show the additive effects of the
interaction between visibility and proximity.
The office candy dish
B Wansink et al
872
International Journal of Obesity
It is also important to note that the proximity of a food
biased participant’s estimates of how much they thought
they ate. Participants had tendencies to underestimate how
many candies they ate when the food was proximate and to
overestimate how many they ate when less proximate.
Across both the visible and non-visible conditions, partici-
pants ate an average of 6.1 candies each day when they were
proximate, but they believed they ate an average of 5.2. In
contrast, when the candy was less proximate, participants
ate an average of 4.3 candies, but believed they ate 4.8. This
tendency to underestimate the consumption of proximately
placed candies (0.9) and to overestimate the consumption
of less proximately placed candies ( þ 0.5) were both
significant (Po0.05).
The visibility and proximity of candies also influenced
perceptions of chocolate consumption (recall Table 1).
Regardless of whether participants could actually see the
chocolates, chocolates that were sitting on the desk (vs 2 m
from the desk) were rated as being more difficult to resist
(4.5 vs 2.7; Po0.05), as more attention-attracting (4.7 vs 2.8;
Po0.05). Visibility showed similar effects. Compared to
candies in opaque containers, candies in clear containers
were rated as being more difficult to resist (4.1 vs 3.1;
Po0.05) and as more attention-attracting (4.3 vs 3.0;
Po0.05).
One potential concern with within-subject designs is
that of possible demand effects when a person experiences
the different conditions of an experiment. To assess
whether this is a serious concern, the comparison of all
4 weeks of data was compared with that for only the first
week, when each participant was exposed to only one
condition. The basic pattern of the intake results for this
first week was consistent with the aggregate pattern for
the entire 4 weeks. A two-way between-subject analysis of
variance (with repeated measures) indicated a main effect
for both proximity (Po0.5) and a marginal effect for
visibility (Po0.10). This provides confidence that the
influence over the 4 weeks was of a similar nature and
not attributable to demand effects. Furthermore, if there
were demand effects, they would have been more likely to
make the results less significant and not as strong as the
effects found here.
When the candies were 6 feet away from the desk, people
ate more candies but tended to underestimate the number
they had eaten. This raises the issue as to whether this
decrease in consumption occurred because of the distance
itself or because the underestimation that accompanied it.
To examine this, a mediation analysis was conducted using
estimated consumption as a mediator between proximity
and consumption.
14
In conducting this analysis, it was
found that proximity had a direct influence on both
consumption (Po0.05) and on estimation (Po0.05), but
the influence of estimation on intake was not significant
(Po0.20). Furthermore, when consumption estimation was
included in a regression of proximity on to consumption,
the impact of proximity remained significant (Po0.05).
These results indicate that even though the consumption of
a distant object is overestimated, this bias cannot account for
the effect this distance had on reducing intake.
Table 1 Influence of proximity and visibility on processing measures
Proximate (placed on-desk) Less proximate (placed 2 m from desk)
Visible (clear bowl) Non-visible (opaque bowl) Visible (clear bowl) Non-visible (opaque bowl)
It was difficult to resist eating them 4.9672.55
a,b,c
3.9172.39
a,b
3.1772.12
a
2.3071.72
I thought of eating the chocolates often 4.7872.50
a,b,c
3.7472.26
a,b
3.1372.36
a
2.3571.94
I actually forgot they were around 3.1372.47
a,b,c
4.3973.07
a,b
5.4872.66
a
6.4873.06
They kept attracting my attention 5.3572.99
a,b,c
3.9672.38
a,b
3.3072.08
a
2.0471.55
They were very convenient to eat 7.6571.92
a,b,c
5.6172.33
a,b
3.8372.46
a
2.5272.00
They were easy to eat 7.7071.89
a,b,c
6.1371.98
a,b
4.5272.56
a
3.8672.69
They were visible 8.0971.83
a,b,c
2.9672.48
a,b
5.5272.78
a
1.8271.80
It took little effort to get one 8.0471.87
a,b,c
6.7072.10
a,b
4.5772.86
a
3.8272.77
Mean7s.d. Scale 1 ¼ strongly disagree to 9 ¼ strongly agree.
a
Significantly different from the non-visible and less proximate condition (Po0.05).
b
Significantly
different from the visible and less proximate condition (Po0.05).
c
Significantly different from the non-visible and proximate condition (Po0.05).
7.7
6.5
4.6
3.8
5.6
6.1
3.1
3.5
0
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
Proximate &
Visible
Proximate &
Non-Visible
Less Proximate &
Visible
Less Proximate &
Non-Visible
Actual Number of
Candies Consumed
Estimated Number of
Candies Consumed
Number of Candies Consumed
Proximity and Visibility
of the Cand
y
Figure 1 The impact of proximity on actual and estimated candy
consumption.
The office candy dish
B Wansink et al
873
International Journal of Obesity
What then explains how distance influences consump-
tion? Whereas distance and effort would explain why
consumption is decreased,
15
debriefing interviews indicated
an additional explanation. Although some participants
noted the lack of convenience as being a consideration
when they decided whether to eat a chocolate, 26 of 40
(65%) noted that having 2 m between them and the candy
gave them an extra second to pause and reconsider
whether they were really hungry enough to want (or need)
another candy. This notion that extra effort can help
facilitate cognitive control is a finding that was unexpected
and would not have been revealed if this was being
investigated with commonly studied animal models, such
as rats.
16
Interestingly, the corresponding explanation as to why
distance also tended to cause people to overestimate how
much they had consumed was explored in debriefing
interviews. When the candies were sitting on one’s desk,
these interviews indicated that a person typically retrieved
one candy kiss at a time and ate one candy kiss at a time.
When the candies were sitting 2 m away, participants often
reported retrieving two (or more) candies at a time. They
opened the candy jar less often, but they took more because
of the increased effort. As a result, when they estimated how
many candies they ate when the dish was 2 m away, they
typically estimated the number of times they retrieved
candies and multiplied this by two. If combined with
instances when they only retrieved one, this would lead to
an overestimation of how much they had consumed over the
course of the week.
Discussion
In extending other findings,
8,10
these results underscore that
the proximity and visibility of a food can consistently
increase an adult’s consumption of it. Yet although they
ate more, they also tended to underestimate the amount
they had eaten when the candies were proximate and visible.
This is consistent with past work that a basic availability bias
causes people to over-represent or overestimate the inci-
dence or quantity of items that are more salient (or available)
in memory.
17
Such a bias can lead people to overestimate the
consumption of those foods that are less proximate to obtain
(or to prepare), and to underestimate or forget those that
were more proximate to consume.
18
This has important implications for people who are trying
to be accurate in monitoring and controlling their intake of
food. These results underscore that people need to take a
food’s visibility and proximity into account when they try
and estimate their prior consumption of it. In general, a food
that is less proximate to consume say cookies in the
cupboard vs those on the counter may be over-consumed
relative to what one might think (or recall).
Furthermore, understanding this bias has implications for
researchers studying consumption data and diary panels.
These findings emphasize that it is important to account for
the visibility and proximity of foods because not doing so
can lead to biased consumption recall studies and biased
diary panel estimates. One way to do this is to ask people
to rate the visibility and proximity of the foods under
investigation. These ratings can then be used as either
covariates or can be used as blocking or segmentation
variables.
19
Whereas the tendency to underestimate one’s consump-
tion of a proximate food may be a general tendency across
people, obese people may be more motivated to deny what
they have eaten than non-obese people. That is, although
there may be a gap in everyone’s estimation of proximate
foods, some populations may be more extreme in their bias
than others. Although measures of BMI were not able to have
been taken in this study, if such a relationship does exist, it
would most likely found in future studies that use within-
subject designs in field situations.
Encouragingly, if visibility and proximity increase the
consumption of chocolate, it may also work for healthier
foods, such as raw fruits or vegetables.
20
What makes the
candy dish nutritionally dangerous, might bring the fruit
bowl back in vogue.
Acknowledgements
Special thanks to Paula for her help in data collection.
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... L'emballage transparent a également un impact sur la consommation alimentaire, à savoir sur la quantité de nourriture consommée. Selon des études menées par Wansink et al. (2006), la 90 présentation de bonbons dans des bocaux transparents a entraîné une consommation nettement plus élevée comparativement à celle dans des bocaux opaques. L'effet était tellement fort que les consommateurs ont admis qu'il était plus difficile de résister aux bonbons jugés plus attrayants lorsqu'ils étaient présentés dans un bocal transparent que lorsqu'ils étaient présentés dans un bocal opaque (Wansink et al., 2006). ...
... Selon des études menées par Wansink et al. (2006), la 90 présentation de bonbons dans des bocaux transparents a entraîné une consommation nettement plus élevée comparativement à celle dans des bocaux opaques. L'effet était tellement fort que les consommateurs ont admis qu'il était plus difficile de résister aux bonbons jugés plus attrayants lorsqu'ils étaient présentés dans un bocal transparent que lorsqu'ils étaient présentés dans un bocal opaque (Wansink et al., 2006). Le même effet s'est produit lorsque les participants ont reçu des sandwichs: la consommation du sandwich était plus importante dans un conditionnement transparent que dans un conditionnement opaque (Johnson, 1974). ...
... Selon une autre étude de Deng et Srinivasan (2013), il a été constaté que les consommateurs consommaient nettement plus de produits dans des emballages transparents lorsqu'ils contenaient un en-cas visuellement attrayant par rapport à un emballage opaque. En effet, la saillance des aliments favorisent la faim (Wansink et al., 2006;Wansink, 2004). Cependant, l'emballage transparent présente un paradoxe. ...
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Dans un contexte anxiogène lié aux diverses et successives crises alimentaires, les consommateurs sont devenus plus soucieux de leur santé, se préoccupant de plus en plus de ce qu'ils mangent et de ce qu'ils boivent se traduisant par une demande croissante de vouloir voir le produit avant de prendre leur décision d’achat. Ce travail doctoral examine l’impact de la transparence de l’emballage et de la texture d’un produit alimentaire sur l’évaluation d’un produit. Un plan expérimental a été retenu, avec 3 conditions de transparence (opaque, semi-transparent, transparent) et deux conditions de texture visuelle du produit (rugueux vs. lisse). L’influence du degré de transparence de l’emballage et de la texture d’un produit est étudiée au moyen de trois études par une approche aux méthodes variées, à savoir 3 types de produits différents (compote de pomme, confiture de fraise et cookie au chocolat), la manipulation de la transparence de manière graduelle et l’utilisation de différents types de matériaux (emballage en verre, emballage en plastique). Les résultats de cette recherche prêchent en faveur de l’utilisation des emballages transparents et montrent que plus l’emballage est transparent, plus le produit est perçu sain, de qualité et de confiance, ce qui apporte des réponses aux managers et aux politiques publiques qui souhaitent positionner leurs nouveaux produits alimentaires selon l’axe « santé » mais aussi restaurer ou encore améliorer cette relation de confiance avec les consommateurs.
... Accessibility, which refers to the ease with which the target of a nudge can be accessed in the environment, has been found to be one of the most important situational cues to engender behavioral changes (Cole et al., 2021;Rozin et al., 2011;Wansink et al., 2006). ...
... Targets of nudges can be made less accessible by decreasing their proximity or visibility. In a study of candy consumption among university staff members, Wansink et al. (2006) manipulated proximity by placing candies directly on the participant's desk or two meters Nudging and Academic Cheating This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved. ...
Article
Cheating is a common human behavior but few studies have examined its emergence during early childhood. In three preregistered studies, a challenging math test was administered to 5- to 6-year-old children (total N = 500; 255 girls). An answer key was present as children completed the test, but they were instructed to not peek at it. In Study 1, many children cheated, but manipulations that reduced the answer key's accessibility in terms of proximity and visibility led to less cheating. Two follow-up studies showed that the answer key's visibility played a more significant role than its proximity. These findings suggest that subtle and seemingly insignificant alterations of the physical environment can effectively nudge young children away from acting dishonestly. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved
... First, salience appears to increase consumption. By way of making foodstuffs salient, seeing attractive food increases consumers' desire for it as well as their likelihood to consume it (Deng and Srinivasan 2013;Marcelino et al. 2001;Wansink, Painter, and Lee 2006). From this perspective, a good proportion of food advertising effects may be simply due to calling attention to food products. ...
Thesis
The consequences of unhealthy eating are one of today’s most important societal issues. Accordingly, a growing area of research has started to examine how marketer-controlled variables impact food consumption. In this dissertation, I first highlight how food consumption research may benefit from more targeted research from a theoretical lens of motivated reasoning. Then, I empirically examine how two specific marketing actions—serving food to consumers versus letting them serve themselves, and serving portions that lead to larger versus smaller amounts of food leftovers—influence the extent to which consumers can downplay unhealthy eating, which in turn encourages unhealthier choices and behaviors. Focusing on processes that take place when consumers obtain their food, I find that whether oneself (versus a server) serves the food determines the opportunity for self-serving attribution of responsibility for one’s eating, such that being served enables, but serving oneself disables, rejection of responsibility. Through rejecting responsibility, and consequently feeling better about oneself, being served food encourages consumers to choose unhealthy options as well as larger portions. Examining the period after consumers have completed their meal, I find that larger (versus smaller) amounts of food leftovers reduce perceived consumption, which improves consumers’ self-evaluative feelings and dampens their motivation to compensate for their food consumption, as manifested in greater consumption and lesser exercise effort subsequently. Theoretical contributions and managerial and policy implications are discussed.
... Simple changes to the choice architecture which leave the overall freedom of choice of individuals unaltered -'nudges' in the terminology of behavioural economics -have also proven effective in changing nutrition behaviour (Liu et al. 2014). Examples of effective nudges include the placement of low-calorie options on the first page of a restaurant's menu (Downs, Loewenstein, and Wisdom 2009) or storing sweets in opaque rather than transparent containers (Wansink, Painter, and Lee 2006). four independent studies relating to the different research gaps identified above. ...
Thesis
As of today approximately 3.19 billion people worldwide, i.e. 42 percent of the world’s population, are malnourished. Out of them 811 million are undernourished and 2.38 billion people are overweight or obese. Both undernutrition and overnutrition are a health risk for the affected individuals, and lower their productive capacities and labour market perspectives. This thesis provides evidence on how public policy can create an incentive architecture which is conducive to healthy nutrition behaviour in low and middle income countries (LMICs). The first paper analyses whether the conditional cash transfer programme Bolsa Familia in Brazil has influenced food consumption and nutritional outcomes among its beneficiaries. The results show that the bulk of the cash transfers is spent on food, with a disproportionate increase in the consumption of dairy and sugary products, but no overall impact on overweight and obesity. The second paper investigates whether the free health insurance programme Seguro Popular in Mexico has altered nutritional choices and outcomes among lowincome families in Mexico. The analysis suggests that the programme has increased obesity among those who were already overweight at baseline, and that beneficiaries have reduced the consumption of carbohydrates in favour of meat. The third paper focuses on the importance of gender norms in determining nutritional outcomes and describes the growing disparities in obesity rates between women and men. It shows that female empowerment leads to lower gender obesity gaps in a worldwide sample of countries, but that this effect is entirely driven by the MENA region. The fourth paper focuses on peer effects and social learning. It assesses the impact of a behaviour change campaign to reduce child malnutrition in Mozambique. The paper shows that the programme did not only improve nutritional practices among the programme’s participants, but also among untreated neighbours, suggesting the presence of social learning effects.
... The literature has documented that packaging transparency can influence trust and product quality [64]. When the package content is visually appealing, transparent packages are more trustworthy and generate higher purchase intent [65,66]. The same is not valid for cooked vegetables, i.e., if consumers do not appreciate the visual appeal, purchase intention is reduced [67]. ...
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A working paper in the INSEAD Working Paper Series is intended as a means whereby a faculty researcher's thoughts and findings may be communicated to interested readers. The paper should be considered preliminary in nature and may require revision.
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