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The skull from tomb II at Vergina: King Philip II of Macedon

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Because the techniques and the approach described in this paper are perhaps unfamiliar to readers of this Journal, we offer a short introduction on the background to the project. In 1979, after working on the Egyptian mummies in Manchester as part of the Manchester Museum Mummy Research Project, one of us (R. A. H. N.) felt it would be interesting to attempt the reconstruction of some Greek skulls. It seemed that the technique offered interesting new possibilities in the study of Greek portraiture, quite apart from the fascination of an objective method of tackling the appearance of the ancient Greeks. That the very first skull on which we were able to work proved to be such an intriguing one was a stroke of good fortune arising out of the Society's centenary celebrations, when I had the opportunity of discussing the project first with Dr N. Yalouris, and then at his suggestion with Professor M. Andronicos. It is to the latter's great generosity that we owe the privilege of working with a skull that proved much more exciting than even we had anticipated: from the detailed study of the bones that the reconstruction entailed, set against the historical and archaeological evidence, we found that we could not merely reconstruct the dead man's appearance, but provide evidence for his medical history and his military career which identified him (in our view conclusively) as Philip II: we could in fact answer for Professor Andronicos the question that has hung over these tombs at Vergina since he first discovered them in 1977, and identify for him the occupant of the main chamber of Tomb II, the most important of them.
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The Skull from Tomb II at Vergina: King Philip II of Macedon
Author(s): Jonathan H. Musgrave, R. A. H. Neave, A. J. N. W. Prag
Source:
The Journal of Hellenic Studies,
Vol. 104 (1984), pp. 60-78
Published by: The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/630280
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Journal
of
Hellenic Studies
civ
(1984)
60-78
THE
SKULL
FROM TOMB
II AT
VERGINA:
KING
PHILIP II OF
MACEDON
(PLATES II-VII)
INTRODUCTION
BECAUSE the
techniques
and the
approach
described
in this
paper
are
perhaps
unfamiliar
to
readers of this
Journal,
we offer
a
short introduction
on the
background
to
the
project.'
In
1979,
after
working
on the
Egyptian
mummies
in
Manchester
as
part
of the Manchester
Museum
Mummy
Research
Project,
one of us
(R.
A.
H.
N.)
felt it would be
interesting
to
attempt
the
reconstruction of
some
Greek skulls.
It
seemed that
the
technique
offered
interesting
new
possibilities
in
the
study
of Greek
portraiture, quite
apart
from the fascination
of an
objective
method
of
tackling
the
appearance
of
the
ancient
Greeks. That
the
very
first
skull on which
we
were able
to work
proved
to be such an
intriguing
one was a
stroke
of
good
fortune
arising
out
of
the
Society's centenary
celebrations,
when
I
had the
opportunity
of
discussing
the
project
first
with
Dr
N.
Yalouris,
and then at his
suggestion
with Professor
M.
Andronicos.2
It
is
to
the
latter's
great
generosity
that we owe the
privilege
of
working
with
a
skull that
proved
much
more
exciting
than even
we had
anticipated:
from
the detailed
study
of
the bones
that
the
reconstruction
entailed,
set
against
the historical and
archaeological
evidence,
we found that we
could not
merely
reconstruct the
dead man's
appearance,
but
provide
evidence for his
medical
history
and his
military
career which identified
him
(in
our
view
conclusively)
as
Philip
II:
we
could
in
fact
answer for
Professor Andronicos the
question
that has
hung
over
these tombs
at
Vergina
since he first discovered them
in
1977,
and
identify
for him
the
occupant
of the
main
chamber
of Tomb
II,
the most
important
of
them.3
A.
J.
N.
W. P.
1
A
condensed version of this
paper
was
presented
at
the
Twelfth
International
Congress
of
Classical
Archae-
ology
in
Athens
in
September
1983
and will
be
published
in
the
Congress
Acta;
aside from
press reports,
an
illustrated
summary
account
of
the
project,
with
a
colour
photograph
of the
final
reconstruction,
appeared
in
Popular
Archaeology
v.
9
(March
1984)
8-II
and
cover. We
have also
severally
described
aspects
of
the
work
in
lectures
given
in
Manchester,
London,
Bristol
and
elsewhere,
and have
benefited from
discussions on
those occasions.
In
addition to
those
people
mentioned
in
the
text,
our thanks
go
to
the
University
of
Manchester,
the
Delta Travel
Fund,
the
Royal
Society
and the
Manchester
Museum
for
grants
which
made
travel to
Greece
possible
and
paid
for
photographs;
to
Dr
K.
Romiopoulou
and
Dr
J.
Vokotopoulou
and
the
staff
of
the Thessaloniki
Museum
under
their
respective
directorships
for their
kindness
and
generous
help--
particular
thanks
go
to Mr
Dimitrios
Mathios,
conser-
vator
at
the
museum,
for
assistance
in
making
casts
of
the
skull;
to
Mr
R.
W.
Pigott
and
Mr A.
L. H.
Moss
of
the
Department
of
Plastic
Surgery
and
Mr B.
Speculand
of
the
Department
of
Oral
Surgery
and
Orthodontics at
Frenchay
Hospital,
Bristol,
for
looking
at
and com-
menting
on
photographs
and
casts of
the
bones;
and Mr
M.
J.
Fowler and Mr
R. T.
Batchen of
the
Medical
Faculty
Glass
Workshop, University
of
Bristol,
for
allowing
us to burn
bones
in
their kiln with
all
the
inconvenience
that
this can
involve;
to
Dr
Louise
Berge
for
some crucial
information on
the
Chicago
head;
to
the
directors of the
museums
that have
provided
us with
photographs;
to Dr
M.J.
Price for
reading
a
draft of
this
paper
and for
saving
us
from
several
errors
in
matters
numismatic;
to
Dr
Elizabeth
French
and Miss
Jane
Cocking
for
moral
support
at
a
vital
moment;
and last
but most
important
to
Professor
Andronicos for
giving
three
EivoL
access to his
finds,
then
still
unpublished.
The
responsibility
for
any
remaining
blemishes is
of
course our own.
2
The
visit
was
organized
at
the
invitation of
the
Minister of
Culture and
Sciences,
Dr
D.
Nianias,
and
is
described
inJHS
c
(I980)
vi-vii. Dr
Yalouris was then
Inspector-General
of
the
Greek
Archaeological
Service
and
Director of
the
National
Archaeological
Museum
in
Athens.
3
For
the
archaeological
background
to
the
project
see
Andronicos'
preliminary
reports
in AAA x
(1977)
1-72
(also
published
separately
as The
Royal
Graves at
Vergina
[Athens
I980]
but with
different
pagination),
AAA
xiii
(i980)
168-78,
and
in
M.
B.
Hatzopoulos
and
L. D.
Loukopoulos (eds),
Philip of
Macedon
(Lon-
don/Athens
I98I).
THE
SKULL FROM
TOMB
II
AT
VERGINA
61
I.
THE
ANATOMICAL
EVIDENCE
(i)
Introduction
This section was drafted
before I saw
the
report
on the human
remains from Tomb
II
at
Vergina
by
Nikolaus Xirotiris
and
Franziska
Langenscheidt.4
In it
they
noted that 'fresh
or
healed
damage
to the
bones or
changes
due
to
illness could not be established'
and
that 'an
injury
in
the area of the
right
supraorbital
margin
could not
be
established'. Theirs is the
official
report
on these bones and it would be rash to
challenge
the
findings
of
experienced
colleagues
who
had
every opportunity
to
examine them
in
detail before
drawing
their conclusions.
However,
after
spending
two
days studying
the bones
of the skull and
jaws-independently
and
in
total
ignorance
of
their
findings-I
came to a different
conclusion,
viz.
that
they
demonstrate
enough
asymmetries
and anatomical
peculiarities
to allow the
suggestion
that the
last word
may
not
have been said.
The
purpose
of this section is therefore to describe
briefly
what I
saw,
solely
in
order to
allow
scope
for further discussion.
(ii) Effects of burning
on
bone
Bones can and
do
shrink
and become
warped during
cremation
(see
Appendix
I).
The
effect
of fire
on this
skeleton has been described
by
Xirotiris and
Langenscheidt (op.
cit. n.
4),
and
all of
us
agree,
independently,
that the
degree
of
shrinkage
was
probably
c.
Io
per
cent.5s
To
test this
hypothesis
I took a number of standard
anthropometric
measurements on the
cranium and
mandible,
made
adjustments
for
15
and
io
per
cent
shrinkage
respectively
and
found,
to
my
satisfaction,
that
in
all
probability they
had shrunk
by
only
I
per
cent. The results
of
this
exercise are summarized
in
TABLES
I
and
2.
The
warping,
if
any,
to be seen on the individual
bones
will
be discussed
in
the relevant sections.
Recently
I
burnt five isolated facial
fragments
and five
mandibles
in
an electric
kiln
at
9oo0C
for more than five hours in an
attempt
to learn more
about the effects of intense heat on
bone.
These five
separate experiments
are far from
ideal
and
are limited
in
number,
but the
results have
shown
that,
although
bones
may
shrink
dramatically during prolonged exposure
to this
extremely
high
temperature,
they
do not
necessarily warp
and
certainly
do
not shrink
asymmetrically.
Because
my
experimental
material was
probably
exposed
to this
searing
heat
for a much
longer
period
than was
Philip's corpse
it
is
not
surprising
that
the
degree
of
shrinkage
was
generally
much
greater
than
io
per
cent. That
they
came out of
the
kiln
with such
little
apparent
change
to their
appearance only
serves
to
strengthen my
own
opinion
that fire
need
not
be
implicated
as
the
major
cause of
the
asymmetries
and
anatomical
peculiarities
about to
be
described.
An
illustrated
report
on this
experiment
will
be
published
in
due course.
(iii)
Frontal
bone
The
measurements
recorded
in
TABLE
I
indicate that both
bifrontal
breadth and
minimum
frontal breadth
were
completely
normal. The
only
abnormality
is
the
asymmetry clearly
visible
on
the
superior
orbital
margins,
that is
the notch
clearly
visible on the
medial
portion
of
the
superior
margin
of the
right
orbit: see arrow
I
on PLATE
IIb.6
The
occasion
for
this
injury
is
discussed further
by my
co-authors.
Signs
of
healing
and
reorganization
can
also be
detected: a
small but
distinct
pimple
of bone can
be
palpated
on
the
internal surface close to
where
the
4
N.
I.
Xirotiris
and
F.
Langenscheidt,
'The
Crema-
tions
from the
Royal
Macedonian
Tombs
of
Vergina',
Arch.
Eph.
1981,
142-60,
pls
52-4,
esp. pp.
153,
I58.
s
Extrapolated
from G. N.
van
Vark,
Some
Statistical
Procedures
for
the
Investigation of
Prehistoric
Human
Skeletal
Material
(Groningen
1970).
6
My
photographs
of
the bones
are not
printed
to
a
uniform
scale,
because their
purpose
is
to
illustrate
certain
points
and features.
Moreover,
as each area of
the
skull
depicted
is
of a
different
size,
the
smallest one
would
suffer
if
uniformity
were
introduced. Some
metrical data
on each
piece
are
reproduced
in TABLES I
and
2.
62
A.
J.
N. W.
PRAG,
J.
H.
MUSGRAVE,
R. A. H.
NEAVE
MAB
FMB WMH FRC
B'
Philip
II:
raw
score
53"2
86-0
*21-0
107-0
87-5
t20-5
Philip
II:
adjusted for
15
per cent shrinkage 62-6 IoI-I
*24.7 125-8
102"9
t24-I
Philip
II:
adjusted
for
Io
per
cent
shrinkage
591I
95.5
*23.3
118-9
97"2
t22.8
Fourth-century Olynthus
65-5
(ios'5)
95'3
Early
Classical
to
Roman Central Greece
63-7
112-4
96-6
Classical to
Hellenistic
Attica
63-8
113'1
96-2
26th-3oth
Dynasties
Giza 62-8
96I1
22-5
111"9
TABLE
I.
Cranial
measurements of
Philip
II
and
comparative
data
recorded
by
Angel
and
Howells.7
Key:
MAB=external
palate
breadth;
FMB=bifrontal
breadth;
WMH=cheek
height;
FRC=frontal
chord;
B'=
minimum
frontal
breadth;
*=
left;
=
right.
supraorbital
nerve would
have
passed.
The
supraorbital
notch
or foramen was
apparently
damaged
and this
pimple
may
represent
the
attempt
made
by
the frontal bone to
compensate
for
the loss of its
protective
and
gubernatory
role.
Xirotiris and
Langenscheidt
presumably
examined this feature
closely
before
deciding
that it
was not associated
with
injury.
Even
if
our
suggestion
that
the
upper
margins
of
the
eye
sockets
are
asymmetrical
is
accepted,
we still have
to
admit that trauma
need not
necessarily
have been
entirely responsible
for
the
apparently
exaggerated
notch on the
right.
A
similar
feature
appeared
on
one
of
my
experimental
crania after
burning.
However,
in
defence of our
case it is
fair to
point
out that
it
only
occurred
on a face
that was
already
damaged
elsewhere on
the
zygomatic
(cheek bone)
portion
of the orbital
margin.
This
may
help
to
explain
the
presence
of
this
asymmetry
on
the skull from Tomb
II.
If
the
pimple
of bone
on
the inner surface
mentioned
above is real then we have
evidence
of
reorganization
following
trauma.
If
the
right
cheek
bone
was
already
damaged
and
perhaps misaligned
then
it
could be
argued
that the conditions
existed
for a
notch
already
present
at death to be made
even more
pronounced
during
the
process
of
burning.
On
the
experimental
skull
the left
supraorbital
margin
retained its
original
shape,
as
that
from Tomb
II
appears
to
have done.
Arrow
2
on
PLATE
IIb
points
to
a dramatic
example
of
what
frequently
happens
during
cremation. Much of his
left
parietal
and
part
of his left
temporal
bones have been
bent
through
goo
along
the
left coronal suture.
This feature
indicates that a
high temperature
was
reached.
Because the axis
about which the
warping
took
place
follows the line of a
relatively open
suture,
there is
a certain
amount
of
flexibility
and
care
is
needed when
handling
this
piece--see
Appendix
i
for the
implications.
(iv) Zygomatic
bones and
maxilla
We now
come to
a
difficult but crucial
area.
There is little
doubt
that the
upper part
of
the
left
zygomatic
bone has
been
warped
inwards
(arrow
I,
PLATE
IIc);
and that
the
degree
of
distortion
has been
exaggerated
by
the incorrect
identification of
what
was
thought
to be a
fragment
of
the left
zygomatic
arch
(arrow
2,
PLATE
IIc).
This was
matched
by
colour-purple
dye--not
by
anatomy.
To me
it resembles
part
of the
anterior
portion
of
the
medial
wall of
the
right
orbit
in
the
region
of the
nasolacrimal
duct.
7
J.
L.
Angel,
appendix
in D. M.
Robinson,
Excavations
at
Olynthus
xi:
Necrolynthia,
A
Study
in
Greek
Burial Customs
and
Anthropology
(1942)
211-40;
id.,
Hesp.
xiv
(1945)
279-363;
W. W.
Howells,
Cranial
Variation
in Man
(Harvard
1973).
THE
SKULL FROM
TOMB
II
AT
VERGINA
63
As
Mr
Neave
describes
below,
traces
of a healed
fracture
have been identified on
the
right
zygomatic
(cheek)
bone. This
is
perhaps
reflected in the cheek
height
(WMH,
TABLE
I);
and
in
the fact that
the external
palate
breadth
(MAB,
TABLE
I)
is on the low side.
Possibly
connected
with
this
is
the
asymmetry
in
the
curvature of the lateral wall of the maxilla
as it
curves
downwards from its
junction
with
the
zygomatic
bone
(zygomaxillare)
to
the
gingival
margin
of the
upper
molar teeth.
On
the left
the
outline is
normal;
on the
right
it
looks
decidedly
abnormal:
see arrow
3,
PLATE
IIc.
As a result
the vertical
height--or
depth-of
alveolar bone
available
for the sockets
of
the three
upper right
molar teeth
is
greatly
reduced.
My
own view
is
that
this
is an
important,
though
hitherto unrecorded
and
unexplained,
feature
of this
maxilla.
To
attribute
it to
fire
seems
unnecessary
in
view of
the
failure
to recreate a
comparable
phenomenon
in
any
of the five
experimental
cremations mentioned above. Also connected with
this
may
be the
development
of
little
bony
growths
(osteophytes)
on
the outer surface of
the
sockets
for the three
upper right
molar
teeth: see
arrow
5,
PLATE
IIC.
Mr
Neave
and
I
agree
that it is
quite
possible
that
at some
time
a small
piece
of
bone
was
removed from
both
the
right zygomatic
bone
and the maxilla where
they
meet
at
zygomaxillare
(arrow
4,
PLATE
IIc).
It is
very
difficult to be certain about this but it is
odd,
to
say
the
least,
that
each
bone
seems to have had
a
nick taken
out
of
it at
the
point
where
they
meet.
It can be claimed with confidence therefore
that at some
time
in
the
subject's
life
the
upper
and outer
part
of his
right
maxilla and
the
adjoining part
of his
right zygomatic
bone were
injured.
In
all
probability
this
damage
was caused at the same
time as the
injury
to the frontal
bone.
Nor should
one
rule out the
possibility
that
some
of
the anatomical
peculiarities
of
his
upper jaw
were
partly
due to
a
congenital abnormality.
Whatever the
cause,
it is
worth
recording
that at death he had a full
complement
of
16
upper
and 16 lower
teeth:
taking
his
probable age
and
life-style
into
account,
this
is
quite
an
achievement
(on
his
age,
see
further
p.
67
and
n.
14).
Sceptics
might
accuse
us
of
attempting
to
strengthen
our case
by
playing
down the effects of
fire. But
in
addition to
performing experimental
cremations
in
Bristol,
we
did
spend
a
long
time
examining
and
re-examining
both
halves of the maxilla and the
adjoining zygomatic
bones
in
Thessaloniki before
concluding
that fire
probably
had little to do with
the oddities observed on
the
right
side.
For
example,
the occlusal
plane
on
both
right
and left sides
appears
to be
horizontal; and,
on the
right
side,
it
is
possible
to trace the
grooves
and
channels
for
the
superior
alveolar nerves as
they pass
along
the
inner surfaces of the
lateral
wall of
the
maxillary
sinus.
Despite
a
crack
or
two,
their course
appears
to
be
normal.
(v)
Mandible
As
mentioned
earlier,
the
mandible
is
miraculously
well
preserved.
Indeed,
apart
from
some
distortion to the left
condyle
which
I
think can
be attributed to
fire,
it is
complete.
Its most
interesting
features-its
asymmetries-may
be listed as
follows.
(I)
The
heights
of
the
right condyle,
coronoid
process
and incisura are
much
greater
than
those of
the left: see the
scores
for
the last three
measurements on
TABLE
2;
and
arrows I,
2
and
3,
PLATE
IId.
(2)
The
right
ramus
is
broader than the
left: see the
scores for rb' on TABLE
2.
These are
observations based on
measurements
and it can
be
argued
that
fire
may
have
affected the left
side,
or
rather
the
left
ramus,
more
than the
right.
If,
however,
we
look
at
the
first four
measurements recorded on
TABLE
2
(bicondylar
width;
bicoronial
breadth;
bimental
breadth;
and
the left
condylar length)
it can
be seen
that,
with an
adjustment
made for
I0
per
cent
shrinkage, they
all
fall
into the
ranges
of
those for
contemporary
or
near-contemporary
populations.
This
presumably
would not
have
happened
if one
side
had been burnt
more-or
less-than
the
other,
something
that is
not
easy
to
imagine
happening
in
the
first
place.
Moreover our
recent cremation
experiments
have shown
that
the vertical
shrinkage
of
the
64
A.
J.
N. W.
PRAG,
J.
H.
MUSGRAVE,
R. A. H.
NEAVE
w
CrCr
zz
cyl
rb'
m2p1
m2h
crh
cyh
ih
Philip
II:
raw
score
I12
87
42
*I9
*26 *22
*59
*38
t28
t27 t23
t69
t55
t49
Philip
II:
adjusted
for
I5
per
cent
132
102
49
*23
*30
*26
*69
*45
shrinkage
t33 t32
t27
t81
t65
58
Philip
II:
adjusted
for
Io
per
cent
124
97
46
*22
*29
*24
*66
*42
shrinkage
t3I
t30
t26
t77
t61 t54
Fourth-century Olynthus
(125)
33
Early
Classical to
Roman Central Greece
123 31
Classical to Hellenistic
Attica
125 32
4th-
ith
Dynasties
Qau
114
92
44
20
32
28
26
65
54
45
I2th-I3th
Dynasties
Kerma
114
92
44
21
34
28
27 67
56
48
26th-30th
Dynasties
Giza
II117
94 44
21
33
28
26
67
TABLE 2. Mandibular measurements
of
Philip
II
and
comparative
data recorded
by
Angel,
Morant and
Martin.8
Key:
w
=
bicondylar
width;
crcr=
bicoronial
breadth;
zz=
bimental
breadth;
cyl
=
condylar length;
rb'
=
minimum rameal
breadth;
m2p1
=
molar-premolar
chord;
m2h= height
of
corpus
at
m2;
crh
=
coronial
height;
cyh
=
condylar height;
ih
=
incisura
height;
*=
left;
t
=
right.
mandibular
ramus,
as
indicated
by
the
coronial,
condylar
and incisura
heights,
is
remarkably
symmetrical.
No differences between
left and
right approaching
the
magnitude
of those seen on
the Tomb
II
mandible were observed
on the
ascending
rami of our
experimental
series.
(3)
Realignment
of
the
chin. For some reason which neither
my
clinical
colleagues
nor
I
yet
fully
understand
but
which
may
be either
congenital
or
perhaps
connected with the trauma to
the
subject's
maxilla,
there has been
a
shift
in
the
position
of
the
chin and dental
midline from left
to
right.
In all of
us,
on the labial
or
outside surface of the
chin,
there is a central raised
ridge
which runs downwards
with
its
lower ends
curving
away elegantly
to left and
right respectively.
On
the mandible of this skull traces
of
this
ridge
can be
seen,
but the left hand flare now lies
to the
right
of
the midline. This
system
has
been
replaced by
a
less
symmetrical
boss that lies beneath
the
sockets
for his lower left lateral
incisor and canine: see arrow
I,
PLATE
lie.
As a result
the
natural midline between the left and
right
central
incisors
now
lies
visibly
to the
right:
arrow
2,
PLATE
Ile.
Perhaps
associated with this
change
are
several
osteophytes
on the outer surface of
the
sockets for the lower left
incisors,
similar
to
those observed
on
the maxilla: arrow
3,
PLATE
lie.
(4)
Changes
to the
posterior portion
of the left mandibular
body. Initially
I
wondered
whether this
apparent
thickening
was an
artefact
of
burning.
However,
on
re-examining
the
mandible
I
was able to confirm that it was
caused
by
a
pronounced
downward continuation of
the anterior border of
the left coronoid
process:
see arrow
4,
PLATE
lie.
Correspondingly,
although
not
necessarily
connected,
I
noticed that the
mylohyoid
line-the
posterior
attachment
of
the
mylohyoid
muscle
on
the inner
surface
of
the
mandible-was
much
sharper
and better
developed
on
the left than the
right.
(Not
visible,
but its
position
is
indicated
by
arrow
5,
PLATE
lie.)
Again
it
can be
pointed
out that none of
these other
mandibular
peculiarities-deviation
of
the
dental
midline,
re-modelling
of
the
chin
and
asymmetry
in
the
posterior part
of the
body-were
reproduced
in
our
admittedly
limited
series of
cremation
experiments.
As
was
mentioned
above,
even
though
we worked under
very
controlled
conditions,
at a
very high
temperature constantly
maintained
for
an
extremely
long
time and
with
macerated rather than
flesh-clad
bones,
nevertheless our
mandibles did
shrink
with
remarkable
symmetry.
Even
allowing
for
differences
in
cremation
practice
I
should hesitate
to
attribute
any
of
these
morphological peculiarities
to fire.
All
these features
suggest
that the
mandible
as a whole
became
remodelled at
some time for
8
Angel,
op.
cit.
(n.
7);
G.
M.
Morant,
Biometrika
xxviii
(1936)
84-122;
E. S.
Martin,
ibid.
149-78.
THE SKULL FROM
TOMB
II
AT
VERGINA
65
reasons
unknown.
Our
subject apparently acquired
a new
chin;
and
the added
buttressing
on
the
outer surface of the
body
on
the
left side
posteriorly
at the foot
of the
downward
continuation
of
the anterior border
of the left coronoid
process
indicates an increase
in the
power,
and
perhaps
use,
of
the
masticatory
muscles inserted
in that
region,
temporalis
and
masseter.
(vi)
Conclusion
My
brief
was to examine these bones
(a)
as an anatomist familiar with the soft
tissues
of the
head and
neck and their
underlying
skeleton;
and
(b)
as an
anthropologist
interested in
ancient
Greek
cremations.
I
am
satisfied that
they
do
display
a
number of anatomical
peculiarities
and
asymmetries
that
need
not
be attributed
to the effects
of
fire. The latter should not
of course be ruled out
altogether
as it remains
impossible
to
predict precisely
what
will
happen
to
any
given
bone
on
exposure
to
very high temperatures.
On
balance,
however,
I
feel more inclined to attribute them
to
trauma,
congenital abnormality
or
a combination of
both.
Support
for this
hypothesis
was
given
to both
Mr
Neave and
myself by
the
experienced plastic
and
oral
surgeons
to whom we
showed casts
and
photographs
in
Manchester
and Bristol. If
nature rather
than
fire
really
was
the
culprit
then
the
suggestion
that the bones
belonged
to a
man
known
to have lost his
right eye
and
perhaps
sustained
major injuries
to much of the
right
side of his
face
18
years
before
his
death
becomes
very
attractive indeed.
I
can see no harm
therefore
in
professing
to
cautious
optimism
that the bones
from this
great
gold
larnax
did
belong
to
Philip
II.
The anatomical evidence cannot
be said to be
conclusive but
the variations
from the
norm
suggest
to me
that
in
life,
rather than
in
death,
this
skull
may
have
had
injuries
inflicted on it similar to
those
Philip
is
recorded
to
have suffered.
JONATHAN
H.
MUSGRAVE
University
of
Bristol
II.
RECONSTRUCTION OF
THE SKULL
The
great fifteenth-century
anatomist Andreas Vesalius
once said:
'As
poles
are to
tents and
houses
so
are bones
to all
living
creatures.'
He
recognised
that
they provided
the framework
upon
which the flesh was
supported,
and
that
the form
of
any
creature was determined
by
the
form of
the
skeleton. His
analogy
of tents and
houses
is
very
apt,
as the
outward
appearance
of
these
structures
depends very
much
upon
the materials used to
cover the framework.
Thus
in
the
case of a
reconstructed
human
head the
final
appearance depends upon
not
just
the
shape
of the
soft
tissue,
but colour of skin
and
hair,
skin
blemishes and
expression.
I
do not
believe therefore
that it
will
ever be
possible
to recreate an exact likeness
with
complete
certainty;
what is
possible,
however,
is to
recreate
from
the skull
bones
a face
very
close to
the
original
appearance
of an
individual.
Controlled studies undertaken
in
this
department
demonstrate this
fact;
as
do the
limited number of
forensic cases
undertaken
for
the
police
where
positive
identification
has been
possible. Unfortunately legal
restrictions and
the
specialised
nature
of
such
material do
not allow
publication
here.9
Harrison's
examination of
the
pharaonic
remains
purported
to be those
of
Akhenaten
suggests
strongly
that the remains were in
fact those
of
Smenkhkare. The
facial
reconstruction
carried out as
part
of the
investigation
was a
significant
factor in
the
final
decision.
10
Snow,
Gatliffand
McWilliams
have
established that
actual
identifications
made from
facial
reconstructions are
statistically
well above
the level
of
chance or
luck,
and that
in
all cases
the
reconstructions
closely
resembled
the
subjects
as
they
had
appeared
in
life."
During
this
9
I
would
of
course be
ready
to discuss them
personally
with those
wishing
to
pursue
the
topic.
10
R.
G.
Harrison,
'The
anatomical
examinations
of
the
Pharaonic
remains
purported
to
be
Akhenaten',JEA
lii
(1966)
113-16.
11
C. C.
Snow,
B.
P.
Gatliff and
S.
K.
R.
McWilliams,
'Reconstruction of
facial
features
from
the
skull.
An
evaluation of
its
usefulness
in
forensic
anthropology',
Am.J. Phys.
Anthr. xxxiii
(1982)
221-8.
66
A.
J.
N. W.
PRAG,
J.
H.
MUSGRAVE,
R. A. H.
NEAVE
entire
project
every
endeavour
has
been made to be
scrupulously
accurate;
all the
observations
made
by
clinical
specialists
in
England
have been taken into
account,
and licence taken
only
when
there
was
quite literally nothing
else
to
guide
us.
In
September
1981
I
made
a
preliminary
examination
of
the skeletal
remains,
especially
those
of the
skull,
and realised that such was the state of the bones
that it
would
be
necessary
first
to
make
casts
of
those
pieces
which were
relatively
undamaged,
and from
these
to
reconstruct a
skull
upon
which the face
and
head
could
be built.
Fortunately
the
frontal bone was
relatively
intact,
together
with the left
part
of the nasal
bone,
although
the latter was
slightly damaged.
The
left
and
right
halves of
the
maxilla
were
present although
more
badly
damaged by
heat
on
the left side. The mandible
was
complete
and
undamaged.
Enough
of
the
mastoid
part
of
the
right
temporal
bone was also
in
good enough
condition to be useful.
Plaster casts
of
these bones were
prepared,
the moulds
being
made
of
dental
algenate.
12
This
material
provides
a
very
accurate
yet
flexible
mould,
which enabled
final
casts
to be
made
of
even the most delicate areas without
causing
damage
to the
original
specimen.
PLATE
IIIa shows
the
plaster
casts
of
the bones
of
the skull
prepared
in
this
way.
The
mandible was cast in two
parts
to avoid
damaging
the
specimen;
unfortunately
the
cast
was
itself
slightly
damaged
during
transit.
Unfortunately
the
distortion and
fragmentation
of
the
parietal,
occipital
and
temporal
bones
was
so extensive
as to render them useless for
this
work.
A
detailed
description
of
these bones
(together
with their medical
implications)
has
been
given by
Dr
Musgrave
in
section
I,
so
I
confine
my
comments to those that
directly
affect the
reconstruction.
I
estimated that there
was
enough
material
present
to
enable
a reconstruction of the
face to
be
undertaken,
as
it
was
the bones
in
the
posterior region
of the skull
that had suffered
most
damage.
Before
starting
any
reconstruction we
sought
the advice of
two
facio-maxillary
surgeons
at
Withington
Hospital
(the
University
Hospital
of
South
Manchester),
Mr
E.
Curphey
of the
Facio-Maxillary
Unit and
Mr
John
Lendrum
of the
Plastic
Surgery
Unit,
constantly
involved with
cases
of
patients
suffering
from
congenital
malformations
and
traumatic
injuries
to the
face-I
felt
that their
help
would be
invaluable,
and so it
proved.
Their
conclusions were as
follows.
This
individual had a full set of
teeth. There was a
marked
degree
of
congenital hypoplasia
(underdevelopment)
on
the left side of
the head. This
would
not have
been
particularly
noticeable
in
life, however,
nor
would it have
affected his
mental faculties.
Evidence of
traumatic
injury
in
the
region
of the
right
orbit was
also
noted,
there
being
a nick
in
the
supraorbital margin
and
a fracture
along
the
malar-maxillary
suture,
the latter
being
the
more
significant.
Bone
reorganisation
of
these two
points
indicates
that these
injuries
occurred a
considerable time before
death,
and were
compatible
with
an
injury
caused
by
a missile
striking
from above.
Although
more
recent observations
suggest
that the
angle
of
the
striking
missile
may
have
been less acute
than at first
thought,
taking
out the
lateral
edge
of
the
orbit,
what seems
inescapable
is
that such an
injury
would
certainly
have
blinded the
right eye.
There
would
also
have
been
very
considerable
scarring,
particularly
when
one
considers
the
type
of
medical
treatment
that such
a
wound
would have
received
at that
period.
Reconstruction of
the
skull
presented
a
number of
problems
as
only
the
slightest
degree
of
warping
can
prevent perfect
realignment
of bone
fragments.
It
was
necessary
to
make
minor
adjustments
to the
angle
of
the
left side
of the
maxilla
and
to
the
right
zygomatic
bone.
The
mandible
determined the
width of
the
skull to
a
large
extent but the
posterior
position
had of
course
to be an
approximation
based
upon
the size and
shape
of
other
skulls
which were of
similar
type.
We
accept
that this
cannot
be
Ioo
per
cent
accurate,
but it was
done
with
as much
12
I
describe
the
technique
in
detail
in
R. A. H.
Neave,
'Reconstruction of
the heads of
three Ancient
Egyptian
mummies',
Journal of
Audiovisual Media in
Medicine
ii
(1979)
156-64;
id.,
'The
reconstruction of
the
heads and faces
of three
Ancient
Egyptian
mummies',
in
A.
R. David
(ed.),
The
Manchester
Museum
Mummy
Project (Manchester
1979);
see also W.
M.
Krogman,
The
Human
Skeleton
in
Forensic
Medicine
(Thomas,
Springfield
1962).
THE
SKULL
FROM TOMB
II
AT
VERGINA
67
care and attention to detail
as was
possible.
The method
used to
produce
this skull was
quite
straightforward.
Wax
facsimiles were made of the
original
plaster
casts;
these
were
then
set into
a
clay
block.
This
allowed
the
bones
to be
manipulated
until
they
were in
exactly
the
right
place
in
relation to each other. It
was
simple
to
make minor
adjustments
to the wax to
ensure that a
natural
appearance
could be achieved. Those areas of the skull that were
missing
were then built
up
with
clay
(PLATE
IIIc,
d).
Then
a
final cast was made of the entire
skull,
complete
with
mandible
in
position.
The
preparation
of the skull took several weeks to
complete
and
was
in
many ways
the
most
important
part
of
the
project,
as
it
established the
key
to the
shape
and
form
that the final head would take and also the
injury
to the
right eye.
We
then started
building
the soft
tissue,
using
the same
techniques
as those
adopted
for
forensic reconstructions.
First,
pegs
were
inserted at
23
specific points
on
the
skull,
marking
the
thickness of soft tissue at those
points.
These
pegs project
from the
surface of the skull
by
an
amount
corresponding
to tables of
average
soft tissue
thicknesses
as
compiled by
Rhine
and
Moore of New Mexico
(PLATE
IIIb).13
We realise that such
figures
are
averages,
and that
they
are
not
compiled
by
studying people
from
Macedonia,
but
they
are the most
up-to-date
scientifically
produced
data available.
The
soft tissue on the face when
seen
during
operative
procedures
on
living subjects
is
very
variable and the thicknesses
greater
than
those
indicated
by
Kollman and
Biichly,
whose
measurements were taken from the
deceased.
These
figures
therefore are a
good guide
and
eliminate the
temptation
to
'sculpt'
instead of
working
to
specific guidelines.
A further control is
achieved
by
building up
the face in
an
anatomical manner.
By
modelling
first the
basic muscle structure of the face
and head and
then
adding
subcutaneous
tissue
and
skin
the features
will
develop
from
the skull outwards until
only
the
very tips
of
the marker
pegs
are visible.
In
this
way
the skull will
determine the
size and
shape
of the face.
This is
shown
very clearly
on PLATE
IVa,
where
an
area on the left side of the
skull
of
a
forensic
subject
is
still
exposed, showing
the
eyeball
in
its
socket. The
spacing
of the
features of
the
face
will
automatically
be
accurate. Basic anatomical
principles
determine the
position
of
the
ears,
and of the
eyeball
within the
eye
socket.
The methods used to
build the
nose,
mouth
and
eyelids
are
necessarily
complex
but
briefly
are
as follows:
for the
nose,
a line is
drawn
at
a
tangent
to the last
third
of the
nasal bone
and
another drawn
as a continuation of
the
main
direction of
the
anterior
nasal
spine.
The
point
of
intersection
will
give
the
position
of the
tip
of
the
nose. The
width of
the
bony
nasal
aperture
is
approximately
3
ofthe total
nasal width.
For the
mouth,
the
width is
approximately
the
same as
the
interpupillary
distance,
or as
that between
the
junction
of
the
canine and
first
premolar
on
each
side;
the
fullness
of
the
lips
will
be
affected
by
the
degree
of
prognathism,
and
the size of the
teeth.
For
the
eyes,
the
pupil
viewed
from
the
front is at the
juncture
of
two
lines,
one
drawn
from the
medial to the
lateral
margins
of the
orbit and another
between the
superior
and inferior
margins
of the
orbit. The inner
corner of the
eyelids
can
be
reliably
located;
the
shape
of
the
eyelid
cannot be so
easily
established,
but will
reflect
the
margins
of
the
orbit.
Study
of
the bones has
shown
that the
subject
was
between
35
and
55
years
old.14
The
evidence of the
eye-injury,
already
discussed
in
its
anatomical
context,
and
further
examined in
its
historical
setting by
Dr
Prag
in
section
III,
suggests
to
my colleagues
that
he is to be
identified
as
Philip
II,
whom we know
to
have
died at the
age
of
46.
Philip's
way
of
life
suggests
that he
must
have been
physically strong,
and
would have
had a
weathered
complexion.
It is
assumed
that he
had dark hair
and beard
and dark
eyes.
The
mouth is
shown
well
formed,
with
quite
full
lips:
these
are
compatible
with
the
skull
and
echo the
type
of
mouth
seen
on
the small
ivory
heads
found in
the
tomb,
which
must
be
contemporary
on
any
interpretation.
For
the sake of
13
J.
S.
Rhine
and C.
E.
Elliott Moore
in
Maxwell
Museum
Technical Series
i
(1982);
see also
earlier work
by
J.
Kollman
and W.
Biichly,
'Die
Persistenz der Rassen
und
die
Rekonstruktion der
Physiognomie
prihistor-
ischer
Schadel',
Archiv
fiir
Anthropologie
xxv
(1898)
329-59-
14
Xirotiris-Langenscheidt
(n.
4)
148-53;
M.
Andronicos,
'The
Royal
Tomb
at
Vergina
and
the
problem
of the
dead',
AAA xiii
(1980)
172.
68 A.
J.
N. W.
PRAG,
J.
H.
MUSGRAVE,
R.
A. H.
NEAVE
completeness
the reconstruction
of
the nose was first made to
follow the dictates of the
skull
exactly,
but
as the nasal bones
had
been
damaged
in the cremation the nose
thus reflected this
damaged
appearance
(PLATE
IVa).
As will be
argued by
Dr
Prag,
a
prominent
characteristic
of
members
of the
Argead royal
house
was a
very
pronounced
bridge
to
the
nose,
and so this
feature was
incorporated
when
the
nose
was
remodelled.
Although
there is no firm evidence it
is
probably
more accurate than
the first
attempt
(PLATE
IVd).
A
deep
scar
following
the
line
indicated
by
the
damaged
bone runs
diagonally
across the
right eye.
The wound
was
deep
and cut to the
bone and would also
have traumatized the
eyeball.
It
is
likely
that
with little
or no
treatment
the fluid-filled
globe
would have
collapsed
and
ultimately
the orbit
would be sealed
with scar tissue
involving
the
eyelids.
I
have endeavoured to
give
some idea
of
the
effect of this horrendous
facial scar without
using
excessive detail.
This
very
masculine
head
may
seem
incompatible
with the
lightly
built
skull,
but this
is not
unusual.
Many
skulls are not
overtly
male or female
in
their
appearance,
and
on
occasions
what
we
know to be a female
skull
may
be
very
large
and
appear
to have male characteristics.
A number
of
plaster copies
were made of the finished
head: no matter how
accurate,
however,
this
totally
hairless and colourless
version cannot
give
a
strong impression
of a
living
person-indeed
being
bald
it tends to make
him
appear
too
old. Therefore one
copy
was made
in
wax;
here
we were
most fortunate
to have the
help
of Mrs
Ruth
Quinn,
a skilled
make-up
artist,
who was able
to
add
skin colour and hair to the
wax head. The skin colour
is
based
upon
that of the Mediterranean
races,
the hair
is
dark and
shown as it
may
have been after a
day's
hunting.
A short beard
and moustache were
added,
in
keeping
with the normal custom of the
time and
following
the
style
of the
Vergina ivory
(PLATE
VIIa,
b),
purely
on the
grounds
of
contemporaneity.
The
appearance
and colour
of
the scar
is
based
upon
first-hand observation
by
Mrs
Quinn
of
a
similar wound suffered
by
a
lumberjack.
Caused
by
a
falling
axe,
his
injury
had
been
left untreated
for
many
weeks,
by
which
time natural
healing
had
taken
place. Although
the
injury
took
place
16
years
ago
(almost
the same interval as that between
Philip's injury
and
his
assassination)
it still has a livid and
somewhat
shiny
look to it. These final
finishing
touches
bring
the
face
to
life
in
a most
startling way
(PLATE
Va,
b).
As
I
have often noticed
in
this
type
of
work the
true character
of
an individual
seldom
emerges
until we
see
the
fully
finished
person.
Not until colour and
hair
are added can
everything
be seen
in
its true
perspective,
with one
feature
correctly
balanced
against
another.
In
attempting
to
present
our
argument
as
clearly
as
possible
we
may appear
to have run
ahead
of
the evidence at some
points,
in
particular
where the
reconstruction
is
concerned.
We
are
sure that this is more
apparent
than
real,
for this
reconstruction
is
but one small
part
of
the overall
investigation,
reflecting
and
incorporating
as
accurately
as
possible
all
the
information that
has
been
gleaned.
I
believe
it is as
true a
likeness
as
it
is
possible
to
obtain at
present.
R. A. H. NEAVE
University of
Manchester
III. THE
HISTORICAL AND
ARCHAEOLOGICAL
EVIDENCE
Professor
Andronicos'
discoveries at
Vergina
were
themselves so
exciting
that
it
is
hardly
surprising
that since
he
first
announced them
many
other scholars
too have been tantalized
by
the
problem
of which
members of the
Macedonian
royal
family
were
buried
in
the
tombs.
I
accept
his
arguments
that the
tomb
is
a
royal
one,
and
I
do not
intend to
reopen
discussion here of the
dating
evidence
provided by
the
pottery
and the
diadem found
in
Tomb
II,
and
by
the
technique
and
haste of its
construction; rather,
I
try
to
compare
the
implications
of
the reconstruction of
the
dead man's
appearance
with what we know
of
the two most
likely royal
candidates for
the
occupancy
of
the
main
chamber of
Tomb
II,
Philip
II
and
Philip
III
Arrhidaeus.
THE
SKULL
FROM
TOMB
II
AT VERGINA
69
(i)
Arrhidaeus
Andronicos has
repeatedly
stated that whoever the dead
man
may
be,
he
cannot
be
Arrhidaeus,
because there was an
interval
of
several months
between
his murder
by Olympias
in
317
BC
and his burial
by
Cassander
in the
following
year,
yet
the
burial
at
Vergina
shows
signs
of
haste.
However,
because he remains
the favoured candidate of those who
prefer
the
late
dating,
I
consider the evidence
for his
appearance
here,
partly
because
our evidence
supports
Andronicos'
case.15
We know
pathetically
little
about
what
Philip
III Arrhidaeus
looked
like. The
ancient
authors
tell us
only
that he
suffered from an
incurable mental
illness,
sometimes
wrongly
diagnosed
as
epilepsy.
The medical evidence is
against
there
being
any
necessary
link
between
the
deformity
of the
skull
from
Tomb
II
and the
mental
capacity
of
the dead
man,
but it is
worth
quoting
Plutarch's
description
of
Arrhidaeus
in
full,
for
it too
effectively
forestalls
any
such
suggestion:
... T~V
'ApptSatov...
caTEI7 8E
TO
pcfp
O
vW
a
0VT
U
Tar0
oa
oUvoov o
f~vuEL
TpoartEaoVaav
OE
Q
T'0/L
qc,
8E'To
KcLL 7VV
p
1TL8s
OVT0St
8L
,VE
L
Arrhidaeus ...
was
deficient
in
intellect
owing
to
bodily
disease.
This,
however,
did
not
come
upon
him
in
the course
of
nature or of its
own
accord, indeed,
it
is
said that as
a
boy
he
displayed
an
exceedingly
gifted
and noble
disposition,
but afterwards
Olympias
gave
him
drugs
which
disabled
him
and ruined
his
mind.oK
Yet
Arrhidaeus
was
clearly
not so
handicapped
as
to be
physically
disabled,
else he
would not
have been
capable
of
taking
the role of
sacrorum
ceremoniarumque
consors which
Alexander thrust
upon
him,
even
nominally,
nor indeed
would
Perdiccas,
Antipater,
Polyperchon
and
Cassander
each in turn
have used
him
as
their
figurehead."
Arrhidaeus'
coinage
simply
continues
that
of
Alexander the
Great,
so
this
gives
us no
guide
to his
physical
appearance.
However,
von
Graeve
has
suggested
that a marble head in
Naples,
allegedly
found in
Egypt,
may
be
intended as a
portrait.s8
His
argument
is
based on the
position
of
the head
in
the
development
of the
Hellenistic
ruler-portrait
out of
the
idealizing
classical tradition
that
persists
into
the
reign
of
Alexander.
On
grounds
of
diadem,
beard
and distant
gaze
von
Graeve sees the
head as
standing
at the end of
the line of
bearded rulers
which otherwise
culminates with
Philip
II,
and
preceding
the
clean-shaven
Alexanders
and Diadochoi:
since it
evidently
does not
represent
Philip
II,
the
only
other late
fourth-century
ruler who
could
be a
candidate
is
Philip
III
Arrhidaeus.
15
Andronicos
(n.
14)
esp.
I70-3.
For a
detailed
analysis
of
the
possibilities
see,
e.g.,
Peter
Green,
'The
Royal
Tombs at
Vergina:
a
historical
analysis',
in
W. L.
Adams
and
E.
N.
Borza
(eds),
Philip
II,
Alexander the
Great and the
Macedonian
Heritage
(Washington 1982)
129-51
(with
a
comprehensive
bibliography,
to
which
the reader is
referred):
Green
comes down in
favour of
Philip
II.
Arguing
for
Philip
III
Arrhidaeus:
e.g. Phyllis
Williams
Lehmann,
'The
so-called tomb
of
Philip
II:
a
different
interpretation',
AJA
lxxxiv
(1980)
527-31;
ead.,
'Once
again
the
Royal
Tomb at
Vergina',
AAA
xiv
(1981)
134-44;
also
Anna-Maria
Prestianni
Giallom-
bardo and
Bruno
Tripodi,
'Le
Tombe
regale
di
Vergina:
quale
Filippo?',
Ann.
Scuola
Norm.
Sup.
Pisa,
class.
lett.
fil.
x
(1980)
989-IooI,
revised
at
the Athens
congress.
16
Plut.
Alex.
77.5,
cf.
10.3;
id.,
Mor.
(de
Al.
Fort.)
337d,
79Ie;
D.S.
xix
52;
Justin
xiii
2.II.
The
evidence
for
Arrhidaeus'
epilepsy
is
only
found in
the
Heidelberger
Epitome
of
one of
the
anonymous
histories of
the
Diadochoi
that is
close
to
Diodorus
but
according
to
Bauer and
Jacoby
perhaps
goes
back to
Hieronymus
(c.
320-250
BC),
though
Jane
Hornblower,
Hieronymus of
Cardia
(Oxford
1981),
does
not
mention
it
(FGrH
155
F
I
836.3-4
and Comm.
p. 548);
it
seems
quite
inconsis-
tent with
the
other
descriptions
of his
illness
and
can
surely
be
discounted
as a
layman's
ignorant
conception
of
the
effects of
epilepsy.
17
For
Arrhidaeus'
religious
duties,
Curt.
Ruf.
x
7.2.
His
career
is
summarized
by
P.
W.
Lehmann
(n. 15)
529-30.
18
The
coins:
e.g.
B. V.
Head,
Historia
Nummorum
(Oxford
1911)
228;
Sylloge
Nummorum
Graecorum
v:
Oxford,
Ashmolean
Museum
3,
Macedonia
nos
3184-3242.
The
Naples
head:
Naples,
Mus.
Naz.
inv.
187
(138);
V. von
Graeve,
'Zum
Herrscherbild
Philipps
II und
Philipps
III
von
Makedonien',
AA
1973,
256-9,
figs 19-22.
70
A.
J.
N. W.
PRAG,
J.
H.
MUSGRAVE,
R.
A. H.
NEAVE
It is a tenuous
argument,
but
lacking any
other evidence
one should
at least
look
at
the
Naples
head
(PLATE
Vc-d). Slightly
under life-size
(height
of
face
14-5
cm)
it shows
a
man
somewhat below
middle
age;
the
roughened
surface of the cheeks
von Graeve
interprets
as
being
intended to
have
the beard
pieced
onto it. He has a
weak,
rather
fleshy
mouth and
chin,
a
long
rather
pointed
nose,
and
the
heavy
brow-ridges
that are
a
feature of the
Argead physiognomy.
His
thick hair
is
held
in
place by
a
band
or
diadem tied
in
the knot of Herakles. It is
true that
the
head
gives
the
impression
of a
somewhat
vacant,
bewildered
figure
which
would
tally
well
with
what
little we know of
Philip
III
Arrhidaeus'
personality.
It
has further been
suggested by
von
Graeve and others that
Arrhidaeus also
appears
on
the
lid of the
Alexander
Sarcophagus,
as the
bearded warrior on the
right
of the
pediment
illustrating
a
fight
on
foot.19
The
argument
is
largely
historical,
and involves
identifying
the
episode
on
the
pediment
as the murder of
Perdiccas
in
321
BC,
with
Arrhidaeus
coming
to
Perdiccas' defence. Since
the murder
attempt
was
successful,
and
'Arrhidaeus"
defence
in
vain,
this seems a curious
way
to
commemorate him. It is
hard to
identify
this
well-built,
controlled
warrior with the
figure
who,
like
'a mute
guardsman
on
the
stage
was
the
mere
name and
figure
of
a
king, exposed
to
the wanton
insults
of
those who
happened
to have
the real
power'.20
Although
the warrior
figure
is
small,
apart
from diadem
and beard it
appears
to
have
very
little
in
common
with the
Naples
head,
having
for
example
a
straighter
nose and
eyebrows
and a
squarer
head.
This
indeed is a
personage
who
might
have led a
life
in
which
he was
wounded
in
the
eye
(of
course he is
not shown
thus
on
the
sarcophagus),
but it
does not
give
us the
figure
whom
the ancients
described as
o3 'ppEv4pprqs,
'not in
his
right
mind'.21
(ii)
Philip
II
With
Philip
II
we
are
in
a
somewhat
better
position.
Ancient
writers tell us
virtually nothing
of his
appearance
except
that he wore
a
beard,
and
of
their
long
list of
statues of
the
king
that
existed
in
antiquity
none
survives.22
The
only
inscribed
representation
of
Philip,
a
fourth-century
AD
mosaic
from
Baalbek
depicting
the
birth of
Alexander
with
Philip
sitting by
as a
beardless
and somewhat
apprehensive
young
father,
is so
late
and so
generalized
as to
be of
no
value.23
The
evidence of the
coins is a
little more
helpful.
At the
1983
Athens
Congress
Dr
M.J.
Price
showed
a
silver coin
which he
attributed to
Kapsa,
on the
east of
the
Thermaic
Gulf,
depicting
a
bearded
head
in
a
kausia
facing
to the
right,
which he
argues-to
my
mind
convincingly-to
show
Philip
II,
and which
he has
most
generously
allowed me to
mention
here ahead
of his
full
publication
in
the
Congress
Acta
(PLATE
VIb).
The
coin is
very
small,
but the
detail is
nevertheless
remarkable:
one sees the
right profile
of
a
man
in
the
prime
of
life,
with
a
square
head,
deep-set
eyes
and
fleshy
features;
the
nose is
prominent
but
straight,
the chin
small,
and he has
short,
wavy
hair and
beard. The
face has
much
in
common with
the
known
portraits
of
Philip,
and
with our
19
Von Graeve
(n. 18)
258,
fig.
24;
id.,
Der
Alexandersarkophag
und seine
Werkstatt=
st.
Forsch.
xxviii (1970)
138-42,
pls
66.I-68.I.
20
Plut.
Mor. 791e
(trans.
E. N.
Fowler,
Loeb
edn);
cf.
ibid.
337d.
21
Prestianni
Giallombardo
and
Tripodi (n.
15)
1ooo
suggest
that
one of
the five
ivory
heads
from
Vergina
published
by
Andronicos
depicts
Arrhidaeus.
Their
identification is
based on the
hypothesis
that
the dead
man in
the tomb is
Arrhidaeus;
even
accepting
this,
one
is
not much
further
forward
in
saying
which
of
the three
heads is
Arrhidaeus,
which
Cynna
and
Eurydice (their
candidates for
the other
two),
since it
is
notoriously
hard
to
determine the
sexes of
the heads.
The
logic
of their
argument
is
slightly
curious,
seeing
two
heads as
those
of
Philip
II
and
Alexander as
father and
brother
of the
dead
king
and the
other
three as
the three
occupants
of
the
group
of
tombs.
Finally,
such an
explanation
does
not take
into
account the
other
nine
unpublished
heads,
presumably
unknown
to the
authors:
the
information
that
there
are
fourteen
heads
in
all
I
owe
to
Prof.
Andronicos'
team
at
Vergina.
22
G. M. A.
Richter,
Portraits
of
the
Greeks
(London
1965)
iii
253
gives
the
ancient
references;
add
to
her list
Ath. xii
591b.
Many
attempts
have been
made to link
these
with
the
surviving
portraits,
but
without
real
success.
23
Richter
(n. 22)
iii
253,
fig.
1707a-b;
M.
Ch6hab in
Bull.
Musie de
Beyrouth
xiv-xv
(1958-9)
46
ff.,
pls
xxii-xxvii;
E. B.
Harrison in
Hesp.
xxix
(1960)
386;
von
Graeve
(n. 18)
244.
THE SKULL FROM
TOMB
II
AT
VERGINA
71
reconstruction,
but the most
striking
feature,
clearly
visible on the
working
photograph
published
here,
is the mark
resembling
a
crescent,
face
down,
between
the
upper
and
lower
eyelids.
Dr Price assures
me that this does not look like a flaw
in the
die,
and should thus
be
a
deliberate
indication
by
the
engraver
of
Philip's
eye
injury.
The coin cannot be dated
more
accurately
on external
grounds
than
the
middle of the fourth
century
BC,
probably
soon
after
350;
the
eye
wound
gives
a
terminus
post
quem
of
354
BC
(see
below).24
Philip
II's
own
coinage, though
inscribed,
is less useful.
It
does
not
carry
his
head,
but
the
figure
of
the bearded
rider
wearing
the
kausia,
diadem
and
chlamys
that
appears
on
many
of
his
silver
types
is
generally
taken
as
showing Philip
himself,
rather than
just
a
generalized
image
of
the
king
of Macedon
(PLATE
VIa).25
The fact
that this rider faces
left,
thereby
showing
his
left
profile,
whereas
many
other Macedonian
king-horseman types,
and
Philip's
own
galloping
rider
or
jockey
and chariot
types,
continued
by
his
successors,
are
normally
shown with
the
figures
moving
to
the
right, may
well
support
the
identification,
as
I
shall
argue
later.26 The head is
so
small that it
gives
us
little
more than the
image
of a
bearded,
heavily
built
man with a
large
slightly
hooked nose
and
prominent brow-ridges,
but
one who
bears
a relation
to some
of
the
better
portraits.
Obviously
related
to coin
types,
although
it cannot be more
than a second-hand
likeness
at
best,
is
the
gold
medallion
from
Tarsus,
from the
reign
of
Caracalla
(PLATE VIc).27
It
shows
a
careworn
and
battered
personage,
heavily
built
with
a
well-shaped
rather
square
head,
who
faces
left. His
brow
is
furrowed,
there are lines around the
eyes
and
nose,
and the
nose itself has
a
marked
bridge
(this
does
not
show
in all
reproductions).
His neck is
thick,
with
a
noticeable
Adam's
apple.
He
has
a
short
thick
curly
beard,
and
a
good
head of
curly
hair held
in
place by
a
diadem,
whose
presence
has
suggested
to
many
that
the
original
on which the
medallion was
based was
a
posthumous
portrait; they
fail
to notice that
the diadem
on
the medallion is the
traditional Macedonian cloth
one,
and
not
of
metal;
besides,
if our case
for
the skull is
proven,
then a
gold
and silver diadem need
not
postdate
Philip
II.28
24
I
am
most
grateful
to
Dr
Price
for
his
great
generosity
in
allowing
me
to
refer to this
coin,
which is
in a
private
collection,
and to
publish
one of
his
own
study
photographs
ahead of his
own
full
publication
in
the
Athens
Congress
Acta.
25
E.g.
G.
Le
Rider,
Le
monnayage d'argent
et
d'or
de
Philippe
Ilfrappe
en
Macedoine de
359
a
294
(Paris
1977)
364-6,
pls
1-6,
Pella
IA
1-43, 50-3,
59-78,
Pella
IB
79-139
(and
later
plates
for other
mints).
Le
Rider notes
that the diadem
only
appears
from
Pella
IB
79
(minted
c.
354/3
BC)
on.
See also
M. Bieber in
Proc. Am. Philos.
Soc.
xciii
(I949)
368
with n.
6
for
the earlier
references. The
example
illustrated here is in
the Manchester
Museum,
and is
not listed
by
Le Rider.
26
E.g.
Le
Rider
(n.
25)
pls
6-22
nos
140-543
(Pella
IIA I-Pella
III)
(young
rider/jockey);
pls
53-73
nos
1-635
(gold
staters,
chariot).
The
small silver
pieces
Pella
IA
44-9,
54-8
unusually
show a
young
rider
facing
left,
discussed
by
Le
Rider
366,
pls
2-3.
27
Paris,
Bibliotheque
Nationale: first
identified
by
A.
Longperier,
R. Num. xiii
(1868)
313
ff.;
Richter
(n.
22)
iii
253,
fig.
1706;
M.
Bieber
(n. 25)
378
(both
with
earlier
bibliography);
E.
Babelon,
Am.
J.
Num.
xliv
(1910o) I
19-21;
id.,
Traite'
des
monnaies
grecques
et
romaines
(Paris 1932)
pt
II
vol.
iv
529-31;
Philip ofMacedon
(n.
3)
169,
pl.
91.
Babelon
argued
that the head of
Zeus on
the
obverse of
Philip's
tetradrachms forms the
basis
for
the
Tarsus
medallion,
but
I
see little
likeness
beyond
the fact
that
both show bearded
men
in
the
prime
of
life;
the
Zeus echoes the severe
Phidian
type.
Prof.
Elisabeth
Alf6ldi-Rosenbaum has
kindly
warned me
that the
authenticity
of the
medallion is not
beyond
question.
As
a
consequence
of his
rejection
of
all
the
'received'
portraits
of
Philip
II
in
the
light
of the
Chicago
head
which
I
discuss
later,
Oikonomides
suggests
that the
medallion shows
Pyrrhus.
Although
his
identification
of the
six-rayed
fulmen
on
the
shoulder-piece
of the
cuirass
as
the
Epirot royal symbol
and
his
linking
of the
Nike
Trophaiophoros
that
appears
above
it
with
Pyrrhus' gold
coinage
of
274/3
BC seem
convincing,
the
actual
physiognomy
of the head
on the
medallion
is-apart
from the
beard-quite
different
from
that
on
the
gold
coins
of
Bruttium
which he
suggests
are
portraits
of
Pyrrhus.
Besides,
Oikonomides
does
not
explain why
Caracalla
should have
chosen to
identify
himself with an
enemy
of
Rome,
nor
why
'Pyrrhus'
should
be shown
wearing
the
Macedonian
royal
diadem: Al. N.
Oikonomides,
Coin
World
International
28
April
1982,
33,
38;
id.,
'The
portrait
of
Pyrrhus, King
of
Epirus,
in
Hellenistic and
Roman
Art',
The Ancient
World viii.
1-2
(1983)
67-72.
P.
Arndt in
Strena
Helbigiana
(Leipzig
19oo)
16 n.
2
also
rejects
the
identification
as
Philip,
on the
grounds
that the
features
are
shown in
too
Hellenistic a
manner.
28
E.g.
Bieber
(n.
25)
378,
who
proposes
as
the
original
the
replacement
for the
statue
mentioned
by
Arrian i
17.
I
I
as
having
been
in
the
temple
of
Artemis at
Ephesus