ArticlePDF AvailableLiterature Review

Homophobia, hypermasculinity, and the US Black Church

Authors:
  • Elijah Glenn Ward Family Foundation

Abstract

Black churches in the USA constitute a significant source of the homophobia that pervades black communities. This theologically-driven homophobia is reinforced by the anti-homosexual rhetoric of black nationalism. Drawing on a variety of sources, this paper discusses the sources of homophobia within black communities, and its impact upon self-esteem, social relationships and physical health. Religion-based homophobia and black nationalism point to wider structures which have influenced their emergence, including racism, patriarchy and capitalism. It is vital for US black churches and communities to understand and transcend their longstanding resistance to openly addressing complex, painful issues of sexuality and embrace healthier definitions of black manhood.
SHORT REPORT
Homophobia, hypermasculinity and the US black church
ELIJAH G. WARD
Institute for Health Research and Policy, School of Public Health, University of Illinois at Chicago,
USA
Abstract
Black churches in the USA constitute a significant source of the homophobia that pervades black
communities. This theologically-driven homophobia is reinforced by the anti-homosexual
rhetoric of black nationalism. Drawing on a variety of sources, this paper discusses the sources of
homophobia within black communities, and its impact upon self-esteem, social relationships
and physical health. Religion-based homophobia and black nationalism point to wider structures
which have influenced their emergence, including racism, patriarchy and capitalism. It is vital for US
black churches and communities to understand and transcend their longstanding resistance to openly
addressing complex, painful issues of sexuality and embrace healthier definitions of black manhood.
Re´sume´
Aux USA, les e´glises noires repre´sentent une source significative de l’homophobie qui impre`gne les
communaute´s noires. Cette homophobie base´e sur la the´ologie est renforce´e par la rhe´torique anti-
homosexuelle du nationalisme noir. En exploitant diverses sources, cet article examine l’origine de
l’homophobie au sein des communaute´s noires, et son impact sur l’estime de soi, les relations sociales
et la sante´ physique.
L’homophobie base´e sur la religion et le nationalisme noir semblent indiquer que ce sont des
structures sociales plus larges qui ont favorise´ leur e´mergence, parmi lesquelles le racisme, le
patriarcat et le capitalisme. Pour les e´glises et les communaute´s noires ame´ricaines, il est vital de
comprendre et de transcender leurs vieilles re´sistances afin d’aborder ouvertement les questions
complexes et douloureuses de la sexualite´, et d’adopter des de´finitions plus saines de la virilite´ noire.
Resumen
Las iglesias negras de los Estados Unidos son una fuente de homofobia importante y dominante en las
comunidades negras. Esta homofobia impulsada teolo´ gicamente esta´ reforzada por la reto´rica
antihomosexual del nacionalismo negro. Basa´ndonos en toda una serie de fuentes, en este documento
mostramos las fuentes de homofobia dentro de las comunidades negras y sus repercusiones en la
autoestima, las relaciones sociales y la salud ´sica. La homofobia basada en la religio´n y el
nacionalismo negro esta´n estrechamente vinculadas a estructuras ma´s amplias que han influenciado
su aparicio´n, como son el racismo, el patriarcado y el capitalismo. Es de vital importancia que las
iglesias y comunidades negras de los Estados Unidos comprendan y superen su tradicional resistencia
a tratar abiertamente problemas complejos y difı´ciles de la sexualidad y adopten definiciones ma´s
saludables sobre la masculinidad negra.
Keywords: Homophobia, religion, black men, masculinity, community health
Correspondence: Elijah G. Ward, School of Public Health, University of Illinois at Chicago, Chicago, Illinois, USA. Email:
ELIJAHAL@UIC.EDU
Culture, Health & Sexuality, September–October 2005; 7(5): 493–504
ISSN 1369-1058 print/ISSN 1464-5351 online # 2005 Taylor & Francis
DOI: 10.1080/13691050500151248
Introduction
Although many of them do not support anti-gay discrimination, evidence from media-
based and empirical surveys indicates that significant numbers of people in the USA,
including black people, see homosexual relationships as unacceptable and morally
wrong (Crawford et al. 2002:179–180). Black churches hold a central and uniquely
influential position within black culture and society in the USA (Lincoln and Mamiya
1990). Both directly and indirectly, black churches have been identified as fostering
homophobia—a fear or contempt for homosexuals and behaviour based upon such
feelings—playing an important role in its genesis, legitimation and weekly reinforcement
in black communities (Dyson 1996). Indeed, theologically-driven homophobia, aided
by black nationalist ideology, supports a strong and exaggerated sense of masculinity
within black communities that, along with homophobia, takes a significant but generally
unexamined psychic and social toll on people’s lives. These forces adversely shape the
lives not only of black gay/bisexual men but also those of black heterosexual males and
females.
Methods
The analysis presented here was developed following a literature review focusing on socio-
cultural analyses within the fields of history, gender studies, politics and theology;
qualitative and quantitative sociological and psychological studies, including surveys or
reviews of sets of surveys; national opinion polls; and other sources of evidence. This
analysis was also informed by conversations with nine black clergy, and speaking/lecture
engagements by five additional black ministers, all of whom were encountered during the
author’s attendance at local and national conferences attended by black clergy, or through
visits to black churches. The author was raised in a black church and has worshipped in
many different black churches over a period of many years.
The influence of black churches
US black churches are diverse in character, spanning vast differences along many
dimensions including theological tradition, style of worship, music, urban/rural location
and socioeconomic status. The black church in the USA is widely recognised as the central,
oldest and most influential institution in the black community (Lincoln and Mamiya
1990). It has been the organisational and cultural matrix from which many black social
institutions and forms of artistic expression emerged and have been sustained over the past
250 years. But even more critically, the black church is the spiritual ark that also preserved
and empowered black people socially, psychologically and physically during and after
slavery (Miller 2001). Surveys indicate that four out of five blacks belong to a faith tradition
(CDC 1999) and that 97% of black people in the USA claim some religious affiliation
(Dawson et al. 1994).
The black church wields a potent influence, on many levels, in the lives of churchgoers
(Lincoln and Mamiya 1990, Douglas 1999). Church affiliation is strong among all
socioeconomic levels of black people, and is often a significant element of the social lives
and networks of blacks. But what is also striking is the influence it wields indirectly in the
lives of those blacks that are not churchgoers. Even if as adults they no longer embrace the
church or religious principles, many blacks have been profoundly influenced by the church
494 E. G. Ward
ideology and imagery with which they were raised, and this continues to influence their
later beliefs and practices (Dyson 2003, Reed 2003).
Sources of the homophobia in black communities and churches
Within many black communities the church plays a significant role in the production of
homophobia, although it is important to recognize that black churches are not the only
source of the homophobia in black communities. Homophobia exists within many cultures,
subcultures and religious groups. But what are the roots and character of homophobia in
black churches within the USA? Three different types of explanation have been put
forward, which privilege respectively (i) religious beliefs, (ii) historical sexual exploitation,
and (iii) race survival consciousness. All are intimately related to the history of black
slavery, underscoring the complex background influence of racism in the genesis of
homophobia.
According to the first of these perspectives, homophobia is related to literalist theological
views. Recent work by theologians and biblical scholars has done much to move Christian
groups toward greater biblical integrity on homophobia as well as other issues (e.g. Spong
1992, Nelson 1993, Helminiak 1994, Douglas 1999). Work of this kind has given
contextual clarity to passages long-adhered to as justifications for homophobia. Yet,
black ministers and congregations have been relatively immune to, or distrustful of,
such generally white-dominated approaches to biblical scholarship and revisionism.
Homophobia in black churches is therefore directly related to the authority given to a
perceived literal interpretation of scripture in these churches (Brown 2002, Fowlkes 2003,
Reed 2003). Douglas (1999:90) argues that ‘[S]cripture is often the cornerstone of
homophobia in the black community’. She explains why black people’s use of the
Bible to condemn homosexuality is understandable in the context of their historical
experience, as enslaved blacks sought refuge and found freedom in the literalness of
Scripture.
A second line of thought holds that, among blacks, homophobia may well be at least in
part the expression of a more general fear of sexuality. Some black thinkers and scholars
locate this wider fear of sexuality, and of homosexuality in particular, in a psycho-cultural
response to the history of white exploitation of black sexuality during slavery and
afterwards. Douglas (1999) has offered the most complete explanation of this thesis.
Beyond their adaptive sense of humour in response to debilitating stereotypes, black people
in the USA have been profoundly affected by the persistent efforts of whites to demonise
them and their sexuality. In the social construction of standards of beauty, measures of
intelligence and assessments of moral character, elements of racism have been used to
effectively privilege whiteness and denigrate blackness. Much of this has been accomplished
through the institution of slavery and its aftermath.
US media stereotypes developed during slavery such as that of the mammy, the jezebel,
and the wild and hypersexual buck have their latter-day incarnations in the domineering
matriarch, the ‘welfare queen’ and the violent and sexually promiscuous black man. The
old images of blacks as bestial, lustful, wanton, lascivious, and promiscuous persist in the
US psyche today. Douglas (1999) says that Cornel West speaks for many others when he
noted that institutions in the black community families, schools, churches have
historically and assiduously avoided addressing the fundamental issue of sexuality. This
reticence on the part of blacks to speak about sexuality in public grows out of a fear that it
will confirm the stereotypes that whites have long held.
Homophobia, hypermasculinity and the US Black church 495
A third approach to explaining contemporary patterns of homophobia can be found in
the work of Crichlow (2004), who emphasizes notions of race survival consciousness.
In his treatment of Crichlow’s work, Lemelle (2004) notes that black homophobia in
North America is rooted in the moralisms about homosexuality produced in the melding –
within the context of colonialism and imperialism of both Western and traditional
African religious beliefs. These homophobic religious moralisms have dovetailed with the
urgency of a racial consciousness of survival and preservation among blacks, that sought to
construct black masculinity as the struggle against white domination. Crichlow refers to
this racial consciousness as bionationalism. The fallout from this ideological joining
together of religion-driven homophobia and bionationalism has been that whiteness and
homosexuality are both understood to connote weakness and femininity; conversely, black
masculinity has been constructed in hypermasculine terms.
Whereas many black churches are perhaps easy to identify as visible founts of
homophobic rhetoric, the overarching influence of racism that has given rise to such
homophobia has also nurtured it in secular settings as well. Black men’s conceptions of
what it is to be a man have been inextricably shaped by enduring racial stereotypes of black
men as athletes, criminals and sexual predators racial stereotypes not merely peculiar to
the USA, but also pertaining to black males globally (Pieterse 1992).
Homophobia: a pillar of hegemonic constructions of masculinity
Beyond sources of homophobia related to experiences of slavery and racism, black people
and churches have also been influenced by the homophobia prevalent in the larger US
society, and by related US notions of masculinity. Current dominant US construction of
masculinity include the following characteristics: a degree of mastery over one’s
environment, the display of avid interest in sports, competitiveness, independence, being
strong/tough, suppressing feelings, and aggressive/dominant control of relationships
(Staples 1982:2, Jakupcak 2003, Seal and Ehrhardt 2003:315).
Hypermasculinity, an exaggeration and distortion of traditionally masculine traits, has
been studied by psychologists since the 1920s (Glass 1984). Mosher and Sirkin (1984)
have viewed, for example, hypermasculinity, or machismo, as a trait associated with the
assertion of power and dominance often through physically and sexually aggressive
behaviours. Benson (2001) has argued that hypermasculinity is a value system extolling
male physical strength, aggression, violence, competition and dominance that despises the
dearth of these characteristics as weak and feminine. Hypermasculine symbols and
characters suffuse many arenas of US life, including sports (Burstyn 1999), big business
(West 1994:10), television (Scharrer 2001), the military and foreign policy (Ehrenreich
2002). Indeed, the normative construction of masculinity in US society is heavily
influenced by hypermasculine symbols and ideals.
Homophobia operates as a linchpin of the prevailing hegemonic construction of
masculinity in the USA. Normative conceptions of masculinity in US society are inherently
heterosexist and homophobic (Kimmel 1994). Because of the conflation of gender
and sexuality, to be seen as masculine requires being heterosexual, prompting the
hypermasculinisation of behaviour among males in order to avoid being labelled a ‘fag’ or
‘queer’ (Kimmel and Mahler 2003). According to Jabir (2004), ideologies of hetero-
normativity require the performance of homophobia – the pathologisation and demonisation
of the homosexual in order to legitimate, consolidate and essentialise their cultural
ascendancy.
496 E. G. Ward
As in wider US society, homophobia shores up versions of hegemonic masculinity
prevalent in black communities. Black masculinity in the USA is in a state of crisis. hooks
(2004:xii), reminds us that the core imagery with which the black male is constructed is
that of the murderous, rapacious brute – ‘untamed, uncivilised, unthinking, and unfeeling’.
Racist, capitalist patriarchy, she says, will never allow the full empowerment of black men.
Hypermasculinity is a living force within black communities. For Saddik (2003), hard-
core ‘gangsta’ rappers are dramatising the essence of black hypermasculinity, which in
many ways is an intensified, black male cultural reflection of the patriarchy, sexism,
heterosexism, and ‘gangster-style’ market materialism of wider US society. Wolfe’s
(2003:848) review of several studies indicates the prevalence of patterns of hypermasculine
behaviour among US black males, especially the tendency to relate to black women with
manipulative and exploitative attitudes, and the ‘quest for sexual prowess, with babies as
proof’. Intimately related to this is the ‘cool pose’ of so many US black males (Majors and
Billson 1992), a complex, ritualised form of masculinity emphasising strength, toughness,
pride, control, poise and emotionlessness. Being cool is expressed in highly stylised yet
individualised manners of walking, talking and dressing, and is the key to fitting in with
other black males, especially among youth. For Majors and Billson (1992), it is a coping
strategy black men use to allay and triumph over the anxieties and stresses of racism and
related blocked social opportunities, as well as a means to express bitterness, contempt and
rage toward the dominant society.
As Majors and Billson (1992:10) indicate, cool pose may well be related to the many self-
destructive and other-destructive behaviours that plague black men and communities, from
adolescent deviance and substance abuse to domestic violence, gang behaviour and
homicide. Qualities such as being ‘socially incompetent, disabled, or crippled—a sissy’ are
considered the opposite of being cool (ibid:83). hooks (2004) has pointed to some of the
contradictions, vulnerabilities and insecurities of black male identity in contemporary US
society. She notes that lack of intimacy ultimately erodes the self-respect of black men, an
untenable situation whose source she locates, interestingly, not only in patriarchy and
narrow constructions of black manhood, but also in conservative religious traditions. These
sources are also intimately related to the production of homophobia.
In effect, homophobia is used as a strategy of domination by various individuals and
groups both in US society and within its black subculture to define not only who or
what a homosexual is, but even more importantly, who or what amanis not. For as
Thomas (1996:59) has argued, ‘The jargon of racial authenticity [i.e. in the black
community] insists, as the gangsta-rapper Ice Cube has put it, that ‘‘true niggers ain’t gay’’’.
Homophobic constructions of masculinity in the black church
Black churches vary widely in their approach to homosexuality. However, the responses of
the majority of black churches range from verbalised hostility toward homosexuals to, at
best, silence on the issue. Only in a small contingent of US black churches that typically
identify as black gay churches – usually pastored by black lesbian or gay ministers – is there
an active and explicit embrace of gay/bisexual persons. Non-denominational Christian
churches that actively embrace black lesbians and gays do in fact exist, but are typically
multi-racial churches of which blacks comprise a minority.
A palpable silence around homosexuality exists in many black churches. There are, in
fact, predominantly black congregations that are socially and theologically progressive. Yet
these black congregations typically exist within predominantly white denominations (e.g.
Homophobia, hypermasculinity and the US Black church 497
the Episcopal and United Methodist churches), and their influence within black
communities is overshadowed by the much larger number of congregations within the
eight historically black Protestant denominations, many of which have traditions with
homophobic elements.
In many other black faith communities, unmistakably homophobic rhetoric is an
everyday part of the communal life (Griffin 2000). The pastor or senior minister often sets
the tone through sermons of condemnation from the pulpit, as well as through informal
conversations with church members. It is not uncommon for some black ministers to
regularly use derisive terms such as ‘fags’, ‘punks’, ‘sissies’, and ‘bulldaggers’ to refer to
gays and lesbians. Furthermore, ministers critical of homosexuality are rarely challenged or
criticised by church members. Reed (2003:5) notes, ‘I’ve been in churches where the
preacher’s gay, much of the choir is gay, and much of the congregation is gay, and the
preacher’s condemning homosexuality as an abomination, and nobody [in the church]
thinks there’s anything wrong with it’.
All black churches, however, do not espouse homophobic views. The Trinity United
Church of Christ is a black mega-church in Chicago that has taken a leadership role both
locally and nationally in confronting homophobia and HIV/AIDS stigma, spurring other
black churches to follow. The Balm in Gilead, an organisation based in New York City,
has worked with thousands of black churches nationally and overseas during the past
two decades, championing HIV/AIDS awareness and intervention with an implicitly
counter-homophobic approach. The Regional AIDS Interfaith Network assists black (and
other) congregations in North Carolina with developing HIV/AIDS prevention education
and compassionate teams to support the HIV/AIDS-affected. One example of the
emerging, predominantly black lesbian and gay churches is the association of Unity
Fellowship Churches, which began in Los Angeles and Detroit in 1991 and has since
seeded churches in several US metropolitan areas (Cohen 1999:288). Thus, although it is
still in its infancy, there is a loosely-knit but emerging movement afoot among positive
faith-based organisations to counter the homophobia common to many black faith
communities by communicating affirming stances on same-sex relationships – a movement
spurred in great part by the need to address HIV/AIDS in black communities. Yet, such
forward movement is also countered by processes such as that exemplified in the stances
against gay marriage adopted and publicly proclaimed by various associations of black
ministers throughout the USA during and after the 2004 US presidential election, whose
fears were cleverly inflamed and exploited by political networks of white evangelical
Christians supporting the Republican candidate (Wallsten and Hamburger 2005).
The impact of theologically-driven homophobia on black men and masculinity
Church-related homophobia influences conceptions of what it is to be a black man, thereby
influencing the behaviour and lives of black males, both straight and gay. Heterosexual men
who might not normally express a hypermasculinity may feel pressure to do so as a result of
repeated, impassioned church-inspired homophobic messages. The attitudes of black men
are likely to be shaped by these communications. Lemelle and Battle (2004), for example,
found that among black men, regular church attendance was significantly associated with
more homophobic attitudes toward gay males. Expressing hypermasculinity is socially
popular in many black male circles. It seizes upon opportunities for projecting male
dominance, possibly functioning as a means to vent the extra frustrations that black men
experience in a racist society, while also shoring up a sense of identity in an uncertain social
498 E. G. Ward
world. Expressing hypermasculinity also serves the added purpose of precluding
questioning about one’s sexual orientation, through a generous and decisive clarification
of any potential ambiguity about the matter.
One effect of religion-inspired homophobic messages is that heterosexual men who are
already homophobic or vulnerable (through their associations, upbringing, insecurities,
social frustrations and anger) feel thereby vindicated in their beliefs and fears. If they are
already expressing a hypermasculine persona, such messages reinforce their extreme and
narrow understanding of what masculinity is. In this way, males who already have a
tendency to believe that being a real man means or entitles them to engage in bullying,
misogyny and gay-bashing find additional socio-cultural, ideological and spiritual
legitimation for such a view of masculinity.
The stigma of homophobia creates tremendous psycho-social pressures for black gay/
bisexual men (Cohen 1999, Fullilove and Fullilove 1999, Kennamer et al. 2000). Evidence
suggests that internalised homophobia may lead to lower self-esteem and psychological
distress in some black gay/bisexual men, possibly contributing to sexual behaviours that
put them at risk for HIV (Stokes and Peterson 1998). However, still stronger findings
indicate that black gay and bisexual men who strongly identify as gay or generally disclose
their sexual orientation to others have also been linked to higher levels of sexual risk-taking
activity (Crawford et al. 2002) and HIV infection (CDC 2003:83) than those who are
more closeted.
For some black males, hypermasculinity although driven by deeper social structures
also operates as a mask for their hidden need and desire to be sexually intimate with
another man, which they nevertheless secretly pursue parallel to their relationships with
their families, girlfriends and wives (Crichlow 2004), a situation now commonly being
referred to in the US black media as ‘the down-low’. Research by Woodyard et al. (2000)
has found that participation in some black churches encourages sexual secrecy among
young black men who have sex with men.
Although church-projected homophobia drives some black gay men from the black
church, other black gay men for various reasons remain in traditional black churches that
are unabashedly homophobic, and endure the oppression. Many find or create their own
niches in traditional churches, perhaps involved in or responsible for some aspect of the
music programme, either as choir member, choir director or musician. Some gay men may
be ministers within churches, thus having a clerical or pastoral incentive for remaining.
Some stay in order to protect younger gays and lesbians from hostile forces within the
church against which these youth might otherwise have little or no protection or psycho-
spiritual support. Yet others may remain in vocally homophobic churches because they
have significant supportive ties to members or networks within the church that do not
espouse or endorse the dominant homophobic theological rhetoric.
The impact of theologically-driven homophobia on black communities
Although several sources of evidence suggest the possibility that US blacks may be more
homophobic than Americans in general, other data present a more ambiguous picture.
Lewis’ (2003) review of several surveys conducted since 1973 also found greater
disapproval of homosexuality among black adults than among whites, a finding that
persisted when religious and educational differences were controlled. However, his review
also indicates that blacks were moderately more supportive of gay civil rights and
significantly more opposed to anti-gay employment discrimination than whites.
Homophobia, hypermasculinity and the US Black church 499
Homophobia is not evenly distributed throughout black communities. Hill (2002) found
that religiosity and homophobia were predicted by social class status, defined in
educational terms. Similarly, Lemelle and Battle (2004) found that among black women,
income, education, urban residence, and age were significantly related to holding more
positive attitudes toward gay men. Nonetheless, Fullilove and Fullilove (1999) found that
homophobia is common across various segments of the black community.
Because black hypermasculinity, and its attendant homophobia, prevents many black men
from engaging in much more than an appearance of intimacy (in part, for fear of appearing
‘weak’ and unmanly), black heterosexual women are often denied the experience of
emotional intimacy with their male partners. In addition, their female mates and mothers
often share the sole responsibility, and psychic burden, of knowing who these men are and
what they are actually dealing with in their lives. One important effect of homophobia among
black heterosexual males in general, whether church-sanctioned or deriving from extra-
church sources, is that it stifles expressions of affection, vulnerability and intimacy between
men that many quietly yearn for, but learned to deny for fear of being labeled homosexual.
Black hypermasculine ideals are having a devastating impact upon the self-esteem, well-
being and health of young, low-income black young people, and young black women in
particular. Davis (2004) has recently called attention to the pervasiveness of a ‘play or
get played’ mentality characterising both young black inner-city males’ and females’
approaches to sexual relationships. Her article also reveals widespread patterns of abuse,
disrespect and devaluation of black women on the part of women as well as men.
Moreover, Wolfe (2003) has related the hypermasculine behaviours of black men
specifically, higher rates of multiple sex partners than any other male ethnic group and an
aversion to using condoms (because they are viewed as undermining virility and manliness)
– to the extremely high unintended pregnancy rate and the emerging HIV epidemic among
young black women.
Indeed, the risk of HIV/AIDS which disproportionately and overwhelmingly impacts
blacks in the USA is augmented by the silence and denial around homosexuality. Not
only black gay/bisexual men, but increasingly, women and black teenagers are affected.
According to the US Census Bureau, black adults and adolescents in 2001 had an AIDS
case rate ten times higher than whites. Observers, ministers, activists and researchers have
reached the conclusion that homophobia is one of the most significant factors crippling the
willingness of the black church to respond positively to AIDS (Cohen 1999, Fullilove and
Fullilove 1999, Linsk and Warner 1999, Brown 2002, Wright 2003).
Beyond the risk for and reality of AIDS, homophobia projected by the black church
directly damages black gay men through an impact that might best be understood as
spiritual genocide. It takes much inner strength, self-esteem, psychic vigilance and social
support to disown the label spiritual abomination (Miller 2001), and likewise to resist the
overwhelming tide of a culture that continually surrounds the gay male with the subtle
message that he is not a man, and thereby not even a person. Unfortunately, many black
gay men in the USA do not survive this assault. Also, through the silence and denial that
homophobia encourages and enforces among black gay men a potentially significant source
of resistance and change within the black community to these constructions is lost.
Conclusions
A host of social ills currently derive from the fallout around hypermasculinity and the
homophobia that supports it within US black communities (Cohen 1999, Wolfe 2003,
500 E. G. Ward
Lemelle and Battle 2004). Yet, open and honest discussions of black sexuality, as well
as the generation and reinforcement of more grounded and balanced constructions of
masculinity might play a valuable role in wider, multi-pronged efforts to improve the state
of well-being in black communities (also see Collins 2004:306). Beyond the clear need for
more research to explore in greater depth the connections hinted at in this paper, a critical
examination of the effects of current constructions of masculinity, and indeed of patriarchy,
needs to begin in black social and cultural circles. The persistence of racism in the USA is
at least as significant a factor as homophobia in destroying black communities and lives,
and is deeply woven into the machineries of homophobic oppression. Indeed, as stated
earlier, homophobia among blacks directly supports white racism’s history of and tendency
to hypersexualise, pathologise, demonise and mystify black sexuality (Thomas 1996:66).
But black gay men are equally injured by the racism inherent in white gay communities’
tendency to objectify black male bodies and to marginalise black men seeking an
acceptance they are denied in black communities (Kraft et al. 2000).
The dire social and health issues facing many black communities in the USA are complex
and deeply interwoven. Homophobia and the rigid constructions of masculinity it supports
are but one thread among many, including the realities of poverty, high unemployment,
drug trafficking, substance abuse, non-rehabilitative incarceration, depression, domestic
violence, child abuse and fatherless households. Nevertheless, a mutually validating
intimacy between black heterosexual males might normalise and sanction a deeply-needed,
more positive construction of masculinity that might easily incorporate vulnerability and
intimacy, as well as strength. It would have consequences for male health and well-being. In
concert with ongoing community and policy efforts to address these critical problems, a
vocal advocacy for healthy, non-homophobic constructions of manhood in black
communities spearheaded by the spiritual authority of black churches, may contribute
significantly to lessening the problems of violence, as well as closely-related social ills, in
black communities.
In particular, a dialogue must begin over the disadvantages of homophobic approaches
to socialising black males. These approaches are presently generated and legitimated
in great part by black churches, yet are also strongly influenced by the binding nature
of racial stereotypes of black males and by the still persisting need for a counter-
racist bionationalism among blacks. Griffin (2000:114) has argued that blacks realise
collusion with the dominant society in denouncing homosexuals as the despised other, helps
black people deflect the old label of sexual immorality and buys a measure of acceptance
into the larger culture. Reed (2003) and Collins (2004:107–108) have also identified this
motive as an important factor behind the rejection of homosexuals by many black ministers
and church members. For the black church has historically been that one haven where
slaves (and many of their present-day descendants) could find dignity and social honour
where people who were nobody could, at last, become somebody.
It is critical that black churches and communities begin to take responsibility for their
role in producing homophobia. However, while it is vital that conversations about
homosexuality and homophobia begin in black churches, such discussions must be
paralleled by the invitation of more fundamental conversations about sexuality. It is
common knowledge in black communities that black churches are still reticent to genuinely
address issues and pressing problems in the arena of sexuality such as teenage pregnancy,
out-of-wedlock births, contraception and sexually transmitted diseases (Brown 2002,
Dyson 2003, Wright 2003). A de-mythologising of black sexuality is an essential ingredient
of the sexual discourse that needs to take place in the black community.
Homophobia, hypermasculinity and the US Black church 501
Finally, heterosexist and homophobic hegemonic constructions of masculinity are hardly
peculiar to black communities. They exist within white, Latino and other racial/ethnic
communities in the USA and elsewhere, and it is unclear in this respect whether black
churches are any more homophobic than others. Among blacks and black faith
communities, however, these patterns are reinforced by an acute consciousness of race
survival, as well as by racialised stereotypes of masculinity. Indeed, for black communities,
religion-based homophobia and the narrow constructions of masculinity it supports can
never be fully disentangled from the more fundamental, interlocking systems of racism,
patriarchy and capitalism in the context of which they developed.
Acknowledgements
Support for the development of this paper came from Brian R. Flay’s NIH/NIDA Training
Grant: 5 T32 DA07293. Much gratitude is also felt for the assistance and contributions of
Adi Da Samraj, Adelaide F. Ward, Susan C. Scrimshaw, Robert L. Miller, Jr., R., Michelle
Green, Tyrone Fowlkes, Thomas Brown, Juan Y. Reed, Anthony J. Lemelle, Jr., Kevin
Lamarr James, Michael McColly, Johari O. Jabir, Tai Edward Few, Peter Ji and Gerald R.
Butters, Jr.
References
Benson, R. W. (2001) Changing Police Culture: The Sine Qua Non of Reform. Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review,
34, 681–690.
Brown, Rev.T. (2002) Personal communication.
Burstyn, V. (1999) The Rites of Men: Manhood, Politics, and the Culture of Sport (Toronto: University of Toronto
Press).
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention–CDC (1999) HIV prevention within faith communities and
communities of color, Atlanta, GA.
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention–CDC (2003) HIV/STD risk in young men who have sex with men
who do not disclose their sexual orientation Six U.S. cities, 1994–2000. Morbidity and Mortality Weekly
Report, 52, 82–86.
Cohen, C. (1999) The Boundaries of Blackness: AIDS and the Breakdown of Black Politics (Chicago: University of
Chicago Press).
Collins, P. H. (2004) Black Sexual Politics: African Americans, Gender, and the New Racism (New York: Routledge).
Crawford, I., Allison, K. W., Zamboni, B. D. and Soto, T. (2002) The Influence of Dual-Identity Development
on the Psychological Functioning of African-American Gay and Bisexual Men. The Journal of Sex Research,
39, 179–189.
Crichlow, W. (2004) Buller Men and Batty Bwoys: Hidden Men in Toronto and Halifax Black Communities (Toronto:
University of Toronto Press).
Dawson, M. C., Brown, R. E. and Jackson, J. S. (1994) National Black Politics Study, 1993 [Computer file].
ICPSR version. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago/Detroit, MI: Wayne State University/Ann Arbor, MI:
University of Michigan, [producers], 1994. Ann Arbor, MI: Inter-university Consortium for Political and
Social Research [distributor], 1998. http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/issr/da/index/techinfo/I20181.HTM
Davis, T. (2004) The Height of Disrespect. The Village Voice, 17 March, 23–25.
Douglas, K. B. (1999) Sexuality and the Black Church: A Womanist Perspective (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis Books).
Dyson, M. E. (1996) Race Rules: Navigating the Color Line (Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley).
Dyson, M. E. (2003) Open Mike: Reflections on Philosophy, Race, Sex, Culture and Religion (New York: Basic
Books).
Ehrenreich, N. (2002) Masculinity & American Militarism. Tikkun, 17, 45–48.
Fowlkes, T. (2003) Personal communication.
Fullilove, M. T. and Fullilove, R. E. (1999) Stigma as an Obstacle to AIDS Action. American Behavioral Scientist,
42, 1113–1125.
Glass, L. L. (1984) Man’s Man/Ladies’ Man: Motifs of Hypermasculinity. Psychiatry, 47, 260–278.
502 E. G. Ward
Griffin, H. (2000) Their own received them not: African American lesbians and gays in black churches.
In D. Constantine-Simms (ed.) The Greatest Taboo: Homosexuality in Black Communities (Los Angeles: Alyson
Books, 110–121).
Helminiak, D. A. (1994) What the Bible Really Says About Homosexuality (San Francisco: Alamo Square Press).
Hill, S. A. (2002) Teaching and Doing Gender in African American Families. Sex Roles, 47, 493–506.
hooks, b. (2004) We Real Cool: Black Men and Masculinity (New York: Routledge).
Jabir, J. O. (2004) Personal communication.
Jakupcak, M. (2003) Masculine Gender Role Stress and Men’s Fear of Emotions as Predictors of Self-Reported
Aggression and Violence. Violence and Victims, 18, 533–541.
Kennamer, J. D., Honnold, J., Bradford, J. and Hendricks, M. (2000) Differences in Disclosure of Sexuality
among African American and White Gay/Bisexual Men: Implications for HIV/AIDS Prevention. AIDS
Education and Prevention, 12, 519–31.
Kimmel, M. S. (1994) Masculinity as homophobia: fear, shame, and silence in the construction of gender identity.
In H. Brod and M. Kaufman (eds.) Theorizing Masculinities (Thousand Oaks, California: Sage), 119–141.
Kimmel, M. S. and Mahler, M. (2003) Adolescent Masculinity, Homophobia, and Violence: Random School
Shootings, 1982–2001. American Behavioral Scientist, 46, 1439–1458.
Kraft, J. M., Beeker, C. G., Stokes, J. P. and Peterson, J. L. (2000) Finding the "Community" in Community-
Level HIV/AIDS Interventions: Formative Research with Young African American Men Who Have Sex with
Men. Health Education & Behavior, 27, 430–441.
Lemelle, A. J. (2004) Personal communication.
Lemelle, A. J. and Battle, J. (2004) Black Masculinity Matters in Attitudes Toward Gay Males. Journal of
Homosexuality, 47, 39–41.
Lewis, G. B. (2003) Black-White Differences in Attitudes Toward Homosexuality and Gay Rights. The Public
Opinion Quarterly, 67, 59–78.
Lincoln, C. E. and Mamiya, L. H. (1990) The Black Church in the African American Experience (Durham, NC:
Duke University Press).
Linsk, N. L. and Warner, R. S. (1999) ‘He Listens… and Never Gossips’: Spiritual Coping Without Church
Support Among Older, Predominantly African-American Caregivers of Persons with HIV. Review of Religious
Research, 40, 230–243.
Majors, R. and Billson, J. M. (1992) Cool Pose: The Dilemmas of Black Manhood in America (New York: Lexington
Books).
Miller, R. L. (2001) African American Churches at the Crossroads of AIDS. Focus: A Guide to AIDS Research and
Counseling, 16, 1–4.
Mosher, D. L. and Sirkin, M. (1984) Measuring a Macho Personality Constellation. Journal of Research in
Personality, 18, 150–163.
Nelson, J. B. (1993) Body Theology (Westminster: John Knox Press).
Pieterse, J. N. (1995) White on Black: Images of Africa and Blacks in Western Popular Culture (New Haven: Yale
University Press).
Reed, Rev. J. Y. (2003) Personal communication.
Saddik, A. J. (2003) Rap’s Unruly Body: The Postmodern Performance of Black Male Identity on the American
Stage. The Drama Review, 47, 110–127.
Scharrer, E. (2001) Tough Guys: The Portrayal of Hypermasculinity and Aggression in Televised Police Dramas.
Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media, 45, 615–634.
Seal, D. W. and Ehrhardt, A. A. (2003) Masculinity and Urban Men: Perceived Scripts for Courtship, Romantic,
and Sexual Interactions with Women. Culture, Health and Sexuality, 5, 295–319.
Spong, J. S. (1992) Rescuing the Bible from Fundamentalism: A Bishop Rethinks the Meaning of Scripture (San
Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco).
Staples, R. (1982) Black Masculinity: The Black Man’s Role in American Society (San Francisco: The Black Scholar
Press).
Stokes, J. P. and Peterson, J. L. (1998) Homophobia, Self-Esteem, and Risk for HIV Among African American
Men Who Have Sex with Men. AIDS Education and Prevention, 10, 278–292.
Thomas, K. (1996) Ain’t nothin’ like the real thing: black masculinity, gay sexuality, and the jargon of authenticity.
In M. Blount and G. P. Cunningham (eds.) Representing Black Men (New York: Routledge, 55–69.
Wallsten, P. and Hamburger, T. (2005) Black Clergy Wooed for Values Fight. Los Angeles Times, 2 February, B–3.
West, C. (1994) Race Matters (New York: Vintage Books).
Wolfe, W. A. (2003) Overlooked Role of African-American Males’ Hypermasculinity in the Epidemic of
Unintended Pregnancies and HIV/AIDS Cases with Young African-American Women. Journal of the
National Medical Association, 95, 846–852.
Homophobia, hypermasculinity and the US Black church 503
Woodyard, J. L., Peterson, J. L. and Stokes, J. P. (2000) ‘‘Let Us Go into the House of the Lord’’: Participation in
African American Churches Among Young African American Men Who Have Sex With Men. The Journal of
Pastoral Care, 54, 451–460.
Wright, Rev. J. (2003) Conference keynote speaker. Breaking the silence: in times like these. The National Black
Religious Summit VII on Sexuality. Howard University School of Divinity, Washington, DC, 9 July.
504 E. G. Ward
... Despite the rich existence of homoeroticism in Black history and literature (Battle & Bennett, 2007), it is said that sexual minorities are stigmatized within the Black community (Hill, 2013), a legacy of long-standing racism against the Black community and how the community has responded. From slavery to the civil rights movement, religion-based traditions and Christian church affiliation central to the Black community has been a central institutional force on the condemnation of sexual minorities (Constantine-Simms 2001;Ward, 2005). In addition, Black cultural nationalist rhetoric has denigrated homosexuality as "not authentically Black" and denied the voices of Black sexual minorities (Clarke, 1987;Collins, 2005;Hunter, 2010;Moore, 2010). ...
... These findings underscore the compounding effects of pressure and ostracism attributed from heterosexism and racism from a larger society that sexual minority and Black youth have to navigate within their families and community. As a response to enduring racism and systematic oppression, traditional and religious gender and family roles have been historically reinforced as a means of preserving Black cultural identity and unity within Black families and communities, oftentimes leading to stigmatization and condemnation of sexual minorities (Battle & Bennett, 2007;Clarke, 1987;Greene, 1996Greene, , 1998Constantine-Simms 2001;Collins, 2005;Ward, 2005;Hunter, 2010;Moore, 2010Moore, , 2011Hill, 2013;Lee, 2021;Page et al., 2022). There could even be "courtesy stigma" at play, wherein families of color may reject or downplay the child's sexual identity to maintain the family image within the broader community (Dorri et al., 2023). ...
Article
Full-text available
Introduction It is well-documented that sexual minority youth are at a higher risk of experiencing being thrown away and running away from their parental home, the two main pathways to youth homelessness. These challenges are often related to family rejection and strained child-parent relationships. However, little knowledge exists of how sexual minority status intersect with race/ethnicity in this context. Methods The study utilized data from Wave III (2001–2002) of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health (Add Health) (1994–2018) with a sample size of 14,181 survey participants to examine the effects of sexual minority status and race/ethnicity on the experience of youth being ordered to move out and running away from one’s parental home. Results A series of regression analyses revealed that sexual minority youth were more likely to experience being thrown away and running away from their parental home. Furthermore, the findings showed significant intersectional disparities from sexual minority status and Black race in experiences of being thrown away and running away even after controlling for various sociodemographic, family circumstances, and other risk factors. Black sexual minority youth faced heightened risks of parental home displacement, indicating increased vulnerability within sexual minority youth. Conclusions The study provides the first large-scale, nationally representative population-based evidence for the unique risk that Black sexual minority youth are facing with respect to the two pathways to youth homelessness. Policy Implications Families with sexual minority youth and youth experiencing homelessness may benefit from racially/ethnically specific and sexuality-specific interventions.
... Of note, 83% percent of Adkins-Jackson et al.'s sample identified as heterosexual, and it is unclear if their sample included NBBW. The potential exclusion of NBBW in this study reflects larger trends in Black Christian communities and churches, namely, the lack of hospitality toward sexual and gender minorities (Ward, 2005;F. E. Wood, 2017). ...
Article
Full-text available
This study examined how 11 nonbinary Black womxn (NBBW) in the United States experience and distinguish between spirituality and religion using an endarkened Black feminist decolonial paradigm and an Afro-Indigenous eco-womxnist cosmological theoretic framework. Data were from Project NBBW, a community-based participatory action research project led by Black sexual and gender minority womxn community members and researchers. We conducted individual semistructured interviews and examined participant’s qualitative responses to the following research inquiry: How do NBBW perceive their relationship to spirituality and religion? Participants were 11 NBBW, aged 21–30, living in the United States. Participants identified as spiritual, not religious (n = 5); spiritual and religious (n = 4); and neither spiritual nor religious (n = 2). Using interpretative phenomenological analysis, we coconstructed six themes across participant responses. Themes about Christian religion specifically were as follows: (a) I was raised in the Christian tradition, (b) the “shoulds” of a “Black woman,” and (c) oh, I’m going to do whatever I want because who did whatever they want? Jesus. Regarding spirituality, the themes were as follows: (a) God … you lowkey nonbinary, (b) in constant communication with both the universe and my ancestors, and (c) what would I have believed if we weren’t colonized? Implications inform decolonial counseling practice and training, advocacy, and research for NBBW that untethers spirit(uality) from Christian hegemony.
... There is a substantial body of literature that has highlighted how heterosexist and antigay rhetoric and discrimination have harmed Black SGL men by contributing to poor psychological and physical health outcomes (Fields et al., 2013;Huebner et al., 2014;W. L. Jeffries et al., 2013;Millett et al., 2012;Ward, 2005). For example, English et al. (2021) found that living in states with more anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer policies was associated with experiencing higher anxiety symptoms, perceived burdensomeness, heavy drinking, and less frequent HIV testing. ...
Article
Full-text available
Black same gender loving (SGL) men are subjected to intersecting forms of oppression that negatively impact their well-being. Spirituality is one cultural strength utilized by this group to cope with and combat oppression. However, it is still unclear exactly how spirituality impacts oppression. Informed by optimal conceptual theory applied to sexual and gender minorities (OCT-SGM), the authors used reflexive thematic analysis to analyze interviews with 10 Black SGL men to understand how they made sense of the interplay of spirituality and oppression in their lives. Four themes and two subthemes were generated. The themes were as follows: (1) spirituality guides action-oriented and communal responses to oppression, (2) prioritizing spiritual interpretations to make meaning of oppression, (3) transforming unhelpful emotions into emotions conducive to optimal well-being, and (4) developing self-knowledge to resist oppression. The subthemes were (1a) spirituality informs behavioral responses to oppression that prioritize cultural values, survival, and coping and (1b) relational and communal strategies to respond to oppression. Findings were discussed through the lens of OCT-SGM to ensure the development of culturally appropriate implications for research and clinical work with Black SGL men.
... The Black church remains unparalleled in seeking equality and justice for Black people and offering safe spaces beyond the gaze of White hostility (Allen 2019). The Black church is the religious power structure by which social influence and ideologies flow (Ward 2005). Silver Bluff Church, the first Black church in the U.S., was founded in 1773 (Pinn 2002). ...
Article
The most notable religious figures in leadership positions are overwhelmingly men. Women have often held supporting roles in religious institutions, which lack the prestige and privilege of their male counterparts. The structure, culture, and systems of religions have been accused of sex bias regarding positions and equity among members. This trend is no less true for the African American religious community. Although Black women represent a majority of Black church congregations, their membership and service have not resulted in restructuring reflective of their contributions. This invites questions concerning participation, recognition, and satisfaction. This commentary examines the role Black women have within the Black Church in the United States. It briefly explores the history, perceptions, various roles, and adaptations of Black women as religious figures within the church. Despite historical subordination and reduced visibility, Black women continue to be the foundation on which the Black church is built. They simultaneously nurture and challenge the networks and traditions that comprise the Black church, and as such, their power is more real than apparent.
... Historically, Black churches have openly expressed and support anti-gay views (Ward, 2005 (2018) found young Black gay and bisexual men were most at risk of social isolation when Black churches advocated this stigma. Quinn et al. (2016) found young Black men who had sex with men would often hide their sexuality from others in order to stay engaged with their church. ...
Article
Full-text available
For individuals in the LGBTQ community, the thought of religion or religious groups usually elicit some reaction. There are many both mainstream and fringe groups that have strong, anti-LGBTQ viewpoints. This often is hard for someone who was raised religious and finds comfort in the church. The purpose of the current research was to conduct a structured literature review on academic literature exploring a connection between LGBTQ and cults. I used the PRISMA methodology to examine this topic. While there were some interesting findings, I was unable to find extensive connections between the topics, especially in regards to cults. The findings of my research suggest that most the religious institutions explored have anti-LGBTQ views. These views can create communities not accepting of LGBTQ individuals, and, in turn, have often made LGBTQ individuals turn away from the church. There is hope, and we are seeing many more mainstream religious groups become increasing accepting of the LGBTQ community.
Chapter
Despite the historical and perpetual trauma, racism, discrimination, socio-economical, and socio-political disparities they have experienced in the United States, Black men have consistently forged ways to demonstrate resilience and assert their own sense of autonomy and masculinity. Nevertheless, their ecological context of living in a country that has historically sought to dehumanize them and eradicate their manhood is cumbersome to their mental wellbeing. Furthermore, the tendency by researchers to pathologize Black males obfuscates the reality of their situation in the United States, minimizing their mental needs. Understanding both the complexity of their ecological context as well as their adaptability and resilience will give behavioral health providers better insight into the realities of Black men's sense of masculinity and implications for their mental health. This chapter elucidates on the complexities of the Black male experience, Black masculinity, and implications for their mental health. The chapter concludes with recommendations for treatment.
Article
Soğuk Savaşçı erkeklik, İkinci Dünya Savaşı sonrasındaki iki kutuplu dünya sisteminin antagonistik siyaset anlayışıyla şekillenmiştir. Nükleer silahlanma yarışlarının, rekabetin, ideolojik kamplaşmanın yarattığı kaos ortamı güç ve güvenliğe olan ihtiyacı daha da arttırmış ve bu konjonktürde zamanın erkeklik biçimini militarist öğeler oluşturmuştur. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma Soğuk Savaş döneminde erkekliğin iç ve dış politikada nasıl üretildiğini ve Türkiye’de Demokrat Partili yıllarda siyasal alana nasıl yansıdığını incelemektedir. Bu amaçla çalışma üç bölümden oluşmaktadır. İlk bölümde erken Soğuk Savaş döneminde erkekliği şekillendiren unsurlar ve dönemin hegemonik erkekliği “eril koruma mantığı” kavramı çerçevesinde tartışılacaktır. Çalışmanın ikinci bölümünde erken dönem Soğuk Savaş erkekliğinin Türkiye’nin Demokrat Partili yıllarını kapsayan (1950-1960) döneme yansımasına odaklanacaktır. Son bölümde ise, Soğuk Savaş dönemi liderlerinden biri olarak Adnan Menderes üzerinden erkeklik okuması yapılacaktır.
Chapter
There is a critical need for community advocates to understand the mental health needs of Black or African American (BA) men and the hesitancy in regard to accessing mental health services. Traditional, western masculinity powerfully influences how BA men perceive mental health struggles and vice versa, how reaching out for help and support affects an individual is perceived as being a man. Racial discrimination, marginalization and institutional oppression need to be taken into account when exploring mental health among BA men, especially in how these experiences interact with the enactment of masculinity. There is a great need for those who work with BA men to be aware of the mental health trends of this population, and the sociopolitical dynamics in the United States that contribute to them, equipped to effectively employ gender-adapted strategies with BA men, and familiar with evidenced-based approaches for promoting BA men's health and wellbeing in a way that is culturally responsive.