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It's Not Just the Amount That Counts: Balanced Need Satisfaction Also Affects Well-Being

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The basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness have been found to have unique additive effects on psychological well-being (see E. L. Deci & R. M. Ryan, 2000). In the present study, the authors extended these findings by examining whether the balance in the satisfaction of these 3 needs is also important. The results of 4 studies showed that people who experienced balanced need satisfaction reported higher well-being than those with the same sum score who reported greater variability in need satisfaction. This finding emerged for multiple measures of needs and adjustment and was independent of neuroticism. Moreover, results were obtained consistently across concurrent, prospective, daily diary, and observer-report study designs. Discussion focuses on the psychological meaning and functional implications of balanced need satisfaction.
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It’s Not Just the Amount That Counts: Balanced Need Satisfaction Also
Affects Well-Being
Kennon M. Sheldon
University of Missouri—Columbia
Christopher P. Niemiec
University of Rochester
The basic psychological needs for autonomy, competence, and relatedness have been found to have
unique additive effects on psychological well-being (see E. L. Deci & R. M. Ryan, 2000). In the present
study, the authors extended these findings by examining whether the balance in the satisfaction of these
3 needs is also important. The results of 4 studies showed that people who experienced balanced need
satisfaction reported higher well-being than those with the same sum score who reported greater
variability in need satisfaction. This finding emerged for multiple measures of needs and adjustment and
was independent of neuroticism. Moreover, results were obtained consistently across concurrent, pro-
spective, daily diary, and observer-report study designs. Discussion focuses on the psychological
meaning and functional implications of balanced need satisfaction.
Keywords: life balance, need satisfaction, well-being
Psychological needs theories have had a long and checkered
history in psychology, dating back to McDougall (1908), Murray
(1938), and Maslow (1971). Although the concept of psycholog-
ical needs provides a promising framework for understanding the
antecedents of human thriving, disagreements on the definition and
conceptualization of needs have slowed the progress in realizing
this potential (Ryan, 1995). For example, needs theorists differ
widely in their view of whether psychological needs are variable in
their importance for different people, versus largely invariant;
whether needs are expressive motives that impel people toward
certain types of incentives in the environment, versus experiential
requirements necessary for people to thrive; whether needs are
acquired during the process of individual development, versus
evolved and inherited; and whether needs are few in number,
versus multitudinous in number (Sheldon, Ryan, & Reis, 1996).
Recently, research based in the self-determination theory (SDT;
Deci & Ryan, 1985, 2000) tradition has led to an upsurge in
interest in the concept of psychological needs (see also Baumeister
& Leary, 1995; Brewer, 1991; Sheldon, 2004). According to SDT,
psychological needs are evolved experiential requirements that all
people must have in order to grow to their fullest potential, in the
same way that plants require key nutrients (i.e., soil, sun, water) to
thrive (Ryan, 1995). SDT postulates the existence of three basic
psychological needs—autonomy, competence, and relatedness—
and proposes that each is a distinct necessity for psychological
health (Ryan, 1995). The need for autonomy (deCharms, 1968)
refers to the experience that behavior is owned and endorsed “at
the highest level of reflection” (see also Deci & Ryan, 2000).
Competence (White, 1959) refers to the need to feel effective,
efficient, and masterful vis-a`-vis the environment. Relatedness
(Baumeister & Leary, 1995) refers to the need to feel understood,
connected with, and appreciated by close others.
Considerable research now supports the SDT proposal that all
three needs are important. For example, the simultaneous experi-
ence of autonomy, competence, and relatedness has been shown to
contribute to people’s reports of fulfillment from satisfying events
(Sheldon, Elliot, Kim, & Kasser, 2001), good days (Sheldon et al.,
1996), secure attachments (LaGuardia, Ryan, Couchman, & Deci,
2000), and college classroom experiences (Filak & Sheldon,
2003). Moreover, need satisfaction contributes to the experience of
heightened psychological and physical health in a variety of do-
mains, including the workplace (e.g., Baard, Deci, & Ryan, 2004;
Ilardi, Leone, Kasser, & Ryan, 1993; Vansteenkiste et al., in
press), athletics (e.g., Gagne´, Ryan, & Bargmann, 2003), and
general health practices (e.g., Williams et al., 2006; Williams,
McGregor, Zeldman, Freedman, & Deci, 2004), as well as across
the life span, from adolescents (e.g., Niemiec et al., in press) to
older persons (e.g., Kasser & Ryan, 1999). Finally, the proposition
that all three needs are essential has been supported in both Eastern
and Western cultures (e.g., Deci et al., 2001; Sheldon et al., 2001),
at both within- and between-person levels of analysis (Reis, Shel-
don, Gable, Roscoe, & Ryan, 2000), and in both cross-sectional
and longitudinal designs (Sheldon & Elliot, 1999).
The SDT approach provides a framework for resolving many
perennial questions that concern psychological needs. The first
question, which was alluded to above, is as follows: If a posited
need varies drastically in its importance for different people, then
is it really a necessary antecedent for psychological health, or is it
merely an idiosyncratic desire? According to SDT, the fundamen-
tal needs should not vary much in their importance for different
people, a position bolstered by the increasing prominence of evo-
lutionary perspectives that focus on the universal and species-
typical features of human nature (Buss, 2000; Deci & Ryan, 2000).
In other words, all people require certain types of experiences to
approximately the same extent—what varies is the extent to which
they manage to get such satisfaction. Thus, the SDT perspective
Kennon M. Sheldon, Department of Psychology, University of Mis-
souri—Columbia; Christopher P. Niemiec, Department of Clinical and
Social Sciences in Psychology, University of Rochester.
Correspondence concerning this article should be addressed to Ken-
non M. Sheldon, Department of Psychology, 210 McAlester Hall,
University of Missouri—Columbia, Columbia, MO 65211. E-mail:
sheldonk@missouri.edu
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology Copyright 2006 by the American Psychological Association
2006, Vol. 91, No. 2, 331–341 0022-3514/06/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0022-3514.91.2.331
331
differs considerably from the motive disposition (or social motive)
tradition (McClelland, 1985), which focuses on acquired individ-
ual differences in the strength of motives such as achievement,
power, intimacy, or affiliation (McAdams, 2001). Simply stated, in
the SDT model, needs are invariant required inputs, rather than
varying motivated outputs.
A second perennial question, which is related to the first, is as
follows: If needs are adaptive motives that facilitate psychological
health, then why do some people focus their energies in ways that
are unsatisfying and even maladaptive? According to SDT, needs
are experiential requirements, not behavioral motives. Because
there is no a priori connection between motivated behavior and
resultant need satisfaction, people can sometimes pursue the
“wrong” goals—that is, goals that do not meet their needs (Shel-
don, 2004). For example, Niemiec, Ryan, and Deci (2006) found
that changes in the attainment of intrinsic, but not extrinsic, life
goals during a 1-year period were strongly related to changes in
need satisfaction and psychological health during the same period
of time, which supports the SDT position that not all goal attain-
ment is equally beneficial for need satisfaction and well-being
(Ryan, Sheldon, Kasser, & Deci, 1996).
A third perennial question is as follows: If needs really are
necessary for psychological health, then shouldn’t a high level of
need satisfaction predict well-being? Some previous theoretical
approaches have not incorporated this idea, and indeed some
previously postulated needs may actually be damaging to human
integrity (e.g., Murray’s [1938] proposed “needs” for abasement
and aggression). From the SDT perspective, needs are essential for
well-being and therefore should be validated, in part, by their
association with psychological health (Baumeister & Leary, 1995;
Ryan, 1995). Thus, if a particular type of experience does not
facilitate the adjustment of nearly everyone who has it, then that
experience is probably not a psychological need.
The Balance of Need Satisfaction
We hoped to contribute new information to this emerging syn-
thesis by examining the balance of need satisfaction in addition to
the total amount of need satisfaction. Although balance has re-
ceived no prior research attention, there is reason to hypothesize
that it may be an important determinant of well-being (see Shel-
don, 2004, p. 199).
Again, SDT posits that the satisfaction of all three needs is
essential for the experience of psychological health, a proposal that
has been supported in many studies using a wide variety of
outcomes. Often, the basic psychological needs will be satisfied to
an approximately equal extent. However, at some times, people’s
lives may become configured such that they experience an imbal-
ance in their levels of need satisfaction. For example, suppose that
the owner of a new business must work very long hours to pursue
his dream. He is his own boss, and thus he experiences very good
satisfaction of his need for autonomy (e.g., a score of 6 on a scale
ranging from 1 to 7). Moreover, his business has grown quite
successful, and thus he experiences very good satisfaction of his
need for competence (e.g., a 6). However, he is unable to spend
much time with his family and friends, and thus he experiences
low satisfaction of his need for relatedness (e.g., a 3). Therefore,
the sum score of need satisfaction for the entrepreneur is 15.
In contrast, consider a mother who has put aside her career to
raise her children. In planning her own days and enjoying her
children, she experiences good satisfaction of her needs for auton-
omy and relatedness (i.e., 5s on both). She also works a 15-hr per
week job at which she is successful, and thus she experiences good
satisfaction of her need for competence (e.g., a 5). Note that the
sum score of need satisfaction for the mother is also 15. An
important question thus concerns whether the greater balance in
need satisfaction experienced by the mother is more facilitative of
psychological health, even though both she and the entrepreneur
experience the same total amount of need satisfaction.
Although no previous research has examined the relation of
balanced need satisfaction to well-being, work in other domains
suggests that internal variability is problematic for psychological
health. For example, Paradise and Kernis (2002) found that unsta-
ble self-esteem was associated with less positive psychological
functioning, particularly for people with high self-esteem. Self-
verification research (Swann, 1990) has shown that people desire,
and benefit from, consistency in their self-concept, and self-
discrepancy research has shown that people are happier when they
do not perceive discrepancies between how they and others see
them (Campbell, Assanand, & Di Paula, 2003). Donahue, Robins,
Roberts, and John (1993) found that people experienced height-
ened ill-being when their self-concepts were more differentiated or
variable across roles, and Sheldon and Emmons (1995) found that
greater differentiation across personal goals predicted negative
goal outcomes. Thus, it appears that within-person variability, over
time or across contexts, in self-relevant constructs is detrimental to
well-being.
The research cited above only indirectly addresses the balance
hypothesis examined in the present research, which concerns vari-
ability among psychological needs that are presumed to be unique.
Thus, we drew from the burgeoning literature on the consequences
of life balance for psychological health to provide a more specific
theoretical rationale for our hypothesis. According to the scarcity
hypothesis (Chapman, Ingersoll-Dayton, & Neal, 1994), there ex-
ists a limited amount of time and energy that people can devote to
different areas in their lives (e.g., work, family). The allocation of
these resources to certain life domains leaves less time and energy
available for other domains. Thus, when allocation of these re-
sources is imbalanced across life domains (either because of in-
appropriate allocation or circumstances that mandate imbalanced
allocation), there is insufficient time and energy that can be allo-
cated to other important areas, creating stress and conflict that
result in a variety of negative consequences for health and well-
being (Adams, King, & King, 1996; Arye, 1992; Grant-Vallone &
Donaldson, 2001; Noor, 2004; Rice, Frone, & McFarlin, 1992). In
a similar manner, we propose that imbalance among the satisfac-
tion of the psychological needs reflects inappropriate allocations of
resources across the different domains of life, which may induce
stresses and conflicts that ultimately detract from well-being.
Of course, there are other explanations for the balance effect,
should it emerge. For example, balanced need satisfaction may
reflect a person’s engagement in harmonious, rather than obses-
sive, passions (e.g., Vallerand et al., 2003); emerging research
suggests that obsessive passions can consume a person’s life,
engendering stress and role conflict that detract from well-being
(Seguin-Levesque, Lalliberte, Pelletier, Blanchard, & Vallerand,
2003). The balance prediction may also be derived from eudae-
monic (i.e., meaning-based), rather than the hedonic (i.e., pleasure-
based), conceptions of thriving (Ryan & Deci, 2000; Sheldon,
2004; Waterman, 1993). Many eudaemonic philosophies espouse
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SHELDON AND NIEMIEC
balance, harmony, and temperance, whereas hedonic philosophies
typically espouse intensity, quantity, and extremity. Finally, dem-
onstrating the importance of balance would also support person-
ality theories that focus on developing all sides of the self (Jung,
1971) and that advise people not to put all their eggs in one basket
(Linville, 1987).
Study 1
To provide an initial test of these ideas, we assessed in Study 1
the psychological well-being of a large sample of participants
using several measures of well-being, and we also assessed par-
ticipants’ concurrent satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and
relatedness. Our first hypothesis was that satisfaction of the three
needs would positively correlate with the well-being measures,
replicating prior research showing that need satisfaction facilitates
well-being. Our second hypothesis was that balance in satisfaction
across the three needs would also correlate positively with
well-being.
As we discuss in greater detail in the Method section, we
computed balance in terms of the total divergence among the
measures of satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and related-
ness, where less divergence indicates more balance. Notably, how-
ever, as the total satisfaction of the three needs increased, there
was less possible variation among the measures of the three needs.
This would likely yield a statistical confound (i.e., a ceiling effect)
that could have obscured the relation of balance to psychological
health. To avoid this confound, we included the three measures of
need satisfaction as main effects in the regression models, thereby
controlling for the total amount of need satisfaction. Conveniently,
this procedure enabled an evaluation of both of our Study 1
hypotheses within the same model.
As a second way of evaluating the robustness of the hypothe-
sized relation, we also tested for curvilinear effects involving the
three need satisfaction variables. We hoped to show that balance
has a positive relation that persists even when response extremity
(i.e., the tendency to give very low or very high ratings) is
controlled. Such a tendency should be captured by including a
squared product term for each of the three need satisfaction vari-
ables, thereby controlling for any nonlinear effects of response
extremity on well-being. We made no predictions concerning the
curvilinear effects of need satisfaction on well-being because these
associations have not been reported previously. If balance re-
mained a significant predictor after controlling for the nonlinear
effects, it would suggest that balance is equally important for
people with low, moderate, and high levels of need satisfaction.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participants were 315 students (64% women) in an introductory psy-
chology course at the University of Missouri who participated as part of a
course requirement.
1
The mean age of the participants was 19 years, with
a range from 18 to 44. The majority of the sample identified themselves
as Caucasian (88%), and the rest of the sample was composed of
African American (3%), Hispanic (4%), and other (4%). After signing
up for the study, they were e-mailed a link to a survey that they
completed online.
Measures
Well-being. We used the Positive Affect Negative Affect Scale
(PANAS; Watson, Tellegen, & Clark, 1988) to assess participants’ positive
(10 items; e.g., “interested,” “strong”) and negative (10 items; e.g.,
“ashamed,” “irritable”) affect, using a scale ranging from 1 (not at all)to
5(all the time). We used the Satisfaction With Life Scale (Diener, Em-
mons, Larsen, & Griffin, 1985) to assess participants’ life satisfaction (five
items; e.g., “I am satisfied with my life”), using a scale ranging from 1
(strongly disagree)to5(strongly agree). Together, these scales assessed
both the emotional and cognitive facets of well-being. All three measures
asked participants about their “life in general.” The reliability for each
measure was as follows: positive affect ␣⫽.88, negative affect ␣⫽.88,
and life satisfaction ␣⫽.84. We computed an aggregate subjective
well-being (SWB) score (␣⫽.90) by summing the positive affect and life
satisfaction items and subtracting the negative affect items, following the
recommendations of Diener and Lucas (1999) and the procedures of
Sheldon and Elliot (1999) and Sheldon and Kasser (1998, 2001). We used
the Subjective Happiness Scale (Lyubomirsky & Lepper, 1999) to assess
participants’ overall level of happiness (four items; e.g., “I consider myself
a very happy person”), using a scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree)to
5(strongly agree). The reliability for this measure was ␣⫽.83.
Need satisfaction. The need satisfaction items used by Sheldon et al.
(2001) assessed general experiences of autonomy (three items; e.g., “In my
life, my choices are based on my true interests and values”), competence
(three items; e.g., “In my life, I feel very capable in what I do”), and
relatedness (three items; e.g., “In my life, I feel close and connected with
other people who are important to me”). Responses were made on a 7-point
Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree)to7(strongly agree).
The reliability for each subscale was as follows: autonomy ␣⫽.76,
competence ␣⫽.84, and relatedness ␣⫽.88.
To assess the balance of need satisfaction, we computed the difference
between each pair of needs and then summed the absolute values of the
three difference scores, which yielded a measure of the total divergence
among the three scores. Similar statistical methodologies (e.g., focusing on
the variance or on the standard deviation across the three scores) correlated
highly with the absolute difference measure (i.e., r .93) and yielded very
similar results. Given the 7-point scale, the balance score could range from
0 (indicating equal satisfaction among the three needs) to 12 (indicating the
maximum summed difference among the needs; e.g., as yielded by scores
of 1, 4, and 7). The balance score was transformed by subtracting each
participant’s score from the highest observed score of 9; this created a
variable in which higher scores corresponded to greater balance among the
three needs.
Results and Discussion
Preliminary Analyses
Table 1 presents the means, standard deviations, and intercor-
relations of the three measures of need satisfaction, the two mea-
sures of well-being, and the balance score. As expected, the three
measures of need satisfaction and the balance score were posi-
tively correlated with the well-being measures as well as with each
other. The fact that balance correlated positively with the measures
of need satisfaction underscored the importance of controlling for
level of satisfaction in the regression models, so as to establish the
unique contribution of balance.
1
Sheldon and Hoon (2006) also used this sample to report on the
relation of need satisfaction to subjective well-being (SWB). However,
they had very different theoretical purposes; did not examine the balance
issue, only the amount issue; and used a different measure of need satis-
faction than the one reported herein.
333
BALANCED NEED SATISFACTION AND WELL-BEING
Primary Analyses
Our most important hypothesis was that balance has a main
effect on well-being that is independent of the total amount of need
satisfaction. We conducted two hierarchical regression analyses,
one using SWB and the other using happiness as the dependent
variable (DV). In Step 1, the DV was regressed on the three
measures of need satisfaction, with the balance score being entered
in Step 2. Using SWB as the DV, autonomy, competence, and
relatedness had standardized coefficients of .20, .35, and .21,
respectively (all ps .01); for Step 1, F(3, 311) 78.3, p .001.
This replicates past research on the independent relations of the
three needs to SWB (e.g., Reis et al., 2000; Sheldon et al., 2001).
In Step 2, the balance score was a significant positive predictor
(R
2
.01), F(1, 310) 3.90, p .05. Together, the four
measures accounted for 44% of the variance in SWB. Using
happiness as the DV, autonomy, competence, and relatedness had
standardized coefficients of .13, .22, and .24, respectively (all ps
.05); for Step 1, F(3, 311) 35.2, p .001. In Step 2, the balance
score was a significant positive predictor (R
2
.028), F(1,
310) 12.25, p .001. Together, the four measures accounted for
28% of the variance in happiness. Table 2 presents the results of
these analyses from Study 1 as well as from the other three studies.
To test for curvilinear relations, we entered the three squared
product terms in a third step in both analyses. None of the three
product terms reached significance in either analysis (all ps .14).
More important, in the SWB analysis, the impact of balance was
essentially unchanged (going from ␤⫽.09 to ␤⫽.08, p .12).
In a similar manner, in the happiness analysis, the impact of
balance was essentially unchanged (going from ␤⫽.18 to ␤⫽
.16, p .004). These results indicated that the effect of balance
was not reducible to the influence of participants who were simply
very high or very low in their satisfaction of one or more of the
three needs.
In sum, Study 1 provided initial support for the hypothesis that
balanced need satisfaction is beneficial for well-being and is
independent of the level of need satisfaction. The balance effect
emerged using two different measures of well-being and was not
reducible to the main or curvilinear effects of the amounts of need
satisfaction.
Study 2
In Study 2 we used a short-term longitudinal design to reexam-
ine the models tested in Study 1. As mentioned in the introduction,
Sheldon and Elliot (1999), as well as Reis et al. (2000), showed
that the satisfaction of autonomy, competence, and relatedness
over time predicted positive change in global well-being, which is
consistent with bottom-up models of well-being that focus on the
accumulation of small positive experiences over time (Diener,
1994). These findings suggest that need satisfaction is not only a
stable personality disposition that can predict stable components of
well-being; levels of need satisfaction also vary over time within
individuals, producing corresponding fluctuations in well-being
(Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade, 2005). Thus, we examined
whether the balance of need satisfaction can also influence short-
term variations in well-being.
Specifically, we assessed well-being both at the beginning and
at the end of a college semester and attempted to predict changes
in well-being during that period. Our hypotheses were again two-
Table 1
Means, Standard Deviations, and Intercorrelations of Study
Variables: Study 1
Measure MSD123456
Need
1. Autonomy 5.56 0.98
2. Competence 5.40 1.08 .67
3. Relatedness 5.81 1.06 .51 .54
4. Balance 6.89 1.72 .26 .37 .12
Well-being
5. SWB 0.00 2.22 .55 .60 .51 .29
6. Happiness 8.74 2.81 .40 .44 .43 .30 .68
Note. All correlations were significant at the p .05 level or greater.
SWB subjective well-being.
Table 2
Results of Regressions Used to Test the Primary Hypotheses: Studies 1– 4
Study & step
Dependent measure
SWB Happiness Oppositional–defiant Impulsive
R
2
p R
2
p R
2
p R
2
p
Study 1
Step 1 .45 .01 .25 .01
Step 2 .01 .05 .03 .01
Study 2
Step 1 .51 .01
Step 2 .02 .05
Study 3
Step 1 .43 .01
Step 2 .01 .01
Study 4
Step 1 .31 .01 .25 .01
Step 2 .03 .05 .03 .05
Note. In Step 1, autonomy, competence, and relatedness were entered; in Step 2, the balance score was entered. In Study 2, Time 1 subjective well-being
(SWB) was also entered in Step 1.
334
SHELDON AND NIEMIEC
fold. First, we sought to replicate past longitudinal research linking
need satisfaction to enhanced well-being (Reis et al., 2000; Shel-
don & Elliot, 1999). Second, we sought to demonstrate that bal-
ance is facilitative of positive changes in well-being over and
above the main effects of need satisfaction. Conceptually, demon-
strating this relation using both between-subjects (Study 1) and
within-subjects (Study 2) designs would provide strong support for
the importance and generalizability of the balance hypothesis (e.g.,
see Reis et al., 2000; Sheldon et al., 1996). Also, such a longitu-
dinal finding would suggest that trying to alter the balance of need
satisfaction in people’s lives may be a useful strategy for enhanc-
ing their well-being.
There was an additional new feature of Study 2. Specifically, we
measured and controlled for neuroticism, which refers to the
tendency to experience negative emotional extremes and volatility
(Costa & McCrae, 1987). We did this because it is incumbent upon
researchers to show that the effects of new personality constructs
are not reducible to the effects of known constructs (Fortunato &
Goldblatt, 2002), and relevant constructs derived from the Big
Five model of personality have become the standard for this
endeavor (Mroczek, Spiro, Aldwin, & Ozer, 1993). We examined
neuroticism in particular because it is associated with inconsistent
or variable responding (Robinson & Tamir, 2005). Because either
characteristic might potentially generate and explain the (im)bal-
ance finding, showing that balance remains a significant predictor
of well-being even after controlling for individual differences in
neuroticism would support the incremental validity of the new
construct.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participants were 145 students (78% women) at the University of Mis-
souri who participated in a 1-year study of goals, adjustment, and well-
being.
2
The mean age of the participants was 18 years, with a range from
18 to 24. The majority of the sample identified themselves as Caucasian
(90%), and the rest of the sample was composed of African American (8%)
and other (2%). The data herein reported were collected during and just
after the first semester. We assessed participants’ well-being and neuroti-
cism at a laboratory session at the beginning of the semester. At four times
during the semester, we mailed the participants questionnaires that assessed
their current need satisfaction. Near the end of the semester, we sent
participants a questionnaire that again assessed their well-being.
Measures
Well-being. As in Study 1, we used the PANAS (Watson et al., 1988)
and Satisfaction With Life Scale (Diener et al., 1985) to assess participants’
positive affect, negative affect, and life satisfaction, using the same re-
sponse scales. We administered the measures at both the beginning and the
end of the semester, and we computed two aggregate indices of SWB by
summing the relevant positive affect and life satisfaction scores and sub-
tracting the relevant negative affect score. The reliabilities for this measure
at Time 1 and Time 2 were ␣⫽.89 and .90, respectively.
Need satisfaction. We used three items to assess autonomy (e.g.,
“Feeling choiceful and self-expressive in my everyday behavior”), three to
assess competence (e.g., “Feeling competent and effective in my everyday
behavior”), and three to assess relatedness (e.g., “Feeling related and
connected to those who are important to me”). At four different times
during the semester, participants rated their experience of each need during
the previous 3 weeks, using a 7-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (not
at all)to7(very much). We computed semester autonomy, competence,
and relatedness need satisfaction scores by averaging these measures
across the four assessments (s .74, .79, and .68, respectively). We
computed the balance score for the semester in the same way as in Study
1, by first creating three difference scores, then summing and reversing the
absolute values of the three differences. Presumably, because of the greater
averaging involved in Study 2 relative to Study 1, the balance score ranged
from 0 to 4 in Study 2, rather than from 0 to 9 as in Study 1.
Neuroticism. We used the Neuroticism Scale from the NEO Five
Factor Inventory (Costa & McCrae, 1989) to assess participants’ neuroti-
cism (12 items; e.g., “I feel inferior to others”). Responses were made on
a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (strongly disagree)to5
(strongly agree). The reliability for this measure was ␣⫽.86.
Results and Discussion
Preliminary Analyses
Table 3 presents the means, standard deviations, and intercor-
relations of the three measures of need satisfaction, the two mea-
sures of well-being, and the balance score. As in Study 1, the three
measures of need satisfaction and the balance score were posi-
tively correlated with the well-being measures. Also notable was
that semester-long balance was positively correlated with final
SWB but not with initial SWB, consistent with our dynamic
change perspective.
Primary Analyses
Again, our primary hypothesis was that balance has a main
effect on changes in well-being that is independent of the total
amount of need satisfaction. We conducted a hierarchical regres-
sion analysis in which final SWB (the DV) was regressed onto
initial SWB and the three need satisfaction scores in Step 1 and
then onto balance in Step 2. In Step 1, F(4, 140) 36.22, p .01,
autonomy, competence, and relatedness had standardized coeffi-
cients of .17 ( p .11), .21 ( p .06), and .08 ( p .28),
respectively, and the test-retest coefficient for initial SWB was .38
( p .01). Notably, although the needs did not reach significance
in the change analyses, each was significantly correlated with
SWB at the zero-order level. In Step 2, the balance score was also
a significant and positive predictor (R
2
.018), F(1, 139)
5.22, p .024. Together, the five measures accounted for 53% of
the variance (see Table 2 for a summary of the results).
To test for curvilinear relations, we entered the three squared
product terms in Step 3. These three product terms did not reach
significance (all ps .34), and balance remained significant (␤⫽
.15, p .024). This underscores the importance of balance even
after the influence of extreme scores is removed.
In a second control analysis, we entered neuroticism in Step 1
along with initial SWB and the three need satisfaction scores
before entering the balance score in Step 2. In Step 1, neuroticism
had a marginally significant negative association with change in
SWB (␤⫽⫺.14, p .075); more important, balance remained
significant in Step 2 (R
2
.018, p .023). This finding indicates
that balance is independent of the relations of neuroticism (or trait
negative affectivity).
2
Sheldon and Hoon (2006) also used this sample to report on the
relation of need satisfaction to longitudinal SWB, but again, they had a
very different theoretical purpose, and they did not examine the balance
issue, only the amount issue.
335
BALANCED NEED SATISFACTION AND WELL-BEING
In sum, Study 2 replicated the primary findings of Study 1 using
a short-term longitudinal analysis of changes in SWB. We again
demonstrated that the relation of balance to SWB was independent
of both the linear and the curvilinear relations of need satisfaction;
moreover, in Study 2 we found that this relation was robust when
controlling for neuroticism, thus indicating that balance is different
than (the absence of) trait negative affectivity or emotional vola-
tility. Finally, the fact that balanced need satisfaction predicted
positive changes in well-being over a 3-month period suggests that
trying to change the overall balance of autonomy, competence, and
relatedness need satisfaction in one’s life may be a defensible
happiness-increasing strategy.
Study 3
Whereas in Study 1 we examined global satisfaction and well-
being at one point in time and in Study 2 we examined changes in
well-being from the beginning to the end of a 3-month period, in
Study 3 we examined within-subject variations in need satisfaction
and well-being over multiple, shorter periods. Specifically, in
Study 3 we examined the balance hypothesis using a daily diary
methodology. Participants rated their need satisfaction and well-
being experienced during the last 24 hours at eight different times
during a college semester. In this study, we sought (a) to replicate
previous work by Reis et al. (2000) that showed that satisfaction of
the three needs at the day-to-day level predicted daily fluctuations
in well-being and (b) to demonstrate that balance would also
predict greater well-being at the day-to-day level. Such findings
would support our assumption that there is a dynamic process at
work and suggest that trying to alter the balance of need satisfac-
tion may be useful for enhancing well-being.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participants were 91 students (79% women) at the University of Roch-
ester who participated as part of an extra credit opportunity.
3
The mean age
of the participants was 19 years, with a range from 17 to 35. The majority
of the sample identified themselves as Caucasian (62%), and the rest of the
sample was composed of African American (16%), Hispanic (5%), Asian
(12%), and other (5%). At eight points during the semester, approximately
once every 10 days, participants rated their satisfaction of autonomy,
competence, and relatedness, as well as their well-being, during the pre-
vious 24 hr (Reis et al., 2000; Sheldon et al., 1996). Participants were
included in the final dataset only if they had at least five reports; thus, 8 of
the participants were omitted from analyses, leaving a total sample of 83.
The majority of participants (64%) had 8 reports, and there were 609
reports in the day-level sample.
Measures
Well-being. We used items developed by Emmons (1991) to assess
participants’ daily positive (4 items; e.g., “happy”) and negative (5 items;
e.g., “frustrated”) mood, and we used items developed by Brunstein (1993)
to assess participants’ daily life satisfaction (2 items; e.g., “Today, I am
completely satisfied with my life”). For mood, responses were made on a
7-point Likert-type scale, ranging from 1 (not at all)to7(very much), and
for life satisfaction the scale ranged from 1 (completely disagree)to7
(completely agree). The reliability for each measure was as follows:
positive mood ␣⫽.89, negative mood ␣⫽.82, life satisfaction ␣⫽.78.
As in Study 1, we computed a daily SWB score by standardizing the
measures and summing positive mood and life satisfaction and subtracting
negative mood (Diener & Lucas, 1999; Sheldon & Elliot, 1999). The
reliability for this composite was ␣⫽.89.
Need satisfaction. In each of the eight questionnaires, participants
responded to three items to assess autonomy (e.g., “Feeling generally
autonomous and choiceful in what I do”), three to assess competence (e.g.,
“Feeling generally competent and able in what I attempt”), and three to
assess relatedness (e.g., “Feeling generally related and connected to the
people I spend time with”). Responses were made on a 7-point Likert-type
scale, ranging from 1 (very little)to7(very much). We created the daily
balance score in the same way as in the previous studies: by summing and
reverse scoring the absolute differences among the three needs. This score
represents the extent to which participants experienced commensurate
amounts of satisfaction on particular days. In Study 3, the balance score
ranged from 0 to 12, rather than from 0 to 9 as in Study 1 or from 0 to 4
as in Study 2. This range likely reflects the fact that satisfaction was
assessed on a large number of single days with no averaging, allowing for
more variability in satisfaction.
Results and Discussion
Preliminary Analyses
Table 4 presents the means, standard deviations, and intercor-
relations of the three measures of need satisfaction, the measure of
daily well-being, and the balance score. In general, the need
satisfaction measures were positively correlated with balance and
with SWB.
Primary Analyses
We used SAS proc mixed to test our primary hypotheses at the
day level (Singer, 2002). This software accounted for the nesting
of multiple diary reports within participants and focused the anal-
ysis on within-subjects variation around the participants’ own
mean (for the reader’s information, proc mixed is similar to HLM
and other multilevel modeling software). Specifically, we pre-
3
This sample was also used in Sheldon and Elliot (1999) to test
hypotheses concerning goals, need satisfaction, and well-being. However,
in contrast to the present study, Sheldon and Elliot only reported aggre-
gated diary data that was (a) averaged over the eight reports, with no
within-subjects results; (b) focused on semester well-being, not daily
well-being; and (c) used different items from the daily questionnaires to
assess need satisfaction. Thus, none of the measures in the current study
have been reported before.
Table 3
Means, Standard Deviations, and Intercorrelations of Study
Variables: Study 2
Measure MSD123456
Need
1. Autonomy 5.44 0.92
2. Competence 5.32 0.98 .82
3. Relatedness 5.45 0.91 .56 .62
4. Balance 3.58 0.69 .01 .19 .30
Well-being
5. Initial SWB 0.05 2.35 .55 .53 .48 .07
6. Final SWB 0.01 2.40 .60 .60 .49 .22 .63
Note. All correlations significant at the p .01 level or greater, except
those between balance and initial subjective well-being (SWB) and be-
tween balance and autonomy need satisfaction ( ps .10).
336
SHELDON AND NIEMIEC
dicted daily SWB from both the daily satisfaction scores and the
daily balance score, while controlling for participant-level mean
differences on the variables of interest. We present the nonstand-
ardized coefficients below.
As expected, the intercept term representing the sample mean
was significantly different from zero (B 4.85, p .01). In
addition, autonomy, competence, and relatedness each had signif-
icant relations to daily SWB (Bs .39, 1.07, and .55, all ps .01),
indicating that day-level fluctuations in all three of the needs made
independent contributions. Most important for the primary study
hypothesis, daily balance also had a significant positive relation to
daily SWB (B .14, p .01; see Table 2 for a summary of the
results).
To test for curvilinear relations, we reconducted the analysis,
this time also entering three squared product terms. None of the
three product terms reached significance (all ps .28), and bal-
ance remained significant ( p .01). This finding again indicates
that balance remains important even after extreme scores are
considered.
In sum, Study 3 replicated the primary findings of Studies 1 and
2, using a design that focused on predicting within-subjects fluc-
tuations in SWB around the participants’ own means. Once again,
the association between balanced need satisfaction and SWB was
independent of both the linear and the curvilinear effects of the
amount of need satisfaction. These results go beyond the 3-month-
long design of Study 2, suggesting that the balance of need
satisfaction varies even in the short-term and has predictable
effects on daily well-being.
Study 4
A potential limitation of the previous studies was that all data
were collected from the same source, namely the participants.
Thus, it is possible that the observed relations were obtained
because of the common (self-report) method variance shared be-
tween the measures of need satisfaction and well-being. It was
therefore important to assess whether the balance hypothesis was
supported when the data came from two different respondents.
Thus, in Study 4 we examined the balance hypothesis using a
non-self-report dependent variable.
Specifically, in Study 4 participants reported their experiences
of support for their psychological need satisfaction that were
provided to them by their mothers. In addition, mothers reported
on their children’s general engagement in disruptive behaviors
(i.e., impulsive and oppositional-defiant behaviors). Because psy-
chological needs are defined as necessary for a variety of adjust-
ment and psychological health outcomes (Deci & Ryan, 2000), we
assumed that need satisfaction and balance should affect both
intrapsychic and behavioral indices of mental health. Thus, we
hypothesized that positive behavioral conduct would be predicted
both by the total amount of need satisfaction and by the balance of
need satisfaction. In other words, participants who receive inade-
quate and/or imbalanced need satisfaction from their mothers
should evidence more signs of disruptive or defiant behaviors.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participants were 200 students (50% women) at the University of Roch-
ester who participated in the study for extra course credit. The mean age of
the participants was 19 years, with a range from 17 to 34. The majority of
the sample identified themselves as Caucasian (79%), and the rest of the
sample was composed of African American (4.5%), Hispanic (5%), Asian
(8.5%), and other (3%). A majority of the sample lived with their mother
while school was not in session (90.5%), and of those, 99% lived with their
biological mother.
Participants completed a battery of questionnaires and subsequently
addressed an envelope to their mother that contained the measure of their
child’s behavioral conduct. Mothers were assured that their responses
would remain confidential and that their voluntary participation in the
study would in no way affect their own or their child’s standing at the
university. Eighty-one percent of participants’ mothers returned completed
questionnaires, yielding a total of 162 responses from mothers. Mothers’
and participants’ data were matched using a randomly assigned 4-digit
code number that was used on both sets of data.
Measures
Behavioral conduct. We used the Disruptive Behavior Disorder Scale
(Pelham, Gnagy, Greenslade, & Milich, 1992) to assess mothers’ percep-
tions of their children’s engagement in oppositional-defiant (8 items; e.g.,
“Often argues with adults”) and impulsive (9 items; e.g., “Often talks
excessively”) behaviors. Responses were made on a 4-point Likert-type
scale, ranging from 1 (not at all)to4(very much). The reliability for each
subscale was as follows: oppositional-defiant behaviors ␣⫽.88 and
impulsive behaviors ␣⫽.80.
Need satisfaction. We used a modified Need Satisfaction Scale (La-
Guardia et al., 2000) to assess participants’ perceptions of their mothers’
support for autonomy (2 items; e.g., “When I am with my mother, I have
a say in what happens and I can voice my opinions”), competence (2 items;
e.g., “When I am with my mother, I feel very capable and effective”), and
relatedness (2 items; e.g., “When I am with my mother, I feel a lot of
closeness and intimacy”). Responses were made on a 7-point Likert-type
scale, ranging from 1 (not at all true)to7(very true). The reliability for
each subscale was as follows: autonomy ␣⫽.73, competence ␣⫽.75, and
relatedness ␣⫽.74. The balance score was created in the same way as in
the previous studies, by summing and reverse scoring the absolute differ-
ences among the three needs. As in Study 1, the balance score ranged from
0 to 9 in Study 4.
Results and Discussion
Preliminary Analyses
Independent samples t tests with Bonferroni protection revealed
no significant differences in participants’ reports of support for
autonomy, competence, and relatedness between those participants
Table 4
Means, Standard Deviations, and Intercorrelations of Study
Variables: Study 3
Measure MSD12345
Need
1. Daily autonomy 4.86 1.39
2. Daily competence 4.89 1.25 .52
3. Daily relatedness 5.31 1.20 .29 .26
4. Daily balance 8.88 2.37 .45 .35 .05
Well-being
5. Daily SWB 0.00 2.48 .49 .61 .34 .33
Note. All correlations significant at the p .01 level or greater, except
that between relatedness need satisfaction and balance. SWB subjective
well-being.
337
BALANCED NEED SATISFACTION AND WELL-BEING
whose mothers returned the measure of behavioral conduct and
those whose mothers did not.
Table 5 presents the means, standard deviations, and intercor-
relations of the three measures of need satisfaction, the balance
score, and the measures of behavioral conduct. Consistent with
Studies 1, 2, and 3, the need satisfaction measures were positively
correlated with balance. Also, as would be expected from the
results of the three previous studies, the measures of need satis-
faction were negatively correlated with disruptive behaviors. In
addition, balance was also negatively correlated with disruptive
behaviors.
Primary Analyses
Our primary hypothesis was that balance, in addition to the three
psychological needs, would negatively relate to mothers’ reports of
oppositional-defiant and impulsive behaviors. We conducted two
hierarchical regression analyses, one using oppositional-defiant
behaviors and the other using impulsive behaviors as the DV. In
Step 1, we regressed the DV onto the three measures of need
satisfaction; we added the balance score in Step 2; and we added
the curvilinear terms in Step 3.
Using oppositional-defiant behaviors as the DV, autonomy,
competence, and relatedness had standardized coefficients of .25
( p .05), .26 ( p .05), and .12 (ns); for Step 1, F(3, 157)
23.77, p .001. In Step 2, the balance score was also a significant
negative predictor (R
2
.03), F(1, 156) 5.34, p .05.
Together, the four measures accounted for 34% of the variance in
oppositional-defiant behaviors. In Step 3, none of the curvilinear
terms reached significance (all ps .08).
Using impulsive behaviors as the DV, autonomy, competence,
and relatedness had standardized coefficients of .23 ( p .05),
.34 ( p .01), and .05 (ns); for Step 1, F(3, 157) 17.71, p
.001. In Step 2, the balance score was also a significant negative
predictor (R
2
.03), F(1, 156) 6.45, p .05 (see Table 2 for
a summary of the results). Together, the four measures accounted
for 28% of the variance in impulsive behaviors. In Step 3, none of
the curvilinear terms reached significance (all ps .10).
In sum, Study 4 replicated the earlier studies and also extended
them by (a) focusing on a behavioral, as opposed to a well-being,
outcome; (b) measuring the outcome (i.e., mother-rated disruptive
behavior) independently of the need satisfaction predictors, thus
eliminating self-report method variance as an alternate explanation
of the findings; and (c) extending the balanced need satisfaction
effect to the social realm (i.e., how mother treats me), going
beyond the prior focus upon private experience alone. Thus, Study
4 strengthens the case for the idea that balanced need satisfaction
is an important and substantive predictor of psychological health
and adjustment.
General Discussion
The purpose of the present research was to attempt to contribute
new information to the evolving synthesis that concerns the nature
and implications of psychological need satisfaction. This article
began with a discussion of three perennial questions about psy-
chological needs: whether the needs vary in their importance
across individuals, whether need satisfaction necessarily follows
from motivated behavior, and whether the level of need satisfac-
tion predicts psychological health. SDT posits that all people
require certain experiential inputs (viz., autonomy, competence,
and relatedness) for optimal health and functioning, although this
view is in contrast with theories that conceptualize psychological
needs as acquired individual differences that do not necessarily
promote well-being when attained. Many recent findings support
the SDT position and suggest that the psychological needs have
considerable explanatory power for understanding both the social
and the personality factors that enable psychological health (e.g.,
Deci & Ryan, 2000; Sheldon, 2004). The present research con-
firmed these past findings and, moreover, identified an important
construct that has not been examined within SDT—the balance in
satisfaction of the psychological needs.
Through four studies that used a diverse set of methodologies
and measures, we examined the hypothesis that balanced need
satisfaction contributes to psychological health over and above the
total amount of need satisfaction. Consistent with past research,
our findings indicate that the people who are happiest in life are
those who endorse their actions, feel effective, and feel connected
to close others, thereby satisfying their needs for autonomy, com-
petence, and relatedness. More important, we found that the bal-
ance of need satisfaction, in addition to the total amount, is also
important for psychological health. Thus, regarding the example
described in the introduction, our data suggest that the stay-at-
home mother may experience higher well-being relative to the
entrepreneur because her level of satisfaction is more balanced,
even though both had the same overall amount of need satisfaction.
Admittedly, the effect sizes for the positive impact of balance on
well-being were modest (ranging in absolute value from .09 to
.24), whereas the three needs themselves had larger effects. How-
ever, the balance effect emerged consistently across diverse meth-
odologies and designs (i.e., cross-sectional, prospective, daily di-
ary, and multiple reporter) and also emerged consistently across
Table 5
Means, Standard Deviations, and Intercorrelations of Study Variables: Study 4
Variable MSD 123456
Need measures
1. Autonomy 5.46 1.55
2. Competence 5.83 1.44 .76
3. Relatedness 6.04 1.19 .57 .64
4. Balance 9.53 2.09 .69 .62 .45
Disruptive behaviors
5. Oppositional–defiant 1.49 0.55 .52 .53 .42 .49
6. Impulsive 1.34 0.45 .46 .48 .29 .46 .76
Note. All correlations significant at the p .001 level.
338
SHELDON AND NIEMIEC
multiple measures of well-being and adjustment. In addition, the
hypothesized relation was obtained when multiple alternative fac-
tors were controlled, including the total amount of need satisfac-
tion, the curvilinear effects of need satisfaction, and neuroticism.
The robustness of the findings controlling for curvilinear effects of
satisfaction, in particular, suggests that balance is important for
those at both the bottom and at the top of the scale, rather than
becoming important only beyond some initial threshold of
satisfaction.
4
As discussed in the introduction, ours is not the first study to
find a connection between personal variability and ill-being. For
example, self-concept differentiation (Donahue et al., 1993; Shel-
don, Ryan, Rawsthorne, & Ilardi, 1997), unstable self-esteem
(Paradise & Kernis, 2002), high self-other discrepancies (Camp-
bell et al., 2003), and overly differentiated goals (Sheldon &
Emmons, 1995) have also been shown to carry risks. The present
research may be viewed as adding to this general tradition, in
which statistical measures of system properties are shown to
provide information that goes beyond the mere content and ex-
tremity of responses (Block, 1961; Campbell et al., 2003). How-
ever, ours is the first study to demonstrate that within-person
variation across important types of experience (i.e., psychological
needs) can have negative effects, going beyond past research that
has focused only on within-person variation across important
self-concepts.
Because the focus of the present research was on demonstrating
the importance of balanced need satisfaction for psychological
health, and not on identifying possible mediators of this effect, we
cannot definitively state which mechanisms account for our find-
ings. Some possible answers are suggested, however, by the bur-
geoning life balance literature, particularly within the area of
industrial-organizational psychology (Greenblatt, 2002). This re-
search focuses specifically on imbalances between work and fam-
ily life that, over time, can exact a toll on workers’ emotional and
psychosocial well-being. Considerable research now supports this
idea, and thus life balance workshops and intervention programs
have become near-standard in many corporate settings (Green &
Skinner, 2005). Theoretical explanations of the negative effects of
imbalance for well-being have focused on the stress, strain, burn-
out, and role conflict occasioned by such a lifestyle (Crooker,
Smith, & Tabak, 2002; Greenblatt, 2002; Russell, 2005).
We propose that imbalanced need satisfaction reflects a similar
set of dynamics, as in the earlier example of the overworked
entrepreneur. In other words, such discrepancies may lead to
chronic stress and role conflict (Donahue et al., 1993), which in
turn detract from well-being via mechanisms that are distinct from
need satisfaction itself. Thus, although the entrepreneur experi-
ences the same total amount of need satisfaction as the stay-at-
home mother, his well-being may suffer because of the stresses
and conflicts occasioned by his mode of deriving satisfaction.
Another possible explanation for the imbalance effect is suggested
by Vallerand and colleagues’ recent work showing that so-called
harmonious passions are more salubrious than so-called obsessive
passions (Seguin-Levesque et al., 2003; Vallerand et al., 2003).
Although people truly want to engage in obsessive passions (e.g.,
road-biking, Web-surfing, gambling), such activities can become
addictions that create conflict and imbalance in people’s lives. Of
course, future research will be needed to test the hypotheses that
stress, strain, role conflict, or obsessive tendencies account for the
imbalance effect.
An intriguing question that also warrants future empirical con-
sideration concerns whether, and how, well-being is affected by an
increase in the total amount of need satisfaction that also results in
a more imbalanced need profile. We propose that when a person
changes to a more imbalanced state, he or she begins to accrue life
stresses and role conflicts that eventually, if not immediately,
detract from well-being. Thus, a person who shifts from a 4–4–4
profile of need satisfaction to a more imbalanced 5–4–4 profile
may experience heightened well-being in the short-term, but this
increase in well-being is likely to be leavened in the long-term
because of the added stress that is associated with imbalanced need
satisfaction. Obviously, it will be important for future well-being
research to investigate both the short-term and long-term effects of
changing one’s need satisfaction profile.
The present research has important implications for the debate
concerning eudaemonic and hedonic approaches to well-being
(Ryan & Deci, 2000). Consistent with the eudaemonic perspective,
our research suggests that trying to maximize certain needs while
ignoring others is likely to be detrimental for well-being. Instead,
psychological health is supported through the development of a
multifaceted personality and through the commensurate satisfac-
tion of all three psychological needs. This brings to mind Aristo-
tle’s concept of the golden mean from his Niccomacean Ethics.
The golden mean is the path of “not too little, not too much, but
just enough”; when people seek the golden mean, they learn to live
in harmony and order with themselves.
Future intervention-based research might seek to enhance peo-
ple’s well-being by helping them to alter the balance of satisfaction
of their psychological needs. For example, after an initial assess-
ment, customized interventions might focus participants on mak-
ing life changes to boost needs that are inadequately satisfied,
while ignoring needs that are already adequately satisfied. In this
way, participants’ well-being might benefit the most because their
aggregate level of need satisfaction is raised at the same time that
variability is reduced. Specific interventions for boosting need
satisfaction might include relationship and interpersonal therapies
to facilitate the satisfaction of relatedness; skills training and
performance therapies to increase the satisfaction of competence;
and motivational interviewing and insight therapy to bolster the
satisfaction of autonomy (Markland, Ryan, Tobin, & Rollnick,
2005; Sheldon, Williams, & Joiner, 2003).
Limitations and Conclusion
There were several limitations to the present research. First, all
the participants were from the United States and were rather
homogenous in age and background. Thus, the replicability of
these results to people of different ages and in different cultures
must be established. Second, we do not yet know which factors
4
Although the curvilinear analyses generally address the threshold is
-
sue, to examine it more rigorously we excluded those in the bottom 10%
of the sample on overall need satisfaction in each of the four studies, and
the results were essentially unchanged. In addition, we examined the
interaction between balance and the three needs (low vs. high) in each
study. Although some interactions emerged, they were not obtained at a
level above chance and they did not form a clear pattern. Thus, there is no
evidence that balance matters less for those who are low in need satisfac-
tion. Indeed, balance may matter more for such people because need
deprivation is more salient for them.
339
BALANCED NEED SATISFACTION AND WELL-BEING
mediate or account for the balance effects. Does balanced need
satisfaction influence well-being by reducing stress, by enhancing
personal resources, and/or by buffering against momentary fail-
ures? These process questions await future research attention.
Third, our primary finding remains to be demonstrated within
laboratory settings that experimentally manipulate the three needs.
Such context-focused research would go beyond the maternal need
provision data reported in Study 4. Fourth, the longitudinal find-
ings of Studies 2 and 3 remain to be replicated over longer periods
of time. Might shifting the balance of satisfaction in one’s life
promote positive changes that last over the long term? Fifth, it
remains to be demonstrated whether the balance effect generalizes
to other theories of needs and motives. We believe it should apply
primarily to theories that focus on needs as universally required
experiences for well-being (e.g., Deci & Ryan, 2000), rather than
those that view needs as acquired individual differences in behav-
ioral motives (e.g., McClelland, 1985). For now, however, it
appears that it’s not just the amount that counts— balance also
matters.
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Received February 2, 2005
Revision received March 13, 2006
Accepted March 14, 2006
341
BALANCED NEED SATISFACTION AND WELL-BEING
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Book
Self-determination theory is grounded in the belief that people work best and are happiest when they feel that they are in control of their own lives. This book explains the ramifications of the theory and provides clinical examples to show that it can be used to motivate patients undergoing treatment for such physical or psychological issues as diabetes management, smoking cessation, post-traumatic stress, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and depression. The first part of the book provides historical background to self-determination theory, showing that it is humanistically oriented and has three decades of empirical research behind it. In the process, the book discusses why humanistic psychology fell out of favor in academic psychology; why “self-help” and New Age books have such perennial popularity; and why it is so important for authorities to support patients' sense of self. The remainder of the book presents many specific case examples to describe the theory's application.
Book
I: Background.- 1. An Introduction.- 2. Conceptualizations of Intrinsic Motivation and Self-Determination.- II: Self-Determination Theory.- 3. Cognitive Evaluation Theory: Perceived Causality and Perceived Competence.- 4. Cognitive Evaluation Theory: Interpersonal Communication and Intrapersonal Regulation.- 5. Toward an Organismic Integration Theory: Motivation and Development.- 6. Causality Orientations Theory: Personality Influences on Motivation.- III: Alternative Approaches.- 7. Operant and Attributional Theories.- 8. Information-Processing Theories.- IV: Applications and Implications.- 9. Education.- 10. Psychotherapy.- 11. Work.- 12. Sports.- References.- Author Index.
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In 2 studies, college students evidenced differing levels of the "Big-Five" traits in different roles, supporting social-contextualist assumptions regarding trait expression. Supporting organismic theories of personality, within-subject variations in the Big Five were predictable from variations in the degree of psychological authenticity felt in different roles. In addition, two concepts of self-integrat ion or true selfhood were examined: 1 based on high consistency of trait profiles across roles (i.e., lowself-concept differentiation; E. M. Donahue, R. W. Robins, B. W. Roberts, & O. P. John, 1993) and 1 based on high mean levels of authenticity felt across roles. The 2 self-integration measures were found to be independent predictors of psychological and physical well-being indicating that both self-consistency and psychological authenticity are vital for organized functioning and health.
Article
Self-determination theory is grounded in the belief that people work best and are happiest when they feel that they are in control of their own lives. This invaluable book explains the ramifications of the theory and provides clinical examples to show that it can be used to motivate patients undergoing treatment for such physical or psychological issues as diabetes management, smoking cessation, post-traumatic stress, obsessive-compulsive disorder, and depression. The first part of the book provides historical background to self-determination theory, showing that it is humanistically oriented and has three decades of empirical research behind it. In the process, the authors discuss why humanistic psychology fell out of favor in academic psychology; why "self-help" and New Age books have such perennial popularity; and why it is so important for authorities to support patients' sense of self. The remainder of the book presents many specific case examples to describe the theory's application. © 2003 by Kennon M. Sheldon, Geoffrey Williams, and Thomas Joiner. All rights reserved.
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This study examined the extent to which 3 dimensions of personal goals-commitment, attainability, and progress-were predictive of students' subjective well-being over 1 semester. At the beginning of a new term, 88 Ss provided a list of their personal goals. Goal attributes and subjective well-being were measured at 4 testing periods. Goal commitment was found to moderate the extent to which differences in goal attainability accounted for changes in subjective well-being. Progress in goal achievement mediated the effect of the Goal Commitment × Goal Attainability on Subjective Well-Being interaction. Results are discussed in terms of a need for addition and refinement of assumptions linking personal goals to subjective well-being.