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Aging and Creating Families: Never-Married Heterosexual Women Over Forty
Abstract
An examination of women over age forty who had never married was conducted. The women completed a structured questionnaire about their aging and their self-esteem was assessed with a standard measure. The participants were women from across the United States. Descriptive analyses of the data were ordered with ecological systems theory and findings revealed that the women are self-satisfied, socially productive and well adjusted with their single status and that singleness runs in their families. These women have defined what family means for them as they age-family of origin and close friendships. This description may be helpful in understanding this group as a social force and as role models for young women as they age.
... Another factor that increases the number of single women in the population is the number of women who never marry. Approximately 11% of women over 40 years of age have never married either through their own choice or because they had not found a suitable partner (Elliott et al., 2010;McDill, Hall, & Turell, 2006). In the past, unmarried women were identified as spinsters who were lonely, unhappy, or dissatisfied with life (McDill et al., 2006). ...
... Approximately 11% of women over 40 years of age have never married either through their own choice or because they had not found a suitable partner (Elliott et al., 2010;McDill, Hall, & Turell, 2006). In the past, unmarried women were identified as spinsters who were lonely, unhappy, or dissatisfied with life (McDill et al., 2006). As education and employment opportunities have expanded women began to delay marriage. ...
... As education and employment opportunities have expanded women began to delay marriage. Although marriage is the accepted social norm for women, the women's and civil rights movements created opportunities for women to engage in premarital sex, cohabitate, gain financial independence,and shift their focus from marriage to independence, decreasing the need to marry (McDill et al., 2006). Younger women are more often interested in marriage as a result of a dating relationship while many older women seek companionship, fun, and physical intimacy without the level of commitment marriage requires (Calasanti & Kiecolt, 2007;McIntosh et al., 2011;Watson & Stelle, 2011). ...
PurposeThere is extensive literature related to the experience of sexual assault of women with a majority focused on younger women, college-aged women, or older women. There is little research about the experience of sexual assault of mid-life women.Design and Methods
This paper synthesizes the current literature associated with sexual assault by describing the increased number of single women in the population, defining terms associated with sexual assault, examining rape myths, characteristics of the victim, describing the relationship of victim to assailant, extent of victimization experienced by women, common physical injuries, age-related physiological changes, psychological considerations, and post-traumatic stress disorder specific to mid-life women.FindingsThe population of single women has increased across the life span. Current studies utilize varying definitions of sexual assault, examine results across variable age groups, and include the responses of single women with married women. Characteristics of victims demonstrate similarities by age group, relationship type, living conditions, and physical or mental capabilities that affect the occurrence of sexual assault.Practice ImplicationsThere are few studies that examine the sexual assault experiences of single mid-life women. Further research into the experiences of single mid-life women is warranted to provide direction for nursing education programs and clinical practice.
... Research on aging families pays inadequate attention to the group of never-married singles over 60 (Conney & Dunne, 2001). In addition, the experience of being older and single, or being single and old, has been neither extensively described (McDill, Hall, & Turell, 2006) nor studied in regard to childlessness. Thus, the increasing phenomenon of older never-married persons who have no children as well as the familial and social changes in society point to the need for deeper interest in this growing social group. ...
... Longstanding never-married singlehood can be explained in terms of the sociocultural context (Lamanna & Riedmann, 1994), personality, or life circumstances (Allen, 1989;Rubinstein, 1987). Whereas the literature during the 1950s focused on personal and interpersonal factors, recent research has addressed the social context (McDill et al., 2006). It includes a change in family groupings and definitions, the importance of a career, preference for individuality and independence over collective values, and the availability of social networks considered to substitute the intimacy of couplehood relationships. ...
To explore the aging experience of the "over 60" group of singles who have never been married and have no children. How they experience their aging process in terms of their singlehood and vice versa.
A qualitative-phenomenological approach was adopted. In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted with 16 participants aged 60 to 87.
Four major themes emerged: (a) "How come I stayed single?" (b) Between loneliness, aloneness and solitude. (c) "I have to take care of myself in old age." (d) The self behind prejudices and stereotypes.
As the normative expectation is to live with partners, children, and grandchildren, they need to account for their alternative choice and give meaning to being a never married single. This meaning is expressed by constructing their self-dentity and accepting their way of life.
... Little available literature focusses on 'normal, but non-normative' life courses which include remaining childless/childfree (Gillespie, 1999;Shapiro, 2014), pre mature partner loss (DiGiulio, 1992), or, as in this paper, remaining unmarried. These lifecourses do not follow the so-called 'normative' life trajectory, which has been both commonplace, and become an expectation in Western culture and society (Kaufman, 2005;McDill, Hall, & Turell, 2006). However, recent trends have shown the age of first marriage to have increased to the mid-thirties across England and Wales in contrast to pre vious decades (Office for National Statistics, 2014). ...
... ας ότι στο μέλλον θα παντρευτούν και θα αποκτήσουν οικογένεια (Dalton, 1992. Sharp & Ganong, 2007. Από την άλλη, ένας αριθμός ερευνών επικεντρώθηκε στην ευημερία των ανύπανδρων γυναικών, τεκμηριώνοντας ότι η ικανοποίηση που οι γυναίκες αυτές αντλούν από τη ζωή τους δεν διαφέρει από εκείνη του γενικού πληθυσμού (Davies, 1995. Lowenstein et al., 1981. McDill, Hall & Turell, 2006. O'Brien, 1991. Timberger, 2005. Τέλος, ένα ακόμη θέμα που αναδείχθηκε μέσα από τις σχετικές μελέτες είναι το ζήτημα της επιλογής σε σχέση με τη συγκεκριμένη ταυτότητα -αν δηλαδή οι γυναίκες επιλέγουν σκόπιμα να παραμείνουν ανύπανδρες ή θεωρούν την κατάστασή τους αποτέλεσμα της τύχης και των εξωτερικών συνθηκών (Dalton, 1992. Reynolds, ...
Understanding the experience of women who are not married and live alone has recently become an important issue within feminist psychology, since a significant and growing number of women belong to this category. The aim of the study is to examine the discursive construction of unmarried women’s identity. The methodology followed a poststructuralist approach in discourse analysis and data were collected through semi-structured individual interviews with unmarried women, aged between 36 and 52 years. The analysis highlighted the three maindiscourses the participants used in their accounts: (a) the discourse of independence, (b) the discourse of loneliness, and (c) the discourse of stigmatization. The paper discusses the consequences these discourseshave on the construction of the women’s personal identity, on the reproduction of the dominant ideology regarding unmarried women in Greece, as well as on women’s counseling.
... Little available literature focusses on 'normal, but non-normative' lifecourses which include remaining childless/childfree (Gillespie, 1999;Shapiro, 2014), premature partner loss (DiGiulio, 1992), or, as in this paper, remaining unmarried. These lifecourses do not follow the so-called 'normative' life trajectory, which has been both commonplace, and become an expectation in Western culture and society (Kaufman, 2005;McDill, Hall, & Turell, 2006). However, recent trends have shown the age of first marriage to have increased to the mid-thirties across England and Wales in contrast to previous decades (Office for National Statistics, 2014). ...
Unmarried and childless women are frequently portrayed negatively in society. Social storytelling often renders them discriminated against, or in extreme cases, outcast by their kin or clan. Twelve semi-structured interviews were conducted with never married women to explore the concept of femininity, constructions of identity in daily-life, identity changes over time, marital status, and the interaction between having not married and womanhood. Data specifically relating to self-definitions of femininity and marital status concentrate on the speakers’ constructions of themselves as both the subject (powerful) and the object (powerless) of their own reflective enquiry. Four key themes emerged through the analysis: ‘Being Never Married’; ‘Society’s Perceptions’; ‘Being Feminine’; and ‘The Self and Transitions’. This study facilitates understanding of never married women’s relationship with themselves, their gender identity, and marital status; and is key to understanding how this population discusses their marginalisation in society.
... ας ότι στο μέλλον θα παντρευτούν και θα αποκτήσουν οικογένεια (Dalton, 1992. Sharp & Ganong, 2007. Από την άλλη, ένας αριθμός ερευνών επικεντρώθηκε στην ευημερία των ανύπανδρων γυναικών, τεκμηριώνοντας ότι η ικανοποίηση που οι γυναίκες αυτές αντλούν από τη ζωή τους δεν διαφέρει από εκείνη του γενικού πληθυσμού (Davies, 1995. Lowenstein et al., 1981. McDill, Hall & Turell, 2006. O'Brien, 1991. Timberger, 2005. Τέλος, ένα ακόμη θέμα που αναδείχθηκε μέσα από τις σχετικές μελέτες είναι το ζήτημα της επιλογής σε σχέση με τη συγκεκριμένη ταυτότητα -αν δηλαδή οι γυναίκες επιλέγουν σκόπιμα να παραμείνουν ανύπανδρες ή θεωρούν την κατάστασή τους αποτέλεσμα της τύχης και των εξωτερικών συνθηκών (Dalton, 1992. Reynolds, ...
1. Εισαγωγή Παραδοσιακά, οι ψυχολογικές θεωρίες για τη γυναικεία ταυτότητα δίνουν έμφαση στις σχέσεις, συνδέοντας τη γυναίκα με τον ιδιωτικό χώρο της οικογένειας, τη μητρότητα και τη φροντίδα (Chodorow, 1978. Gilligan, 1982. Miller, 1976). Για παράδειγμα, σύμφωνα με τη Miller (1976, σ. 83), «η αίσθηση εαυτού της γυναίκας οργανώνεται γύ-ρω από την ικανότητά της να δημιουργεί και να διατηρεί δεσμό (affiliation) και σχέσεις». Η Chodorow (1978) τόνισε ότι η έννοια της μητρό-τητας (mothering) αποτελεί ένα πολιτισμικό γεγο-νός, που έχει τις ρίζες του στη σύνδεση της φρο-ντίδας και της ανατροφής των παιδιών με τη γυ-ναικεία ταυτότητα. Παρομοίως, η Gilligan (1982) υποστήριξε ότι η κοινωνική θέση της γυναίκας εί-ναι τέτοια ώστε να αναλαμβάνει την ανατροφή και Η διά του λόγου κατασκευή της ταυτότητας των ανύπανδρων γυναικών ΕΥΔΟΞΙΑ ΚΟΤΡΩΝΗ 1 ΧΡΙΣΤΙΝΑ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΑΔΟΥ 2 Η κατανόηση της ζωής των γυναικών που δεν έχουν παντρευτεί και ζουν μόνες αποτελεί τα τελευταία χρόνια ζήτημα κεντρικής σημασίας στους κόλπους της φε-μινιστικής ψυχολογίας, καθώς όλο και περισσότερες γυναίκες εντάσσονται στην παραπάνω κατηγορία. Στόχος της παρούσας έρευνας είναι η μελέτη της κατασκευής της ταυτότητας των ανύπανδρων γυναικών. Η μεθοδολογία ακολούθησε τη μεταστρουκτουραλιστική προσέγγιση στην ανάλυ-ση του λόγου, ενώ για τη συλλογή των δεδομένων διεξήχθησαν ατομικές, ημιδομημένες συνεντεύξεις με εν-νέα ανύπανδρες γυναίκες, των οποίων η ηλικία κυμαινόταν από 36 έως 52 έτη. Σύμφωνα με την ανάλυση, οι βασικοί «λόγοι» που χρησιμοποίησαν οι συμμετέχουσες στην έρευνα για να κατασκευάσουν την ταυτό-τητα της ανύπανδρης γυναίκας ήταν: (α) ο λόγος της ανεξαρτησίας, (β) ο λόγος της μοναξιάς και (γ) ο λό-γος του στίγματος. Στην εργασία αναλύονται οι επιδράσεις των παραπάνω συστημάτων λόγου στην κατα-σκευή της ταυτότητας των συγκεκριμένων γυναικών, στην αναπαραγωγή της κυρίαρχης ιδεολογίας για τις ανύπανδρες γυναίκες στην Ελλάδα και, γενικότερα, στη συμβουλευτική στήριξη των γυναικών. Λέξεις-κλειδιά: Ανάλυση λόγου, Ανύπανδρες γυναίκες, Γυναικεία ταυτότητα. ΠΕΡΙΛΗΨΗ
Abstract
Late marriage and the entry of unmarried girls into emerging adulthood and middle age have caused them to spend a longer period of their lives single,in the meantime, some girls are separated from their families due to voluntary or involuntary reasons to experience an independent life. This study aimed to identify the challenges and strategies of a solo living lifestyle in single girls. The research method was a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach which is conducted in 2021-2022.
Participants were 13 unmarried girls over 30 years old who lived in their independent homes in Tehran. Participants were selected by the purposive
method through snowball sampling. Data were collected with semi-structured interviews and interviews continued until data saturation. Data were analyzed based on the Glaser and Strauss(1967) approach. Dimensions of tendency in solo living, challenges, facilitation strategies, and attitudes toward motherhood have been found.
Based on the results the path that has led to the experience of solo living as well as participants’ current situation toward living single by recognizing their challenges, facilitating strategies, and their attitude toward motherhood can be used in social, cultural, and educational planning.
Keywords: Solo-living, Single Girls, Independent Women, Phenomenological Study
The ecological approach to family studies is broadly inclusive, and is centered around the idea that humans exist in ecosystems that entail reflexive interaction between humans and environments. A systems-based perspective is important to the ecological approach, and families serve as a subsystem through their adaptation to and negotiation with their particular environments. The ecological approach is useful for an array of policymaking endeavors, and offers a nuanced view of the relationship between “nature” and “nurture” in its analysis of the family and social problems.
A Lifespan Development Perspective on Dyadic RelationshipsContributions of Close Relationships to Health and Well-Being in AdulthoodConclusion
References
Objectives:
This study examined potential differences among childless elders, elders with one child, and elders with multiple children in rural China in their levels of depression and life satisfaction, and investigated the mechanism behind the potential differences.
Methods:
The sample consisted of 1224 older adults in rural Anhui province, China. ANOVA tests were carried out to compare the three groups in depression and life satisfaction, respectively. Multiple regressions were carried out to predict depression and life satisfaction, with (1) parental status, (2) individual attributes (i.e., sociodemographic variables and functional health), and (3) variables representing family relations (i.e., living arrangement, intergenerational contact, and family support) entered sequentially in each regression.
Results:
Overall, childless elders in rural China had significantly higher level of depression and lower level of life satisfaction than did older parents. The primary reason for such group differences was lack of monetary support from adult children, the effect of which was conditioned upon the income level of older adults. With a high level of income, the benefit of monetary support from children was negligible. However, the mere presence of multiple children was associated with a higher life satisfaction, independent of personal attributes and potential monetary support from children.
Conclusion:
This study contributed to the 'missing link' in the explanation by identifying the pathways through which parental status affect individual well-being. The findings indicate that local contexts such as affluence, social norms, and available formal support all play a role in shaping the consequences of childlessness in later life.
Feminist critics of an androcentric bias in psychology have argued that the tendency to either exclude women from study or include women and men as comparison groups has resulted in faulty overgeneralizations about women's psychology, exaggerations of gender differences, and evaluations of women as deficient relative to a male-defined baseline. The authors warn of a parallel bias that could affect progress in the field of the psychology of women if a White, privileged female norm is adopted inadvertently by researchers. The fallacy of such a norm, its consequences, and suggestions for avoiding it are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
The key relationships of never married, childless older women, that is, those relationships described as central, compelling,
enduring, or significant throughout their lifetimes, were explored in this study. Analysis of qualitative, ethnographically
based interviews with 31 women indicated that the key relationships they describe fall into three classes: ties through blood,
friendships, and those we label “constructed” ties (kin-like nonkin relations). We report on types of key interpersonal relationships
of these women and also examine limits to these key relations, describing some strategies these women have adopted for gaining
kin-like relations and the problems inherent in them for the expectation of care in later life. Theoretical work by anthropologist
David Schneider concerning American kinship as a cultural system is used to explore dimensions of these relationships.
Loneliness is an experience that is commonly associated with being old and without a partner. Results from a Dutch sample involving 131 unpartnered men and women between the ages of 65 and 75 indicate that the absence of friendship support rather than being single is an important determinant of loneliness. In accordance with the theory of mental incongruity, relationship standards and perceived opportunities of improving relationships are also shown to be significantly associated with loneliness. Older men and women without a partner are most vulnerable to loneliness when they have a high partner standard or a low singlehood standard, and see few opportunities to change their situation (for example, as a result of experienced health restrictions). A better understanding of loneliness is obtained if not only the quality of relationships is considered, but also the degree of congruity between relationships and relationship standards, and the favorability of perceived opportunities for bringing about improvements.
This article examines several key features of the course of adult development in the cohort of women born during the baby boom. By focusing on the women in this group and comparing their experience with that of older cohorts and research on men, the authors demonstrate the need for models of aging that take account of the inter-sections of history, gender, and individual development. Concepts proposed as universal features of middle age (midlife crisis, generativity, aging), as well as those proposed as specific to women (empty nest, menopause) are examined. Perhaps most important, certain features not commonly viewed as particularly important in women's middle aging (midlife review, identity, confident power) are shown to be central. The need for further research examining these same processes among men and different groups of women is underscored.
A relationship between marital status on the one hand and various indicators of well-being and mental health on the other has been found in a large number of studies. Typically, that the currently married have been shown to enjoy the most favorable position, the divorced and widowed are generally worst off, and the never married in an intermediate position. This paper provides an analysis of the consistency and generality of this relationship: To what extent are there national differences? Is the relationship stronger for men than for women, as has been suggested by several authors? And is there evidence for such a relationship whatever measure of psychological well-being we use? Comparable interview data from 19 countries, including a few non-western ones, are used. The data are analyzed by ordinary linear regression methods, representing marital status by means of dummy variables and controlling for age and parenthood. At least some evidence of differences in psychological well-being between the currently married on the one hand and the previously married and the never married on the other are found in practically all countries. On average the relationship between marital status and well-being is quite similar for men and women. More striking differences are found between well-being measures. The relationship with marital status is weakest for positive affect and strongest for self-reported happiness, with the results for negative affect and overall life satisfaction falling in between.
This study reconceptualizes marital status as social attachment in order to examine the effect of marital status on well-being. Using data from a national probability sample of 2,031 adults aged 18 to 90, four levels on a continuum of social attachment are compared: no partner, partner outside the household, living with partner in the household, living with married partner in the household. Adjusting for age, sex, and race, results indicate the higher the level of social attachment, the lower the level of psychological distress, although living with a partner and being married are not significantly different. Social attachment, emotional support, and economic support significantly reduce distress and explain the positive effect of being married and the negative effect of being single or divorced on psychological well-being, although recent widows exhibit high levels of distress that are not explained. Although relationships generally improve well-being, unhappy relationships are worse than none at all.
Social-psychological factors influencing the life-satisfaction of never-married men and women were examined Predictor variables included self-esteem, aspects of social support, and social and emotional loneliness. Regression analyses revealed that emotional loneliness and availability of attachment relationships were influential for the life satisfaction of women. The model for predicting men's life satisfaction included self-esteem and availability of social integration. These results are discussed both in terms of related research and implications for practitioners.
How does marriage affect the sense of control of men and women? Most research on the social determinants of personal control has examined the effects of socioeconomic status and paid work, not the effects of marriage and family. There are three perspectives on the ways in which marriage affects the sense of control: marriage as a social and economic resource, marriage as a limit to autonomy, and marriage as unequal power for men and women. Based on a representative sample of 809 Illinois residents surveyed in 1985 by telephone, this study finds modified support for all three perspectives. Marriage has trade-offs for women's sense of control: on the one hand it increases it by way of increased household income, but on the other hand it decreases it, probably by way of decreased autonomy. When household income is held constant, nonmarried women have the highest sense of control of any group. For men, marriage has less of an effect on the sense of control.
In this qualitative study using grounded theory, Caucasian women and African American women told the story of their identity development across a lifetime. The Difference Model (U. Oleyamade & P. Rosser, 1980) was used to analyze the interviews separately for each cultural group. The pattern of development for each group is explained and comparisons between the groups were explored. The present study provides an explanation of how African American women sustain their identities in the face of oppression and how Caucasian women struggle to emerge from embeddedness in their self‐definitions and regain their sense of identity.
Written questionnaires including a 70–item adjective checklist, a value sort, the “Who Am I?” Twenty Statements Test, measures of morale, and questions about attitudes toward marriage and demographic characteristics were administered to samples of 66 childless, never-married women and 37 currently married women, 29 of whom had children. The purpose was to explore the differences and similarities in the self-concepts of single and married women. There was little difference in morale between the groups. Single women had more psychiatric symptoms characteristic of the obsessive-compulsive personality type. Although the single women valued personal growth and achievement, the married women valued personal relationships. Single women were higher on assertion and poise clusters of adjectives. On the “Who Am I ?” test, the married women were more likely to identify with ascribed characteristics, kinship roles, and household activities, whereas the single women identified as self-determined.
This article reviews the relationship statuses that are common for older adults today. It addresses the prevalence of various statuses among the older adult population as well as their consequences for economic, social, psychological, and physical well-being and adjustment. In addition, consideration is given to how the prevalence and experience of various relationship statuses may change in the next few decades given such demographic changes as reduced mortality, increased education and employment for women, and reduced standardization of the life course. Throughout the article, differences for older men and women are highlighted.
This report analyzes General Social Survey data from 1972 through 1989 on the personal happiness of married and never-married individuals. Earlier studies (Glenn and Weaver, 1988) had reported a significant decrease in the difference between these two categories, with the "advantage" of the married progressively declining from 1972 through 1986. This article shows that the process reversed somewhat during the latter part of the 1980s, with the effect of marriage on happiness returning to fairly typical levels in 1987 and 1988 after several years of relatively minimal differences in the early part of the decade. However, the difference diminished once again in 1989. The analysis shows that never-married males and younger never-married females were happier in the late 1980s than in the 1970s, and that younger married women were somewhat less happy in the late 1980s than in the 1970s. These trends, however, are generally weaker than earlier evidence suggested.
Do unmarried individuals experience more emotional and health problems than their married counterparts? According to more than 130 empirical studies on a number of well-being indices, married men and women are generally happier and less stressed than the unmarried. Marriage is particularly rewarding for men. This review finds little support for the selection hypothesis which asserts that the relationship between marital status and well-being is spurious since emotional maturity explains both conditions. However, the evidence is consistent with the protection/support hypothesis that a marital partner who provides companionship and psychic aid buffers individuals against physical and emotional pathology.
This research explores the social networks among the growing numbers of men and women who have never married. We use a representative sample of 193 never-married men and 217 never-married women, of whom 73% of the men and 60% women of the were white and 16% of the men and 20% of the women were black. We hypothesize that single women have a more extensive social network than do men. Second, we investigate the impact of gender roles and norms of filial responsibility and selected sociodemographic variables upon social interaction by gender. Our findings indicate that gender differences are not as anticipated: (1) while never-married women interact more frequently with relatives than do never-married men, no differences were noted among friendship or neighborhood networks; (2) time spent in social interaction was more likely to differ by marital status than it was by gender; (3) compared to married persons, the never-married are overrepresented in the extreme categories of interaction, both isolated and very active; (4) gender role ideology and filial responsibility did not significantly predict social interaction for either men or women, with the exception that, among never-married men, those with lower expectations of filial responsibility spent more time with friends.
Many stereotypes influence attitudes toward never-married women. There is very little existing data on their actual life experiences and how they have handled singlehood over a lifetime. In addition, it is not known if they are subject to some of the common stereotypes of old age. This paper examines and analyses these issues by reporting on in-depth interviews with 15 never-married women who were 80 years of age and over. Although a great diversity was found, most of these women had led satisfying lives and were satisfied with relationships with family members and friends. In addition, they were able to handle the diminishments of age positively and realistically.
Two short (16 item) forms of the Helmreich, Stapp, and Ervin (1974) Texas Social Behavior Inventory, a validated, objective measure of self-esteem or social competence are presented. Normative data and other statistics are described for males and females. Correlations between each short form and long (32-item) scale were .97. Factor analysis and part-whole correlations verified the similarity of the two forms. The utility of the scale in research is described.
A phenomenological research design was used to explore the meaning of singleness to women who have never married. Nine never-married, heterosexual, childless women were interviewed about how they experienced singleness in their lives. Constant comparative analysis of the data resulted in 13 categories that reflected the meaning of singleness for this group of never-married women. Singleness emerged as a multifaceted experience with different meanings, not only for different women, but also for an individual never-married women, depending on her perspective at any given point in time. The findings of this study, by sensitizing nurses to the subjective world of never-married women, can enhance the act of nursing female clients who have never married.
Researchers determining the prevalence of homosexuality in nationally representative samples have focused upon determining the prevalence of homosexual behavior, ignoring those individuals whose sexual attraction to the same sex had not resulted in sexual behavior. We examine the use of sexual attraction as well as sexual behavior to estimate the prevalence of homosexuality in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France using the Project HOPE International Survey of AIDS-Risk Behaviors. We find that 8.7, 7.9, and 8.5% of males and 11.1, 8.6, and 11.7% of females in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, respectively, report some homosexual attraction but no homosexual behavior since age 15. Further, considering homosexual behavior and homosexual attraction as different but overlapping dimensions of homosexuality, we find 20.8, 16.3, and 18.5% of males, and 17.8, 18.6, and 18.5% of females in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France report either homosexual behavior or homosexual attraction since age 15. Examination of homosexual behavior separately finds that 6.2, 4.5, and 10.7% of males and 3.6, 2.1, and 3.3% of females in the United States, the United Kingdom, and France, respectively, report having had sexual contact with someone of the same sex in the previous 5 years. Our findings highlight the importance of using more than just homosexual behavior to examine the prevalence of homosexuality.
Marital status life tables for the United States, 1988, show a continuing retreat from marriage. For both sexes, the proportion ever marrying declined and the average age at first marriage rose. The 1988 rates imply that 43% of marriages end in divorce. That represents a slight decline from the 1983 figure, and suggests that divorce has peaked at a level below that estimated in earlier analyses.
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