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Extent, Trends, and Perpetrators of Prostitution‐Related Homicide in the United States
Abstract
Prostitute women have the highest homicide victimization rate of any set of women ever studied. We analyzed nine diverse homicide data sets to examine the extent, trends, and perpetrators of prostitution-related homicide in the United States. Most data sources substantially under-ascertained prostitute homicides. As estimated from a conservative capture-recapture analysis, 2.7% of female homicide victims in the United States between 1982 and 2000 were prostitutes. Frequencies of recorded prostitute and client homicides increased substantially in the late 1980s and early 1990s; nearly all of the few observed pimp homicides occurred before the late 1980s. These trends may be linked to the rise of crack cocaine use. Prostitutes were killed primarily by clients, clients were killed mainly by prostitutes, and pimps were killed predominantly by pimps. Another conservative estimate suggests that serial killers accounted for 35% of prostitute homicides. Proactive surveillance of, and evidence collection from, clients and prostitutes might enhance the investigation of prostitution-related homicide.
... Rather, this knowledge on how activities and lifestyles can increase the likelihood of being victimized should be used to prevent further victimization, and not direct blame on the individual (Beauregard & Martineau, 2015;Miethe & Meier, 1990;O'Connell, 2024). For instance, Brewer et al. (2006) state that female sex workers experience far more victimization than other women, due in part to the nature of their work, which puts them in more high-risk situations. Past studies that have looked at these two interactional theories to explain victimization used demographic data to represent aspects of the victim's lifestyle (Beauregard & Martineau, 2015). ...
... Those in the low-risk group had relatively low probabilities for the nine items that were tested. Individuals in this group may be viewed as unlikely victims-they were not engaging in traditionally risky behaviors or lifestyles that have been known to increase one's chances of being victimized or of viewed as an ideal target for a SHO (Beauregard & Martineau, 2013;Brewer et al., 2006). They are living a low-risk lifestyle and yet are still being victimized; so much so that this class makes up most of the sample. ...
... These are high-risk lifestyles and activities to engage in that may increase their vulnerability to victimization. Homeless women already face high sexual victimization rates (Wenzel et al., 2000) and sex workers are especially vulnerable to violent sexual assault (Brewer et al., 2006;Salfati et al., 2008). This vulnerability is exacerbated if the victims have intersecting marginalized identities (e.g., they are also someone who uses drugs; Horan & Beauregard, 2018;Salfati et al., 2008). ...
Sexual homicide (SH) research has focused on those who commit these crimes and the crimes themselves. This leaves the victim, an equally crucial piece to the puzzle, left as a sort of afterthought, despite the valuable insight that victimology provides to the crime. For the current study, victim information related to their routine activities and lifestyles was taken from an international database containing 662 solved cases of SH. Nine victim variables were used in a latent class analysis to find hidden subgroups within the victim population. Three classes were identified—low‐risk, homebody, and overt risk victims—which suggests that SH victimization varies depending on the victim lifestyles and routine activities. These groups were externally validated by examining their association with different phases of the crime commission process. Some sexual homicide offenders may be more drawn to a victim because they present as vulnerable and opportunistic, while others might be methodically targeted. The theoretical relevance of this typology, along with investigative and prevention strategies, is discussed.
... The hierarchy also influences the level of safety and protections based on the type of sex work (Dalla, 2002;Decker et al., 2013;O'Doherty, 2011;Raphael & Shapiro, 2004). The highest risk of violence is the most associated with street prostitution, with the leading cause of death in sex workers being homicide (Beckham & Prohaska, 2012;Brewer et al., 2006;Chan & Beauregard, 2019). It is estimated that in the United States, female sex workers (cis-gendered) are 18 times more likely to be killed as a result of their profession compared to their non-sex work counterparts Potterat et al., 2004). ...
... Typically, sex worker homicide has been most commonly associated with being victims of serial killers and sexual homicides (Brewer et al., 2006;Quinet, 2011;. It is estimated that 32% to 35% of serial homicides will involve a sex worker as a victim (Brewer et al., 2006;Quinet, 2011;. ...
... Typically, sex worker homicide has been most commonly associated with being victims of serial killers and sexual homicides (Brewer et al., 2006;Quinet, 2011;. It is estimated that 32% to 35% of serial homicides will involve a sex worker as a victim (Brewer et al., 2006;Quinet, 2011;. As stated previously, female sex workers are at a high risk of becoming homicide victims as a result of their profession (Beckham & Prohaska, 2012;Chan & Beauregard, 2019). ...
Prior research has associated Craigslist.com and Backpage.com as sources of victimization, which in part resulted in the closure of the erotic services of each respective website. However, research also claims the introduction of Craigslist was associated with a reduction in female homicide rates across 30 large cities. This research acts as a supplemental analysis to Cunningham et al. by analyzing if Backpage.com, considered to be Craigslist’s successor, has similar effects on female homicide rates. When including measures of interest in each respective website, we find that Backpage is associated with a decrease in homicide rates for women. The purpose of this study is to extend the study conducted by Cunningham et al. through supplemental analysis. To determine the effect of online clearinghouses on female homicide rates, interest measures in Backpage along with the female homicide rates from 120 single city metropolitan and micropolitan areas over 14 years (2004–2018) were analyzed using multiple regression analyses. The regression analyses show that there is a statistically significant relationship between interest in Backpage and homicide rates for women. We find that Backpage is associated with a decrease in homicide rates for women.
... Violence is associated not only with mental health symptoms, but also with death among women who sell sex. The most comprehensive research on homicide among women selling sex has been conducted in high-income countries such as the United States (Brewer et al., 2006;Quinet, 2011), Canada (Beuaregard & Martineau, 2012, and the United Kingdom (Cunningham, Sanders, Platt, Grenfell, & Macioti, 2018;Salfati, James, & Ferguson, 2008). Compared to other groups, women who sell sex face a substantially increased risk of lethal violence. ...
... The former can be referred to as "occupational homicide," and classifying deaths in this manner will allow a better understanding of the circumstances surrounding homicides as well as more focused policy responses. Where data are available, the indication seems to be that the majority of homicides are committed by customers rather than pimps or other women who sell sex (Brewer et al., 2006). Moreover, it has been estimated that approximately a third of the homicides of women who sell sex are attributable to serial killers (32% between 1970-2009, Quinet, 2011, and 35% between 1982, Brewer et al, 2006. ...
... Where data are available, the indication seems to be that the majority of homicides are committed by customers rather than pimps or other women who sell sex (Brewer et al., 2006). Moreover, it has been estimated that approximately a third of the homicides of women who sell sex are attributable to serial killers (32% between 1970-2009, Quinet, 2011, and 35% between 1982, Brewer et al, 2006. ...
This book reviews empirical literature on a number of psychological concepts related to selling sex. The goals of the book and the boundaries of what is included can be found in Chap. 1. In brief, this book focuses on private, in-person, consensual sex acts exchanged between a cisgender woman and a paying customer. Research on men, minors, and victims of sex trafficking are deliberately excluded, unless otherwise noted. The review favors peer-reviewed sources of research and is most inclusive of comparative studies. Qualitative findings are used illustratively. Consistent with the diathesis-stress model, the experience of stress can trigger the expression of personal predispositional vulnerabilities, resulting in mental health concerns. With this understanding, Chap. 3 focuses on the sources of stress that women face when they sell sex, with the goal of increasing understanding regarding women’s experiences as well as increasing insight into the potential triggers for mental health concerns. We begin by reviewing particular ways in which the activity of selling sex can be stressful. We then explore a number of contextual factors related to commercial sex, including the relevance of location to the nature and degree of stressors experienced, particularly in terms of the legal status of selling sex within the territory worked and the particular venue or setting in which women sell sex. We also focus on the contextual stressors of social stigma in relation to the concept of dirty work and the experience of physical and sexual violence. Finally, we review what the literature has to offer in terms of understanding relevant coping strategies and mechanisms that women employ to reduce stress.
... We note one additional correlate of concern in the relationship between selling sex and substance use, which is homicide. Brewer et al. (2006) noted an increase in homicides among women who sell sex and their customers beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s which can potentially be attributed to a rise in the use of crack cocaine. Crack cocaine use can result in increased vulnerability and increased aggression, both of which can contribute to the likelihood of homicide among women who sell sex. ...
... Crack cocaine use can result in increased vulnerability and increased aggression, both of which can contribute to the likelihood of homicide among women who sell sex. For example, data from sex work-related homicides in 1988 in 33 urban US counties showed 82% (14/17) of victims were under the influence of cocaine at the time of the homicide (see Table 7 in Brewer et al, 2006). Similarly, 74% of victims of sex-work related homicides (51/69) between 1988 and mid-2000 were under the influence of cocaine (see Table 7 in Brewer et al, 2006). ...
... For example, data from sex work-related homicides in 1988 in 33 urban US counties showed 82% (14/17) of victims were under the influence of cocaine at the time of the homicide (see Table 7 in Brewer et al, 2006). Similarly, 74% of victims of sex-work related homicides (51/69) between 1988 and mid-2000 were under the influence of cocaine (see Table 7 in Brewer et al, 2006). Salfati, James, and Ferguson (2008) compared homicides of women who sold sex in the UK between 1990 and 2001 to other sexual and nonsexual homicides of women. ...
This book reviews empirical literature on a number of psychological concepts related to selling sex. The goals of the book and the boundaries of what is included can be found in Chap. 1. In brief, this book focuses on private, in-person, consensual sex acts exchanged between a cisgender woman and a paying customer. Research on men, minors, and victims of sex trafficking are deliberately excluded, unless otherwise noted. The review favors peer-reviewed sources of research and is most inclusive of comparative studies. Qualitative findings are used illustratively. In Chap. 5, we review alcohol and drug use among women who sell sex, a topic that has been studied extensively within the research literature. We begin by discussing some of the challenges of measuring alcohol and drug use in the context of selling sex and then review research on the prevalence of alcohol and substance use. Next, we review research relevant to questions such as: Do women tend to use alcohol and substances more before or after starting to sell sex? Does one impact the other more strongly? What are the reasons that women who sell sex use alcohol and drugs? We conclude by discussing some of the correlates and consequences of alcohol and drug use in the context of selling sex.
... D. Rossmo, 2000). Studies from Brewer et al. (2006) and Van Patten and Delhauer (2007) support this assertion, as both found that homicide cases involving sex trade workers take longer to solve. Adding to the difficulties of these investiga- tions is the delay or lack of reporting, as a victim with a transient or marginal lifestyle may not always be identified as a victim of foul play ( Lepard et al., 2015). ...
... Beauregard and Field (2008) also found that sexual murderers who had a conflict with the victim within 48 hrs prior to the crime were more likely to leave the body at the scene of the crime, which suggests that the offender and the victim were known to each other. This would also help to explain, in part, why some studies have found that cases involving family members are easier to clear (Riedel & Jarvis, 1998;Roberts, 2007) and why sexual homicides are more difficult to solve as they more often involve stranger victims (Beauregard & Martineau, 2012;Brewer et al., 2006;Van Patten & Delhauer, 2007). ...
... Specifically, we will consider strategies used in efforts to delay or avoid detection, such as the location of the crime scene and body recovery sites, and the types of strategies used that indicate forensic awareness, while consider- ing the effect of victimology and offender characteristics. We focus on sexual homi- cides exclusively as sexual homicide cases garner considerable media attention and often involve stranger victims, so the public pressure to solve these cases is even greater, and tend to be more challenging for investigators to solve (Brewer et al., 2006;Van Patten & Delhauer, 2007). Moreover, some studies have estimated the cost of sexual homicide of nearly US$20 million per incident (e.g., Delisi et al., 2010). ...
There is a lack of research examining the relationship between body recovery times and the “first 48,” despite the risk of forensic evidence deteriorating and the difficulty in forming leads without a body. The study explores factors influencing body recovery—both during and after the critical 48-hr investigative window—in sexual homicide cases. Offender characteristics, victimology, contact scene and body recovery locations, and forensic awareness strategies are used to predict body recovery after the “first 48.” Findings suggest that certain offenders can delay body recovery past the first 48 because they utilized detection avoidance strategies during the crime-commission process.
... It has been established though in nonsex work studies that murders can still take place in the workplace but be committed by family members: 33% of workplace homicides against women in the United States (between 2003 and 2008) were committed by a personal relation, the majority (78%) being intimate partners (Tiesman, Gurka, Konda, Coben, & Amandus, 2012). While these are classed as examples of both workplace homicide and intimate partner violence, we argue that our classification of sex worker homicides committed by family members as nonwork related is valid as it enables a focus on the occupational factors that make sex workers so vulnerable to homicide at the hands of strangers and clients, who represent the majority of perpetrators (Brewer et al., 2006;Neville, 2012;Salfati, 2008). ...
... All of the murders by serial offenders occurred in the course of the victim's work. We calculated that the percentage of sex working occupational homicide victims who were killed by serial perpetrators was 15% of all solved cases, much lower than results from the United States with Brewer et al. (2006Brewer et al. ( , p. 1106, for example, concluding that 35% of sex worker homicide victims in the United States between 1982 and 2000 were killed by serial perpetrators. Some of the serial offenders in the United Kingdom were known only to have targeted sex workers and others had both sex working and nonsex working victims. ...
... The motivations for murder against sex workers has been addressed but is largely the area given least attention in the literature. Brewer et al. (2006Brewer et al. ( , p. 1106 note that sex worker homicides, especially those committed by "clients," "are not easily characterized by motives." They provide a long list of the various different motives cited in some of their data including "arguments over the sex for money/drugs exchange, responses to the victim's (attempted robbery) of the client, verbal insults from the victim, . . . the client's misogyny, the client's hatred of prostitutes, the client's sadism . . . ...
This article presents an analysis of occupational homicides of sex workers in the United Kingdom, 1990-2016. Characteristics of 110 people murdered between 1990 and 2016 are explored including the location of their murder, ethnicity, migration status, and gender. Key changes over time are noted including an increase in the number of sex workers murdered indoors as well as an increase in murdered migrant sex workers. By developing the concept of “occupational homicide,” we argue that sex worker homicide should be viewed as an occupational issue and that the distinction between work-related homicide and nonwork-related homicide should be accounted for in future studies and is essential to inform prostitution policy.
... In terms of victim-offender characteristics, our findings indicate that cases involving victims who were strangers to their offenders tend to have shorter PMI days (i.e., the bodies are discovered more quickly than average). This contrasts with previous research which suggested that stranger victim cases often take longer to solve (Beauregard & Martineau, 2012;Brewer et al., 2006), or have no significant impact on body recovery time (Reale & Beauregard, 2019). Notably, these studies primarily focused on clearance rates rather than the time taken to discover the victim's body. ...
... Interestingly, when the victim and offender have an intimate relationship (such as current or former spouses, lovers, or family members), the discovery of the victim's body tends to be delayed. This finding contrasts with previous studies which have suggested that cases involving stranger victims are more challenging to solve (Beauregard & Martineau, 2012;Brewer et al., 2006), while those involving family members are easier because offenders often leave the body at the scene (Beauregard & Field, 2008;Hakkanen & Laagasalo, 2006;Ressler et al., 1986). It is important to note, however, that these studies mainly focused on the time taken to solve the case, not the time to discover the body. ...
This study explores the offender, victim, and environmental characteristics that significantly influence the number of days a sexual homicide victim remains undiscovered. Utilizing a sample of 269 cases from the Homicide Investigation Tracking System database an in‐depth analysis was conducted to unveil the factors contributing to the delay in the discovery of victims' bodies. The methodological approach involves applying a negative binomial regression analysis, which allows for the examination of count data, specifically addressing the over‐dispersion and excess zeros in the dependent variable ‐ the number of days until the victim is found. The findings reveal that certain offender characteristics, victim traits, and spatio‐temporal factors play a pivotal role in the time lag experienced in locating the bodies of homicide victims. These findings have crucial implications for investigative efforts in homicide cases, offering valuable insights that can inform and enhance the efficacy and efficiency of future investigative procedures and strategies.
... Individuals engaged in sex work face a heightened vulnerability to victimization (Quinet, 2011;Salfati & Sorochinski, 2021). Further, in comparison to the general population, sex workers face the greatest risk of being victim of a homicide (Brewer et al., 2006). This is due to the setting in which sex work occurs, as sex workers meet clients in hotel rooms, cars, or homes, where often, this is the first time the sex worker can begin screening the client. ...
... In these instances, the sex worker is in a private space with a client and no one else around. This private setting allows for a wide array of offences, such as robbery, sexual assault, and homicide, to occur (Brewer et al., 2006;Chan, 2021). In their descriptive study of SH in Canada, Beauregard and Martineau (2013) noted sex workers to be highly mobile, which decreases the likelihood they stay in touch to inform family and friends when they are moving to another city or province. ...
Although most people have heard the terms ‘souvenirs’, ‘trophies’, and ‘mementos’, discussed in books and movies on the true crimes of sexual murderers, limited research has delved into the phenomenon of theft in sexual homicide (SH). Using a sample of 762 SH cases coming from the Sexual Homicide International Database, the current study examines the crime‐commission process of the pre‐crime, crime, and post‐crime phases of sexual homicide offenders (SHOs) who engaged in theft during a SH. Additionally, this study seeks to determine if a specific type of SHO engages in this behaviour over others. Results from the sequential logistic regression indicate that victims who are 16 years or older, were strangers to the SHO, and were sex workers were more likely to be victims of theft. Additionally, results indicate that the presence of sadism made it more likely the SHO would engage in theft from the victim and/or crime scene. Findings suggest there is a group of SHOs who engage in theft not for monetary purposes but due to the paraphilia of the offender. These findings can inform the police investigation of these crimes.
... Most research on violence against prostitutes focuses on the experiences of cisgender women. Cisgender women generally have a relatively low risk of homicide; however, cisgender women who sell sex have the highest risk of being murdered of any group of cisgender women, and homicide is the leading cause of death among cisgender women working as prostitutes (Brewer et al. 2006;Potterat et al. 2004). Perpetrators of these homicides are most often clients, and of cisgender women working as prostitutes, those who sell sex on the street are the most at risk (Brewer et al. 2006;Potterat et al. 2004). ...
... Cisgender women generally have a relatively low risk of homicide; however, cisgender women who sell sex have the highest risk of being murdered of any group of cisgender women, and homicide is the leading cause of death among cisgender women working as prostitutes (Brewer et al. 2006;Potterat et al. 2004). Perpetrators of these homicides are most often clients, and of cisgender women working as prostitutes, those who sell sex on the street are the most at risk (Brewer et al. 2006;Potterat et al. 2004). ...
It is well established that there are racial and gendered inequalities in murders of cisgender people. However, lack of data has hampered intersectional analyses of these factors for transgender people. addressing that gap, this article presents findings from an original data set of murders of transgender people in the united states during the 30-year period from 1990 through 2019. Findings reveal that the gender and racial gaps in homicide of transgender people far exceed those of cisgender people. transgender women are substantially more likely to be murdered than transgender men, and transgender women of color are murdered much more frequently than white transgender women. attending to sexuality is also important because a substantial number of murders of transgender women occur in sexual interactions. However, transgender women of color are more likely to be killed while exchanging sex for money, whereas sex work circumstances are uncommon among white victims. I explain these patterns through what I term the matrix of violence, a structuring structure in which intersecting systems of stratification interact with necropolitical social institutions to facilitate certain types of violence while deterring others. In the conclusion, I use the findings to explore ways to reduce violence against transgender people.
... In a review of the investigative challenges related to serial homicide investigations, Salfati and Sorochinski (2019) show that a number of studies have suggested that sex workers specifically are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al. 2006;Brooks-Gordon 2006;Egger 2003;Kinnell 2006;Salfati 2008;Salfati et al. 2008;Quinet 2011). Egger (2003 calculates that 65% of serial homicide victims are female, and nearly 78% of female victims of serial homicide offenders are sex workers. ...
... Egger (2003 calculates that 65% of serial homicide victims are female, and nearly 78% of female victims of serial homicide offenders are sex workers. Quinet (2011) calculates that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers, and Brewer et al. (2006) estimate that when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved. Quinet additionally points out that the average length of time that offenders were active was longer for cases involving sex worker victims. ...
Three general interlinked areas have been the focus of offender profiling research: individual differentiation (establishing differences between the behavioral actions of crime scene types), behavioral consistency (understanding behavioral patterns across a series of crimes), and offender profiling (linking sub-types of crime scene patterns to the most likely characteristics of an offender). Taken together, these three areas form the empirical basis necessary for use in criminal investigations. However, studies supporting inferences about offender characteristics have to date been the least developed in the field of offender profiling. For profiling to be fully useful to investigations, a clear understanding of three main elements is crucial to fully develop, notably (1) what individual crime scene characteristics are the most salient to use; (2) what elements of the full series behavioral developmental pattern are important to understand as an additional factor; and (3) what offender characteristics are the most empirically robust to focus on for investigative use. The current study examines 80 series of serial homicide, involving 302 crime scenes. Using the key elements of an offender’s crime scene behavioral patterns shown to help link and differentiate crime scenes and series, the current study linked these to sub-sets of different offender characteristics, identified as most useful for investigations. These included such characteristics such as age at the start of the series, criminal history specialization, general history of violence, mental health history, and relationship to the victims in the series. Results are discussed in the context of implications for research and practical applications in serial crime investigation and offender profiling.
... Other studies have highlighted that involvement in criminal activities increases one's suitability as a target and can increase exposure to high-risk situations (i.e., a lack of guardianship and motivated offenders). For example, sex trade workers have also been found to be at a greater risk for violence, including homicide (e.g., Brewer et al., 2006) because the nature of their work may put them in high-risk situations where supervision or the chance of someone intervening is low. ...
... For example, previous studies found cases involving divorced or single victims to be among the lowest clearance categories (Riedel & Jarvis, 1999;Silverman & Kennedy, 1987). Moreover, homicides involving sex trade workers have consistently been attributed difficulties in case clearance (e.g., Brewer et al., 2006;Chan & Beauregard, 2019;Salfati et al., 2008;Van Patten & Delhauer, 2007), and victims with more transient lifestyles may not always be identified as victims of foul play (Lepard et al., 2015). Moreover, some predators will purposely target sex trade workers, homeless, or other marginalized populations to delay or avoid body recovery (Rossmo & Davies, 2001). ...
The phenomenon of “senseless” or “motiveless” homicide
refers to homicides that lack an objective external motivation.
Despite the unique challenges these homicides pose
to police, few empirical studies have been conducted on the
topic and are limited to clinical studies
using small samples. To overcome existing empirical
shortcomings, the current study used a sample of 319 homicide
cases where no motive was established during the
investigation to describe the “who” (offender and victim
characteristics), “what” (modus operandi, crime characteristics),
“where” (encounter, crime, and body recovery
associated locations), and “when” (time of the crime) of the
entire criminal event. Findings provide insight into the
entire crime‐commission process and suggest a different
dynamic to “senseless” homicide from what has been
described in previous literature. Implications for police
investigative practice are discussed.
... Other studies have highlighted that involvement in criminal activities increases one's suitability as a target and can increase exposure to high-risk situations (i.e., a lack of guardianship and motivated offenders). For example, sex trade workers have also been found to be at a greater risk for violence, including homicide (e.g., Brewer et al., 2006) because the nature of their work may put them in high-risk situations where supervision or the chance of someone intervening is low. ...
... For example, previous studies found cases involving divorced or single victims to be among the lowest clearance categories (Riedel & Jarvis, 1999;Silverman & Kennedy, 1987). Moreover, homicides involving sex trade workers have consistently been attributed difficulties in case clearance (e.g., Brewer et al., 2006;Chan & Beauregard, 2019;Salfati et al., 2008;Van Patten & Delhauer, 2007), and victims with more transient lifestyles may not always be identified as victims of foul play (Lepard et al., 2015). Moreover, some predators will purposely target sex trade workers, homeless, or other marginalized populations to delay or avoid body recovery (Rossmo & Davies, 2001). ...
The phenomenon of "senseless" or "motiveless" homicide refers to homicides that lack an objective external motivation. Despite the unique challenges these homicides pose to police, few empirical studies have been conducted on the topic and existing studies are limited to clinical studies using small samples. To overcome existing empirical shortcomings, the current study used a sample of 319 homicide cases where no motive was established during the investigation to describe the "who" (offender and victim characteristics), "what" (modus operandi, crime characteristics), "where" (encounter, crime, and body recovery associated locations), and "when" (time of the crime) of the entire criminal event. Findings provide insight into the entire crime-commission process and suggest a different dynamic to "senseless" homicide from what has been described in previous literature. Implications for police investigative practice are discussed.
... Beauregard and Martineau (2013) found that almost three quarters were either single (57%) or divorced (15%), and Nicole and Proulx (2007) similarly found that three quarters were single. This may in part provide an explanation of why offenders target prostitutes (Brewer et al., 2006). Involvement in prostitution considerably increases the risk of being the victim of violent crime and is a significant vulnerability factor for sexual homicide specifically, with one in five victims working as a prostitute in one sample (Beauregard & Martineau, 2013). ...
... This could have implications in police work; if a search is narrowed to young, single men immediately without considering that older, married men also present a risk of sexual homicide, the true perpetrator may be overlooked. This may also explain why fewer victims in our sample (10%) worked as prostitutes than would be expected from previous research (Beauregard & Martineau, 2013;Brewer et al., 2006). Single men may be more likely to visit prostitutes, and as such, target them for violent offences. ...
The field of sexual homicide research is relatively recent, with many existing studies limited by small sample sizes and sampling bias. In Australia and New Zealand specifically, only one study to date addresses this phenomenon but there is a lack of comprehensive descriptive data. This study aims to fill this research gap using a representative sample gathered from public legal databases. A total of 118 cases of sexual homicide offenders are described to create a portrait of this type of offender, their victims and their offence behaviour. Findings are similar to those found in other large samples from the UK, Canada and Germany. Because this crime is rare and practitioners tend to have limited experience of them, the findings of this research have the potential to inform investigative, criminal justice and clinical practice.
... Decades of research has shown that women's engagement in street-level prostitution (SLP) places them at extreme risk for a litany of adverse outcomes including violent victimization, poor mental and physical health, and increased substance use (Brewer et al. 2006;Chudakov et al. 2002;Dalla 2002;Gilchrist et al. 2005;Raymond 2004;Salfati et al. 2008). Many women that engage in SLP are mothers with children (91%) who may also be vulnerable to similar adverse experiences (Duff et al. 2015;Sloss 2002). ...
... Women also report avoidance of law enforcement out of fear for loss of custody, stigma, and past experiences of abuse at the hands of law enforcement officers (Duff et al. 2015;Shannon and Csete 2010). This is concerning due to the risk of violent victimization, homicide, domestic violence, and sexual assault that exists for these women and may exist among their children (Brewer et al. 2006;Chudakov et al. 2002;Dalla 2002;2003;Raymond 2004;Salfati et al. 2008). Many women engaged in SLP meet criteria for consideration as victims of sex trafficking; however, are rarely treated as such by police, criminal justice systems, or substance use treatment partially because many women do not self-identify as victims of sex trafficking and because among law enforcement, they are often caught in the act of selling sex. ...
Most women engaged in street-level prostitution have children who have been voluntarily or involuntarily removed from their custody. Currently the literature presents information summarizing intergenerational patterns of maltreatment that culminate in loss of custody, while acknowledging women and children maintain relationships despite new custodial agreements. However, few studies have explored the current state of these mother-child relationships and no studies to date have sought to identify family-level intervention targets that may promote improved mother-child relationships or individual outcomes among this vulnerable population. To address this gap in the literature, this study recruited fifteen mothers who report street-level prostitution (ages 20-53) and substance use treatment to participate in qualitative interviews exploring the histories and current states of their relationships with their children. An inductive content analysis was utilized to analyze the interview data and identify themes within participant responses. In line with prior studies, participants reported past maltreatment of their children and loss of custody. However, findings also illuminate relational strengths and barriers women experienced to maintaining and rebuilding relationships with their children following substance use treatment. This study expands our understanding of these mother-child relationships beyond characterizations of maltreatment and illuminates areas of consideration for future research as well as possible clinical implications and consideration for intervention efforts among this population.
... A number of studies have suggested that sex workers specifically are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2008;Salfati, James, & Ferguson, 2008). Quinet (2011) suggested that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers, and Brewer et al. (2006) calculated that when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved. ...
... A number of studies have suggested that sex workers specifically are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2008;Salfati, James, & Ferguson, 2008). Quinet (2011) suggested that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers, and Brewer et al. (2006) calculated that when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved. In addition, despite the overall general decline in serial homicide cases between the 1980s and 2000s, research indicates that serial homicide cases involving sex worker victims have dramatically increased by decade (Quinet, 2011). ...
Sex workers as a group are one of the more common targets in serial homicide, yet the most likely to go unsolved. Part of the reason for this is the difficulty in linking individual crime scenes to a series, especially in those series where offenders not only target sex worker victims but also target non-sex worker victims. Inconsistencies in both victim targeting and behaviors engaged in across series add to the difficulties of linking and solvability in these types of crimes. The current study aimed to add to the current body of literature on serial crime linkage by examining not only the most salient behavioral indicators useful for crime scene classification of serial homicides that involve sex worker victims but also examine the trajectories of behavioral change that can help link apparently inconsistent crime scenes and proposes the new Model for the Analysis of Trajectories and Consistency in Homicide (MATCH). The study examines 83 homicide series, including 44 (53%) series where all victims were sex workers and 39 (47%) series that included a mix of sex workers and non-sex worker victims. Using the MATCH system allowed for the majority of series to be classified to a dominant trajectory pattern, over half as many as a traditional consistency analysis that focusses on behavioral similarity matching. Results further showed that Sex Worker Victim series were almost three times more consistent across their series than Mixed-Victim series, not only in victim selection but also in the overall behavioral patterns. Findings are discussed in line with theoretical and psychological issues relating to understanding the nature of behavioral consistency and the importance of going beyond simple matching toward a model that allows for the identification of consistency in seemingly inconsistent series, as well as investigative implications relating to linking serial crimes.
... A number of other studies have also shown that sex workers are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2009;Salfati et al., 2008), with some work suggesting that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers (Quinet, 2011), and that in the United States when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved (Brewer et al., 2006) and that between 1990 and 2016 in the United Kingdom, 15% of all solved cases of sex worker homicides were by serial offenders (Cunningham, Sanders, Platt, Grenfell and Macioti (2018). ...
... A number of other studies have also shown that sex workers are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2009;Salfati et al., 2008), with some work suggesting that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers (Quinet, 2011), and that in the United States when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved (Brewer et al., 2006) and that between 1990 and 2016 in the United Kingdom, 15% of all solved cases of sex worker homicides were by serial offenders (Cunningham, Sanders, Platt, Grenfell and Macioti (2018). ...
Contrary to popular misconceptions, offenders who kill sex workers as part of their series exhibit substantial variability in their victim selection and behavioral patterns, thus creating additional issues for the investigation of these crimes. This article first aims to outline differences in the demographics of crime scene actions present in homicide series with exclusively sex worker victims and series that includes both sex worker and non–sex worker victims, with the aim of understanding the crime scene aetiology of these two different types of series. Second, the research aims to determine between-series differences of victimology as well as crime scene action between sex worker series and mixed-victim series. Third, the research focuses on mixed-victim series and aims to determine the within-series similarities of victimology and crime scene actions, that is, what factors link sex worker victims and non–sex worker victims in the same series. Data were collected through a large-scale review of international media sources to identify solved serial homicide cases that have included at least one sex worker. Of the 83 series looked at, 44 (53%) included sex worker victims only, and 39 (47%) of the series included both sex worker and non–sex worker victims. The findings highlight the challenges that these types of crime present for investigation and the implications they have on current crime analysis research and practice, and results are discussed in line with theoretical and psychological issues relating to understanding differentiation and similarity, as well as investigative implications relating to linkage blindness and linking of serial crimes.
... Research on prostitute homicides is scarce. The study by Brewer et al. [16] estimated that 2.7% of female homicide victims in the US between 1982 and 2000 were prostitutes. To date, little work has focused exclusively on exploring the demographic characteristics and offending dynamics of prostitute homicides that occurred in the US. ...
... p < 0.001). Significantly more female offenders (81%) than male offenders (54%) were found to be juveniles and young adults in the commission of prostitute 1 Although the SHR data do not provide specific details for homicides under this circumstance coding of "prostitution and commercialized vice," but the authors believe that most of the cases classified under this code involved prostitution (see also Brewer et al. [16]). 2 Multiple victim-single offender cases (i.e., serial homicides) were not studied in this study as the SHR data connects only the first victim to the offender, making the analysis of multiple victim cases impossible. Besides, there were only eight cases recorded, and only six cases were identified as heterosexual-oriented. ...
Research demonstrates that prostitutes are at heightened risk of fatal victimization. Besides, prostitute homicides are known to be notoriously difficult to investigate; and hence, little is known about this underresearched offender and vulnerable victim populations. This study aims to explore the offender, victim, and offense characteristics of 244 single-victim heterosexual prostitute homicides, extracted from the US Supplementary Homicide Reports database, for a period spanning over 37 years (1976–2012). Findings indicate that the general portrait of the offender who murdered a prostitute victim is a male in his early 30s who committed the murder in a higher populated area against a female of similar age range. Edged weapons, firearms, and personal weapons are reported to be commonly used in killing the victim. Data limitations are discussed along with the need for future research to build on the knowledge.
... A number of other studies have also shown that sex workers are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2009;Salfati et al., 2008), with some work suggesting that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers (Quinet, 2011), and that in the United States when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved (Brewer et al., 2006) and that between 1990 and 2016 in the United Kingdom, 15% of all solved cases of sex worker homicides were by serial offenders (Cunningham, Sanders, Platt, Grenfell and Macioti (2018). ...
... A number of other studies have also shown that sex workers are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2009;Salfati et al., 2008), with some work suggesting that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers (Quinet, 2011), and that in the United States when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved (Brewer et al., 2006) and that between 1990 and 2016 in the United Kingdom, 15% of all solved cases of sex worker homicides were by serial offenders (Cunningham, Sanders, Platt, Grenfell and Macioti (2018). ...
For details of this work please see: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331501355_Sex_Worker_Homicide_Series_Profiling_The_Crime_Scene
... A number of studies have suggested that sex workers specifically are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2008;Salfati, James, & Ferguson, 2008). Quinet (2011) suggested that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers, and Brewer et al. (2006) calculated that when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved. ...
... A number of studies have suggested that sex workers specifically are a highly targeted group of victims in serial homicide (Brewer et al., 2006;Brooks-Gordon, 2006;Egger, 2003;Kinnell, 2006;Quinet, 2011;Salfati, 2008;Salfati, James, & Ferguson, 2008). Quinet (2011) suggested that 32% of serial homicides involve sex workers, and Brewer et al. (2006) calculated that when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved. In addition, despite the overall general decline in serial homicide cases between the 1980s and 2000s, research indicates that serial homicide cases involving sex worker victims have dramatically increased by decade (Quinet, 2011). ...
For details of this work please see: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/331501443_MATCH_A_New_Approach_for_Differentiating_Linking_Series_of_Sex_Worker_Homicides_and_Sexual_Assaults
... Hindelang et al. (1978) explained that personal characteristics influence chosen lifestyles, which in turn determine exposure to potentially motivated offenders. For instance, certain individuals or demographic groups, such as sex workers (Brewer et al., 2006;Salfati et al., 2008;Zara et al., 2022), may be more vulnerable to victimization due to behaviors or lifestyles that facilitate criminal opportunities (Cohen & Felson, 1979;Mustaine & Tewksbury, 1998). ...
Despite cultural references to the dangers of hitchhiking, particularly for sexual homicide, no published research investigates these incidents from both an offender and crime scene perspective. Using the Sexual Homicide International Database (SHIelD), we explore lifestyle risk by comparing sexual homicide cases involving hitchhiking victims to those involving victims engaged in sex trade work. The results, based on the use of bivariate and multivariate statistics, indicate that offenders view hitchhiking victims as opportunities for confinement without physical restraint, often engaging in sexual acts and theft. While not primarily sadistic or sexually deviant, many offenders partake in criminal activities, exhibit psychological disorders, and possess weapons. Hitchhiking facilitates perpetrator-victim encounters due to its environmental characteristics. Victims in the sex trade, typically found in isolated locations, are at the mercy of offenders who drive them to unknown destinations. In contrast, murderers targeting low-risk victims display more sexual preoccupations, inserting foreign objects and engaging in postmortem activities. These distinctions suggest distinct offender profiles for each lifestyle.
... First, female sex workers have frequently been targets of serial killers and repeat sex offenders, a trend dating back to the 19th century with Jack the Ripper (Lee & Reid, 2018). In the U.S., sex worker homicides became more common in the 1980s and 1990s, which may be linked to the Crack Cocaine Epidemic (Brewer et al., 2006). Furthermore, in one of the largest U.S. based studies examining homicide rates among sex workers, Potterat et al. (2004) found that between 1967 and 1999 the rate for female sex workers was 229 per 100,000. ...
Although men of color are disproportionately the victims of violence in the United States, Black women face a substantial risk. This work presents a layered commentary on the growing epidemic of Black femicide. First, hypervisibility and invisibility within institutions is explored. Second, using feminist victimology and intersectionality frameworks, four forms of Black femicide are analyzed: gun violence, intimate partner violence, targeted violence, and institutional violence. Third, topics of missing and insufficient information on Black femicide are probed. Fourth, procedural limitations and recommendations for future works are proposed. This essay seeks to improve discussions surrounding Black femicide in research and practice.
... Also, if most of the contemporary knowledge concerned sexual homicide of adult women from the general population, less is known about more specific types of lethal sexual victimization, such as those committed against marginalized populations, namely women who engage in sex-trade work. As compared to other women, sex-trade workers remain however overrepresented in the homicide rates (Brewer et al., 2006). Also, not only this type of sexual victimization remains particularly understudied, but the laws regulating sex-trade work may lead women who practice it to get isolated due to fear of prosecution, thus enhancing their vulnerability to sexual exploitation. ...
Although relatively rare, sexual homicide has stimulated research efforts to better understand and intervene in the prevention of such crime. However, specific high-risk victims such as sex-trade workers have been understudied. To contribute to the limited scientific literature on this topic, the current study examines the characteristics of the sexual victimization of sex-trade workers using a sample of 402 lethal and non-lethal cases. Bivariate and multivariate analyses indicated that the lethal outcome associated with the sexual victimization of sex-trade workers may not be associated with sadism and paraphilic behaviors, but rather by excessive violence and victim's vulnerabilities. Conjunctive analysis further indicated that the combination of excessive violence, victim's intoxication, situational factors, and crime characteristics was associated with the lethal sexual victimization of sex-trade workers. Findings suggest strategies for the development of situational prevention and intervention strategies.
... 88 Another study found that 2.7% of all female homicide victims in the United States from 1982 to 2000 were prostituted women. 89 The homicide rate for female prostitutes (204 per 100,000) is much higher than for male taxicab drivers (29 per 100,000) who are considered to be at high risk. 90 A review of homicides of women in UK street prostitution found that they were 60-100 times more likely to be murdered than women who were not prostituting. ...
This article describes the connections between resource extraction, prostitution, poverty, and climate change. Although resource extraction and prostitution have been viewed as separate phenomena, this article suggests that they are related harms that result in multiple violations of women's human rights. The businesses of resource extraction and prostitution adversely impact women's lives, especially those who are poor, ethnically or racially marginalised, and young. The article clarifies associations between prostitution and climate change on the one hand, and poverty, choicelessness, and the appearance of consent on the other. We discuss human rights conventions that are relevant to mitigation of the harms caused by extreme poverty, homelessness, resource extraction, climate change, and prostitution. These include anti-slavery conventions and women's sex-based rights conventions.
... The data analyzed were extracted from the complete SHR database, but included only cases of arrests that reportedly involved felony murders committed in conjunction with "prostitution and commercialized vice" (exact data coding term used). Even though the SHR data do not provide specific details for homicides that were coded under the category of "prostitution and commercialized vice," it is believed that most of the cases classified under this code involved sex trade (see also Brewer et al., 2006). For the sake of simplicity in this study, offenders who were arrested under this category were regarded as sex worker homicide offenders (SWHOs). ...
Sex workers are commonly claimed to be at heightened risk of fatal victimization. Although prior research indicates that the dynamics of sex worker homicides resemble sexual homicides more than nonsexual homicides, little is known about how these types of homicides compare in terms of offending patterns. This study considers a sample of 2,851 single‐victim, single‐offender homicide cases extracted from a 37‐year (1976–2012) US Supplementary Homicide Reports database, and compares the offender, victim, and offender characteristics of 243 sex worker homicides (189 males and 54 females) with those of 2608 sexual homicides (2474 males and 134 females). The findings suggest that the offender, victim, and offense characteristics of general, male‐offender, and female‐offender sex worker homicides are essentially different from the characteristics of sexual homicides. Logistic regressions further indicate that most offender, victim, and offense characteristics on the occurrence of general and male‐offender sex worker homicides were significantly associated with the perpetration of general and male‐offender sex worker homicides, with reference to sexual homicides. These findings offer insights relevant to the prioritization of criminal investigative practices.
... In particular, when the victim is a prostitute, the offender is most likely to move her body after completing his crime. Research has shown that prostitutes represented the highest victimization rates among women (Brewer et al., 2006), and topped the homicide charts for riskiest line of work (Lowman, 2000). Due to the criminalization and the stigma of prostitution, these women were forced to work in environments that are dangerous, outof-sight, and hidden from the general public (Sanders & Sarat, 2016). ...
The current study investigates body disposal patterns in sexual homicide and examines whether offender’s behavior differ between solved and unsolved cases. To address these two research questions in line with rational choice perspective, a series of logistic regression analyses was conducted on a sample of 250 solved, and 100 unsolved sexual homicide cases in Canada. Within solved cases, results show that if victim is a prostitute, body found concealed, and found lying face down, it is likely the body was moved. For unsolved cases, the role of victim as a prostitute, and body recovered outdoors suggest that the body was moved. Further, results indicate that post-crime phase factors predicted the most whether the victim’s body was moved in solved cases. Whereas within unsolved cases, crime-phase factors contributed the most at predicting whether the body was moved post-homicide. Theoretical and practical implications from this study are discussed.
... Based on studies focusing on streetwalkers, it is the most dangerous profession in the world, with a workplace homicide rate of 204 per 100,000 (Potterat et al., 2004; see also Cunningham, Sanders, Platt, Grenfell, & Macioti, 2018;Salfati, 2009). The risk of homicide victimization for female sex workers dwarfs that of both women and men in other professions (Brewer et al., 2006;Kinnell, 2008;Salfati, 2009). This is not surprising, given that the very nature of soliciting requires that participants engage in a variety of high-risk behaviors on a regular basis (Quinet, 2011;Salfati, James, & Ferguson, 2008;Selby & Canter, 2009). ...
To date, there is a gap in the literature exploring the perceptions and experiences of law enforcement regarding enforcement of online and offline prostitution. As there are multiple fallacies regarding the benefits of online prostitution versus offline prostitution, the purpose of this study is to investigate the perceptions of law enforcement in the United States regarding the financial lucrativeness and lifestyle of those who prostitute online compared to those who sell sexual services offline. Findings indicated that law enforcement believed online prostitutes grossed more money for their services and also demonstrated a cleaner, more polished lifestyle. However, the majority of respondents still believed both types of prostitution to be dangerous.
... In fact, it is the most dangerous profession in the world, with a workplace homicide rate of 204 per 100,000 (Potterat et al., 2004; see also Cunningham et al., 2018;Salfati, 2009). The risk of homicide victimization for female sex workers dwarfs that of both women and men in any other walk of life (Brewer et al., 2006;Potterat et al., 2004;Salfati, 2009). This is not surprising, given that the very nature of soliciting requires that participants engage in a variety of high-risk behaviors on a regular basis (Quinet, 2011;Salfati et al., 2008;Selby and Canter, 2009). ...
Purpose
To date, there is a gap in the literature exploring the perceptions and experiences of law enforcement regarding enforcement of online and offline prostitution. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the perceptions of law enforcement in the USA regarding the safety and mobility of individuals who prostitute online compared to those who sell sexual services offline. The next section will explain the methodology of the exploratory study, including the method of original data collection.
Design/methodology/approach
All police departments in the USA located in a jurisdiction of 50,000 people or more were requested participation in the study ( n =689). Respondents were sent an initial mailing of a cover letter and survey, followed by an e-mail reminder and a second mailing of a cover letter and survey. Individual respondents were asked questions about their own perceptions of behaviors and lifestyles of offline vs online prostitutes.
Findings
The majority of law enforcement respondents did not feel as if online prostitutes were safer compared to offline prostitutes. However, the majority of respondents did believe that online prostitutes are afforded a better lifestyle and are more mobile.
Research limitations/implications
The majority of the respondents were from the Northeast and Southwest may mean that their perceptions could be different from those that are not located within either region. In addition, since almost 80 percent of the agencies were in a jurisdiction with a population between 50,000 and 249,000, this too may have influenced their perceptions. Law enforcement in a smaller or larger area may have felt differently or have had different experiences to report.
Originality/value
This study is very unique as to date, another study with the same methodology and question content was not found.
... For example, as few as 3% to as many as 48% of indoor sex workers have been physically or sexually assaulted compared to 52% to 81% of outdoor sex workers (see studies by Plumbridge & Abel, 2001;Raphael & Shapiro, 2004;Seib et al., 2009). The murder rates for outdoor sex workers is nearly 18 times higher than non-sex workers (Potterat et al., 2004) with customers being responsible for 57-100% of homicides (Brewer et al., 2006). One study comparing outdoor versus indoor sex work homicides in the United Kingdom showed outdoor sex workers were murdered three times more frequently than indoor workers (85 outdoor vs. 24 indoor of 109 sex worker homicides; Sanders, Cunningham, Platt, Grenfell, & Macioti, 2017). ...
This study sought to understand differences in risks of indoor versus outdoor sex work and how perceptions of risk influenced sex workers’ motivation to exit. Among the 19 indoor and outdoor sex workers included in this qualitative study, themes of risks included: violence versus death, discovery, romantic relationships, arrest, health risks, loss, and “the unknown”. Results of this study show that sex workers have a nuanced perception of risks and exiting motivations dependent upon the sex trade market. These results offer suggestions for policy and intervention practices uniquely tailored for indoor and outdoor sex workers.
... Kinnell, 2006, in a study of 84 homicides against street workers, additionally discusses the vulnerability of sex workers to serial killers. Research in the US has shown that when sex worker victims are killed, in at least 35% of cases, a serial offender will be involved (Brewer et al., 2006). ...
... As previous studies have shown (Quinet, 2011;Salfati et al., 2008), victim prostitution is an important variable when comparing sexual and nonsexual homicide, not only because it marks a clear difference between sexual and nonsexual homicides but also in relation to the possible risks and vulnerability of individuals engaged in prostitution. Individuals engaged in prostitution have previously been found to be at an increased risk for becoming victims of homicide (Brewer et al., 2006). Victim prostitution was only significant in the bivariate analysis, however. ...
While a number of previous studies have compared sexual homicides to nonlethal sexual offenses, there have been few studies comparing sexual and nonsexual homicides. This study examines whether sexual homicide offenders differ from nonsexual homicide offenders in Scotland regarding characteristics of the offender, the victim, and the homicide incident. Unlike previous studies, only homicides committed by males against females were examined. Data from a national police database were used to compare 89 male sexual homicide offenders who killed adult females with 306 male nonsexual homicide offenders who had also killed adult females using bivariate and multivariate (logistic regression) analyses. The findings revealed not only some similarities between the two groups, particularly regarding some victim variables, but also significant bivariate and multivariate differences. Sexual homicides appeared to be associated with indicators of instrumentality and sexual deviance. We conclude that sexual homicide offenders might be considered a distinct group of homicide offenders, more similar to sexual offenders than to other homicide offenders.
... For those who were not sex trade workers, the victims tended to be socializing in a bar at the time of encounter. It has previously been recognized that sex trade work constitutes a significant risk factor for sexual homicide (Brewer et al., 2006). This is largely due to the highrisk situations in which women engaging in the sex trade find themselves (e.g., cheap motel/hotel room, secluded in the offender's vehicle), where potential guardianship or protection may be unlikely (Beauregard & Martineau, 2014). ...
... Violence against male clients by FSW is also reported, although far less frequently, and usually from high-income countries. In their synthesis of prostitution-related homicides drawn from a variety of criminal justice, vital statistics, and media databases in the United States, Brewer et al. (2006) found 49 murders of male clients in Chicago and St. Louis from 1965 to 1995. FSW were responsible for 77% of these homicides and pimps/managers for 13%. ...
... Research underscores the gendered and racialized harms women face in neighborhood ''risk environments'' dominated by street-based sex trading, addiction, and violence (Rhodes 2002;Rhodes et al. 2012). Although risk discourse may appear to uncritically shift responsibility away from the socioinstitutional structures that create and reproduce deeply embedded inequalities in Transitional Housing Facilities for Women Leaving the Sex… 77 street-involved women's lives, large-scale public health and criminological studies have repeatedly presented evidence of extremely high violent death rates among street-involved women (Brewer et al. 2006;Quinet 2011;Salfati et al. 2008). Street-involved women struggle with homelessness and precarious housing in ways that make sex trading, particularly survival sex, the most expedient means of earning money or obtaining temporary shelter (Caputo 2008;Jasinski et al. 2010). ...
This article juxtaposes the results of descriptive and inferential statistical analysis, derived from 125 client case files at a Denver transitional housing facility for women leaving the sex industry, with the results of a content analysis that examined how all 34 similar U.S. facilities represent themselves, their clients, and their services on their websites. Content analysis results ascertained four primary findings with respect to transitional housing facilities for women leaving the sex industry, including their conflation of sex trading with sex trafficking, dominance by Christian faith-based organizations, race-neutral approach, and depiction of their clients as uneducated and socially isolated. Yet our statistical analysis revealed that significant differences exist between women’s sex industry experiences in ways that are strongly determined by ethno-racial identity, age, marital status, and exposure to abuse throughout the life course. Juxtaposing the results of these analyses highlights some rather glaring disconnects between the ways that facility websites depict their clients and the meaningful differences between women seeking services at the Denver transitional housing facility. These findings raise significant concerns regarding approaches that ignore ethno-racial differences, collapse the sex industry’s complexity, make assumptions about the women’s educational or other needs, and neglect the importance of women’s community and relational ties. Taken together, these troubling realities suggest a need for evidenced-based, rather than ideology-based, alternatives for women who wish to leave the sex industry.
... These areas reduce women's bargaining power with clients and increase their risks of facing assault or even death. Women involved in street-based prostitution also face a high risk of premature death and murder, which includes the signifi cant number of Aboriginal women who are missing or have been murdered, many of whom were involved in the sex trade in different parts of Canada ( Brewer et al. 2006 ;Cameron 4 2010 ;Quinet 2011 ;Salfati et al. 2008 ). Globally, criminalization results in an increased likelihood that a woman who engages in prostitution will experience violence or other human rights violations ( Deering, Amin, et al 2014 ;World Health Organization et al. 2013 ). ...
Researchers working in countries or locales that criminalize prostitution face numerous ethical concerns as well as barriers at the practical, institutional, and political levels in conducting their work with women in the sex trade. Developing relationships with partners or gatekeepers in order to conduct the work while ensuring confidentiality and other protections for participants are all immediate practical concerns. Yet researchers may also encounter barriers in obtaining approval from University Ethics Boards or funding to carry out work that does not support prevailing ideology related to sex work. Politically, researchers must carefully attend to who their work represents, the terms on which it engages in this representation, and the ends that their research results may potentially be put to use. This chapter explores how we have navigated these struggles in our respective field sites in China (Zheng), Canada (Orchard), and the USA (Dewey). Zheng details the challenges she faced in her work, including Chinese officials’ suspicions that she was a US spy, ostracism by family and friends in China, and the constant threat of assault by bar clients and police. Orchard draws attention to gatekeepers’ roles in sanctioning or compromising research by providing examples of her efforts to establish a regional sex work project and assist in the development of representative policies and programming for sex workers at the civic level. Dewey describes her path from conducting research to becoming a direct service provider at a transitional housing facility for women leaving the sex industry and documents her experiences grappling with the ethical implications of testifying in a trafficking case prosecuted at the state level.
An extreme, known potential outcome of intimate partner violence (IPV) is death, with national data revealing females are more likely to be killed by intimate partners than by others. In a novel pairing, the King County Medical Examiner's Office data management system and the Washington State Attorney General's Office's Homicide Information Tracking System were retrospectively analyzed (1978–2016) with information gathered pertaining to female homicide victims. Analyses show that female victims commonly knew their assailant(s) (79.3%) who were overwhelmingly male (92.8%) and commonly intimate partners (31.4%). Disproportionately represented were Black (20.17%) and Native American (4.25%) females; Asian/Pacific Islander (2.5 times that of Whites) and elderly (24%) females among homicide–suicide deaths; and Asian/Pacific Islander and Hispanic females in cases of IPV. “Domestic violence” was the most cited motive (34.3%) and most assaults occurred in a residence (58.73%). Females under 10 years of age were most commonly killed by a parent or caregiver (42.86%), while those over 70 were most likely to be killed by a child (23.08%) or spouse (21.80%). Serial murders, most commonly by the Green River Killer (80%) but including others, accounted for at least 7% of deaths, with victims notably young and commonly sex workers (68%). As compared to males, females were more likely to be killed by multiple modalities, asphyxia, and sharp force, though IPV‐related deaths were more likely to be associated with firearms. This study reinforces the vulnerability of females to IPV, sexual assault, and serial murders as well as to caretakers at the extremities of age.
Homicide is a prevalent cause of death among sex workers, given their increased risk of violence due to proximity to criminal activities such as drug trade and human trafficking. This study analyzes homicide data from the National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) covering 49 US states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico from 2012 to 2020. Case inclusion criteria included: (1) manner of death of homicide, and (2) sex work‐related circumstance. Descriptive analyses examined victim and injury characteristics, suspect information, and circumstances. The study identified 321 sex work‐related homicides (54% female, 41% male, 6% transgender). Among female victims, 94% were sex workers, and 54% of their suspects were clients. Money conflicts (23%) and other crimes (30%), most often in progress, commonly precipitated homicides of female victims. Substance use problems were reported in 49% of female victims, with 25% of their suspected perpetrators reportedly using substances in the preceding hours. For male victims, 54% were clients and 9% were sex workers. Suspects in male homicides were primarily sex workers (34%) or individuals engaged in sex work‐adjacent criminal activities (36%). Money conflicts (49%), other crimes (47%) most often in progress, and sex trafficking involvement (25%) commonly precipitated homicides with male victims. Transgender sex worker victims were mostly transfeminine (94%) and non‐Hispanic black (89%). Money conflicts (78%) most commonly precipitated homicides among transgender sex worker victims. These findings can inform prevention strategies addressing underlying risk factors for persons involved in sex work.
Resumo: Neste artigo, são desenvolvidos os aspectos mais relevantes sobre o crime de femicídio/feminicídio. O objetivo é proporcionar às/aos leitoras/es uma visão ampliada sobre o fenômeno da violência letal contra as mulheres que tem sua origem nas estruturas desiguais de poder e causam, como consequência máxima, a morte. No texto, são exploradas as principais classificações propostas para delimitar e entender os feminicídios, tanto nas formas individuais quanto coletivas. É dada ênfase especial à violência contra a mulher no crime de feminicídio íntimo. Por último, são descritas outras formas de feminicídio, ampliando a compreensão dessa categoria.
Street sex work is deeply stratified, embedded in power imbalances and inequities; workers are multiply marginalized, relative to customers, in terms of race, class and gender. At the same time, these imbalances should not be equated with worker powerlessness. In this paper, we seek to counter the existing limited and polarized conceptualizations of agency that dominate the sex work literature by providing an assessment of the ways in which female street sex workers seek to realize and exercise agency and enact strategies of resistance despite the violence ubiquitous in their work. We draw from worker narratives collected through individual and focus group interviews in five Canadian cities to highlight the nuanced and layered ways in which workers, collectively and individually, apply reasoning and argumentation to the risks represented by customers, as well as to other aspects of their working environment. Workers offered three significant theories related to which men buy sex on the street and why (some) men buy sex; we describe how they employ these to negotiate the conditions of their work, nesting our findings within a broader socio-cultural analysis of the risks workers experience as they navigate complex, highly politicized working environments. Finally, we show how workers appropriate hegemonic masculinity discourses as well as intersecting race, class and gender discourses to inform their rationales for choosing some customers over others, setting our discussion within existing literature on male sex work customers.
Current estimates suggest there are between 800,000 and 2 million-plus individuals in Thailand that are currently selling sex and/or sexual services. Previous literature has shown that attitudes held towards individuals who sell sex (ISS) can have a significant impact on their day-to-day lives. Further, foreigners in Thailand are exhibiting increasing financial and social power in the country. Given this impact, it stands to reason that greater understanding of attitudes held by the growing population of foreigners in Thailand may have important implications worthy of further focus in both research and clinical settings. The current study examined the attitudes of 224 self-identified foreigners currently residing in Thailand towards ISS in the country. Results indicate significant differences in attitudes based on the gender of the participant, the gender of the individual selling sex, and whether participants had previously purchased sex in the country. Overall, men who have previously purchased sex reported a significantly more positive attitude towards ISS in Thailand when compared to women and men who had not previously purchased sex. Further, attitudes differed based on the gender of the individual selling sex. For instance, transgender individuals who sell sex were significantly more likely to be perceived as enjoying their work when compared to women and men who sell sex in Thailand. Ultimately, these results can help inform future awareness and educational interventions targeted at foreigners in Thailand to reduce violence and abuse of ISS in the country.
Warrantless domestic violence arrest laws allow officers to make arrests of alleged offenders of domestic violence without warrants given probable cause. Existing literature classifies these laws into three groups based on the degree of arrest authority given to officers: discretionary, preferred, and mandatory. Using our updating of each type of warrantless domestic violence arrest law, we examine the causal effect of these laws on intimate partner homicides using differences-in-differences. In contrast to Iyengar (2009), we find no evidence that mandatory arrest laws, which remove officer discretion by making arrest a required action, increased intimate partner homicides. Instead, we find some evidence that discretionary arrest statutes, which allowed officer discretion to make arrests, decreased current and former spousal homicides.
This study illustrates how to implement the flipped
classroom effectively with peer instruction strategy
and describes undergraduate students’ engagement
during English reading comprehension activities
compared to those without peer instruction. We
explored the effect of Computer Assisted Language
Learning (CALL) on improving ESL learners’ reading
comprehension skill in the Flipped learning based on
the use of technology inside and outside the
classroom. During the CALL based treatment each
participant in the experimental group had access to a
computer in the language lab. They also received an
audio or video recording of the listening lecture
taught to prepare for the next lecture activities which
include listening comprehension questions. The data
analysis of the post-test reading comprehension
scores indicated a significant difference between the
experimental (Flipped Learning with Peer
Instruction, FLWP) and control (Flipped Learning
only, FLO) groups; the FLWP outperformed the FLO
and obtained a higher average in the listening exam.
Thus, the implementation of CALL in the flipped
classroom proved to be effective in enhancing the ESL
learners’ reading skill. The findings presented
positive results for enhancing students’ reading
engagement level as it apparently increased by a
group of peer instruction intervention.
Most governments in the world, including the U.S., prohibit sex work. Given these types of laws rarely change and are fairly uniform across regions, our knowledge about the impact of decriminalizing sex work is largely conjectural. We exploit the fact that a Rhode Island District Court judge unexpectedly decriminalized indoor sex work to provide causal estimates of the impact of decriminalization on the composition of the sex market, reported rape offences, and sexually transmitted infections. While decriminalization increases the size of the indoor sex market, reported rape offences fall by 30% and female gonorrhoea incidence declines by over 40%. © The Author 2017. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of The Review of Economic Studies Limited.
Sex work, better known as prostitution, has been viewed throughout American history as a moral, legal, and social problem as early as the temperance movement of the 1880s. Since 1910, pimps, customers, and women who sold sex could be punished under the Mann Act (Conant, 1996), thus solidifying sex work as a social and moral evil in the USA (Farley, 2004; Till & Gurin, 1992). This and other anti-prostitution laws drove prostitution underground, and arguably made conditions worse for persons who sell sex-particularly poor and vulnerable communities of color (Musheno & Seeley, 1986; Sanders, O’Neill, & Pitcher, 2009). Today, prostitution costs major metropolitan cities upwards of $6-9 million annually to criminalize buyers and sellers (Allard & Herbon, 2003; Ward, 2012).ABSTRACTSex work and adult prostitution are complex social problems addressed by the U.S. criminal justice system. Given the rise of sex trafficking and internet-facilitated sexual exchanges, there has been increased attention on sex work and how to best address it. The existence of varied sexual markets can lead to policy approaches that do not fully address its complexity, often harming the most vulnerable women who engage in prostitution. This chapter defines several types of commercial sex, describes adult prostitution from entry to exit, and presents an analysis of three intervention approaches designed to help women exit prostitution.
Though traditionally defined as a victimless crime many individuals who sell sex, either voluntarily, through force, fraud or coercion or as minors under the age of consent suffer significant emotional and physical harm. This chapter explores the prevalence, characteristics and victimization experience of victims of prostitution or sex trafficking. Challenges to law enforcement and victim services responses to this victim population are also explored.
In this study, the authors estimated overall and cause-specific mortality among prostitute women. They recorded information on prostitute women identified by police and health department surveillance in Colorado Springs, Colorado, from 1967 to 1999. The authors assessed cause-specific mortality in this open cohort of 1,969 women using the Social Security Death Index and the National Death Index, augmented by individual investigations. They identified 117 definite or probable deaths and had sufficient information on 100 to calculate a crude mortality rate (CMR) of 391 per 100,000 (95% confidence interval (CI): 314, 471). In comparison with the general population, the standardized mortality ratio (SMR), adjusted for age and race, was 1.9 (95% CI: 1.5, 2.3). For the period of presumed active prostitution only, the CMR was 459 per 100,000 (95% CI: 246, 695) and the SMR was 5.9 (95% CI: 3.2, 9.0). Violence and drug use were the predominant causes of death, both during periods of prostitution and during the whole observation period. The CMR for death by homicide among active prostitutes was 229 per 100,000 (95% CI: 79, 378), and the SMR was 17.7 (95% CI: 6.2, 29.3). Deaths from acquired immunodeficiency syndrome occurred exclusively among prostitutes who admitted to injecting drug use or were inferred to have a history of it.
This article examines the subculture of violence thesis as it relates to female street sex workers in Miami. Interview and focus group methods were used to study the intersections of childhood trauma, drug use, and violent victimization among 325 women. Using targeted sampling, crack- and heroin-using sex workers were recruited through street outreach into an HIV-prevention research program. Interviews used standard instrumentation and focused on drug-related and sexual risk for HIV, sex work, violence, childhood trauma, and health status. Nearly half of the respondents reported physical (44.9%) and/ or sexual (50.5%) abuse as children, and over 40% experienced violence from clients in the prior year: 24.9% were beaten, 12.9% were raped, and 13.8% were threatened with weapons. Consistent relationships between historical and current victimization suggest that female sex workers experience a continuing cycle of violence throughout their lives. The policy and research implications of these findings are discussed.
Reliable empiric estimates of the prevalence and career longevity of prostitute women in the United States are not currently available. We analyze data from our continuous observation of such women in Colorado Springs, during nearly two decades, starting in 1970. Of the 1,022 prostitute women observed, 52.5% are classified as evanescent, 12.1% as short‐term, and 35.3% as long‐term residents. Comparison with police prostitution records suggests that our cohort represents about four‐fifths of “true” prevalence. The density of full‐time equivalent prostitutes (FTEPs) appears to be about 23 per 100,000 population. By extension to the nation, we estimate that an average of about 84,000 women, or about 59,000 FTEPs, worked as prostitutes in the United States annually during the 1980s. Our data suggest that prostitute women remain in prostitution for only a short time (about 4 or 5 years for long‐term prostitutes).
We initiated this research in order to address some of the issues that have arisen in discussions about the nature of prostitution. In particular: is prostitution just a job or is it a violation of human rights? From the authors' perspective, prostitution is an act of violence against women; it is an act which is intrinsically traumatizing to the person being prostituted. We interviewed 475 people (including women, men and the transgendered) currently and recently prostituted in five countries (South Africa, Thailand, Turkey, USA, Zambia). In response to questionnaires which inquired about current and lifetime history of physical and sexual violence, what was needed in order to leave prostitution and current symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) we found that violence marked the lives of these prostituted people. Across countries, 73 percent reported physical assault in prostitution, 62 percent reported having been raped since entering prostitution, 67 percent met criteria for a diagnosis of PTSD. On average, 92 percent stated that they wanted to leave prostitution. We investigated effects of race, and whether the person was prostituted on the street or in a brothel. Despite limitations of sample selection, these findings suggest that the harm of prostitution is not culture-bound. Prostitution is discussed as violence and human rights violation.
To assess whether a previously established low sexually transmitted infection/HIV risk in prostitutes in London has been sustained, and to measure other occupational risks, including mortality.
9 year prospective study in west London.
402 prostitutes recruited from 1985 to 1991, 320 were followed up for 675 person years to 1994.
Condom use in commercial and non-commercial sex; viral and bacterial sexually transmitted infection at initial and follow up visits; death.
Condom use increased significantly from 1986 to 1993 and protected the majority of commercial sexual contacts. Baseline prevalence: HIV 1.3%, hepatitis C 6.7%, hepatitis B 6.6%, syphilis 2.3%, HTLV-I/II 0.4%, gonorrhoea 3.0%, chlamydia 8.2%, genital herpes 16.8%. Incidence (per 100 person years): HIV 0.2, hepatitis C 0.3, gonorrhoea 5.6, chlamydia 12.6, genital herpes 6.5. Viral infections were associated with injecting drug use and non-British nationality; bacterial infections were associated with numbers of non-commercial partners but not with sexual contacts at work. Four women died during the course of the study; two had AIDS, two were murdered. This mortality of 5.93 per 1000 person years was 12 times the expected rate for women of a similar age.
This study shows that it is possible to have a larger number of sexual partners and remain free from sexually transmitted infections provided that condoms are used consistently: there has been a sustained increase in condom use in the sex industry. None the less, prostitutes are at increased risk of sexually transmitted infections, primarily through non-commercial sexual partnerships. Infectious diseases are only one of the risks facing prostitutes, as illustrated by the mortality from violence as well as from HIV infection.
Sumario: Structural models for counted data -- Maximum likelihood estimates for complete tables -- Formal goodness of it: summary statistics and model selection -- Maximum likelihood estimation for incomplete tables -- Estimating the size of a closed population -- Models for measuring change -- Analysis of square tables: symmetry and marginal homogeneity -- Model selection and assessing closeness of fit: practical aspects -- Other methods for estimation and testing in cross-classifications -- Measures of association and agreement -- Pseudo-bayes estimates of cell probabilities -- Sampling models for discrete data -- Asymptotic methods.
This study examines the prevalence of physical and sexual abuse by intimate and commercial sexual partners among street-based sex workers and explores correlates of partner abuse by commercial partners using the following factors: sociodemographics, substance abuse, sexual behavior, and physical and sexual childhood abuse. One hundred thirteen street sex workers were recruited from December 1996 through May 1997 while receiving services from the Foundations for Research on Sexually Transmitted Diseases (FROST'D), a nonprofit organization based in New York City. Partner abuse is a common occurrence among street sex workers. Two of three street prostitutes have experienced lifetime physical or sexual abuse by either an intimate or commercial partner. In addition, one of eight reported physical and sexual abuse by both intimate and commercial partners during her lifetime. Women who were homeless in the last year, those who reported exchanging for drugs and money as their main source of income, used injection drugs in the past year and had sex in crack houses, and who were human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)-positive were more likely to be report combined physical and sexual abuse. Understanding the relationship between partner violence, victim's substance abuse, and HIV-risk behavior is important for the development of public policies and treatment and prevention strategies to address the constellation of problems that drug-using female street sex workers face.
Violence by clients towards prostitutes has seldom been the focus of public and academic interest, yet it is a major health issue. 1 2 Concern has mostly focused on the potential of prostitutes to transmit sexual infections, notably HIV, to their clients and subsequently partners.3 Features of female prostitution that have a direct impact on the health of prostitutes but not the health of others have therefore tended to be overlooked. The scant research that is available on violence by clients shows that prostitutes who work outdoors in particular routinely confront clients who are verbally, sexually, and physically violent towards them. 4 5 We report on the prevalence of violence by clients against female prostitutes working either outdoors or indoors in three major British cities.
During 1999 three female researchers (SC, MB, and Catherine Benso) contacted 240 female prostitutes; 115 worked outdoors (40 in Leeds, …
In this study, the authors estimated overall and cause-specific mortality among prostitute women. They recorded information on prostitute women identified by police and health department surveillance in Colorado Springs, Colorado, from 1967 to 1999. The authors assessed cause-specific mortality in this open cohort of 1,969 women using the Social Security Death Index and the National Death Index, augmented by individual investigations. They identified 117 definite or probable deaths and had sufficient information on 100 to calculate a crude mortality rate (CMR) of 391 per 100,000 (95% confidence interval (CI): 314, 471). In comparison with the general population, the standardized mortality ratio (SMR), adjusted for age and race, was 1.9 (95% CI: 1.5, 2.3). For the period of presumed active prostitution only, the CMR was 459 per 100,000 (95% CI: 246, 695) and the SMR was 5.9 (95% CI: 3.2, 9.0). Violence and drug use were the predominant causes of death, both during periods of prostitution and during the whole observation period. The CMR for death by homicide among active prostitutes was 229 per 100,000 (95% CI: 79, 378), and the SMR was 17.7 (95% CI: 6.2, 29.3). Deaths from acquired immunodeficiency syndrome occurred exclusively among prostitutes who admitted to injecting drug use or were inferred to have a history of it.
Editor—Edwards et al point out that the main cause of HIV in prisoners is injecting drug use.1 Work done in Scottish prisons indicates that 4% of the male prison population have continued their previous community injecting practices and 8% of male prisoners start injecting in prison.2,3
Measures for reducing viral transmission in the community, such as needle exchange, are not available in British prisons. It is possible, therefore, that many of the prisoners referred internally had contracted HIV by sharing injecting equipment while incarcerated. The recommendation by Edwards et al that HIV status should be confirmed in all prisoners should therefore be qualified with a recommended frequency. Although, as Edwards et al point out, prison provides an opportunity for inmates to receive care for bloodborne viral disease, which is provided, it also provides an opportunity for prevention which is not provided beyond advice and bleach tablets. I demonstrated the feasibility of a behavioural technique by using buprenorphine in a secure delivery device successfully to prevent injecting in a Scottish prison in 2000; further evaluation of this (or any other harm reduction measure) has been eschewed by those who have the administrative authority to address this important issue. It is admirable that King's College Hospital provides care for prisoners with HIV, but prisoners will continue to be at risk until the government admits that prisons are state sponsored culture media for bloodborne viruses.
This study measured the prevalence of violence that customers, managers, pimps, and intimate partners perpetrated against 222 women in indoor and outdoor prostitution venues in Chicago, Illinois. Violence occurred in all of the prostitution activities but differed in frequency and severity. Women outdoors generally reported higher levels of physical violence, but women in indoor venues were frequently victims of sexual violence and being threatened with weapons. These findings indicate that women across prostitution venues are often victims of violence, arguing against the depiction of indoor sex trade activities as harmless, consensual entertainment.
This study employed survey and focus group methods to examine the characteristics and sex work-related behaviors of 294 female street-based sex workers in Miami that make them more likely to be victimized by their clients or “dates.” More than half the respondents had experienced date violence in the prior year. Economic desperation, using crack or heroin while working, not controlling the date location, and having sex in the car were strong predictors of victimization. The article concludes with recommendations for a harm-reduction approach to outreach and education, and it calls for increased legal protections for victimized sex workers.
A study of 50 incarcerated urban prostitutes finds that 40% have been under the control of a pimp. Pimp-controlled prostitutes are more likely to be single, to have failed to complete high school, to be non-White, to have never held a legitimate job, and to come from exceptionally dysfunctional families. Pimp-controlled prostitutes were younger when they had their first sexual experience, first used illegal drugs, and first engaged in prostitution. Pimp-controlled prostitutes are also more likely to be the victims of violence from customers, suggesting that the pressure to make extra money to support the pimp exposes these women to additional risk. Because of these accumulated adverse experiences, this group may require additional, long-term interventions.
In depth interviews with incarcerated female street prostitutes provide evidence that ''get tough'' policies are often counter?productive. For example, arresting prostitutes increases the level of violence both against these women and by them. Rehabilitation programs based on the lives and experiences of street prostitutes that will provide a path into legal employment need to be developed.
This article constructs a profile of murders of sex workers in British Columbia from 1964 to 1998. The analysis reveals the relationships among media, law, political hypocrisy, and violence against street prostitutes. In particular, the article examines how the “discourse of disposal”—that is, media descriptions of the ongoing attempts of politicians, police, and residents' groups to get rid of street prostitution from residential areas—contributed to a sharp increase in murders of street prostitutes in British Columbia after 1980.
Summary An earlier PRC report (CDPS 80) found that a significant minority of those who bought drugs in open markets were involved in sex work. This report builds on these findings by examining the links in more detail and the scope for, and value in, tackling drug markets through preventive strategies aimed at sex markets. The report describes three geographical areas where drug markets co-exist with sex markets. It suggests that a properly co-ordinated strategic approach to the problem should combine enforcement with primary prevention aimed at diverting young people from becoming involved in sex work, and secondary prevention enabling those in it to leave. The report highlights the need for the police to work with other agencies, particularly health, to provide specialist services for drug-using sex workers. The report should be of value to those developing strategies to tackle the social problems which create and maintain linked sex and drugs markets.
Interviewed 200 juvenile and adult current and former, female street prostitutes (aged 10–46 yrs) to investigate abuse of prostitutes on the street. Results show that 60% of the Ss were victims of juvenile sexual exploitation and that all were victimized by various forms of physical and emotional abuse. Most Ss started prostitution after running away from home as a result of these abuses. Once on the streets, they were victimized by both customers and pimps. In addition to victimization on the job, they were victimized in situations that had nothing to do with their street work. ¾ of the Ss were raped, in most cases by total strangers, in rapes involving extensive force. Despite the fact that virtually all the victims described physical injuries and extremely negative emotional impact, very few reported their victimization to authorities or sought help. Findings demonstrate the need to provide services for victimized prostitutes as well as for juveniles running away from abusive homes before they are solicited to enter prostitution. (27 ref) (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2012 APA, all rights reserved)
Recent legislation has taken a tough line with the clients of prostitutes. This is interesting given that such approaches have been resisted in the past by, amongst others, civil liberties groups and Members of Parliament. In this article we take a look at the legal and social history of prostitutes' clients. We examine the shifting socio-legal definitions of men who purchase sex from women, in order to make apparent the influences that underpin the recent legislation. Our discussion concludes with comment on the state of contemporary debate following the Home Office Review, Setting the Boundaries, as we look to the Sexual Offences Bill 2003, and with it the possibility of the creation of a new Trojan horse.
Objective: Assess differences in personal circumstances, risk exposure and risk-taking among female sex workers in different sectors of the New Zealand sex industry in regard to issues of sexual safety, drug use, violence and coercion.
Method: A cross-sectional survey of 303 female sex workers was carried out in Christchurch, New Zealand, May-September 1999.
Results: There was evidence of ‘segmentation’: street workers were younger, had started work at a younger age and had less education than indoor workers. More street than indoor workers used money from sex work for drugs and used drugs at work. There was a high level of condom use but little ‘negotiation’ about them with clients. High levels of violent experiences were reported, but street workers reported more, and more extreme forms of, violence than indoor workers.
Implications: Although knowledge of condom use and sexual safety appears generally high and women in both sectors report taking the initiative for safer sex, drug use, violence and coercion remain of concern. While sexual safety will need ongoing health promotion and education interventions to support and ensure the uptake of safer sex practice by new workers and prevent any relapse by more experienced workers, issues of violence and coercion also require attention to the power relationships between individuals. Legislation and policy directed at these issues should encourage the control women can exert over their work practice. Reducing exposure to personal risk may require different measures in different sectors.
The Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR) of the FBI's Uniform Crime Reporting Program remains the most accessible and widely used database on lethal violence in the United States. However, researchers using this database must address the problem of missing data, which typically is the result of the failure to file, inconsistent filing of reports to the FBI by local police agencies, or incomplete records about the characteristics of specific incidents of homicide (particularly, missing information about perpetrators), even when reports are filed. Williams and Flewelling (1987) proposed methods of compensating for missing information, and this paper revisits their assessment by again determining the extent of the problem and the consequences of adjusting for it. Alternative methods are proposed and analyzed, with a focus on relationship-specific rates (i.e., rates of family, intimate nonfamily, acquaintance, and stranger homicide). The implications of the results for further use of the SHR are discussed.
Limited attention has been focused on HIV risk behaviors of crack smokers and their sex partners, yet there is evidence that the crack house and the crack-using life-style may be playing significant roles in the transmission of HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases. The purposes of this research were to study the attributes and patterns of "sex for crack" exchanges, particularly those that occurred in crack houses, and to assess their potential impact on the spread of HIV. Structured interviews were conducted with 17 men and 35 women in Miami, Florida, who were regular users of crack and who had exchanged sex for crack (or for money to buy crack) during the past 30 days. In addition, participant observation was conducted in 8 Miami crack houses. Interview and observational data suggest that individuals who exchange sex for crack do so with considerable frequency, and through a variety of sexual activities. Systematic data indicated that almost a third of the men and 89% of the women had had 100 or more sex partners during the 30-day period prior to study recruitment. Not only were sexual activities anonymous, extremely frequent, varied, uninhibited (often undertaken in public areas of crack houses), and with multiple partners but, in addition, condoms were not used during the majority of contacts. Of the 37 subjects who were tested for HIV and received their test results 31% of the men and 21% of the women were HIV seropositive.
Thirty male undergraduates received either a placebo, low dose (1 mg/kg), or high dose (2 mg/kg) of orally administered cocaine. Subjects were then given the opportunity to administer electric shocks to an increasingly aggressive fictitious opponent during a competitive reaction-time task. Aggression was defined as the intensity of shock the subject was willing to set for his adversary. The results of this study indicate that subjects in the high-dose cocaine condition reacted more aggressively than placebo subjects irrespective of level of provocation.
Professional HIV risk taking (nonconsistent condom use with clients) of female prostitutes in The Netherlands is addressed within the context of (early) experiences with abuse, well-being, coping behavior, job satisfaction, and financial need. Data were gathered from 127 female prostitutes on condom use, financial need, and professional attitude, and on experiences with violence and abuse, physical complaints, psychosocial problems, and coping responses. Violent traumatic experiences were found to relate to more severe complaints and problems, and a higher frequency of emotion-focused coping strategies. A risk-taking protection style (as opposed to consistent condom use and selective risk taking) appeared to be associated with more severe experiences with violence, both in childhood and in adult life, with more frequent dissociation as a coping behavior, and with more psychosomatic complaints. Of all the relationships found, more severe experiences with violence on the job were most strongly related to a higher professional HIV risk.
Little is known about the perpetration of violence by women who engage in street prostitution. While some researchers have examined the incidence of abuse among this population, the association between receipt of abuse and violence and later perpetration of violence is unclear. This study presents data from a recent evaluation of a case management program for street-walking prostitutes. A description of the program clients is provided, and factors that are associated with assaultive behavior against clients are examined. Bivariate analyses revealed statistically significant differences between assaultive and nonassaultive women with regard to history of psychiatric hospitalization, history of sexual abuse, history of physical abuse, history of emotional abuse, and whether they had been assaulted on the streets. However, logistic regression on variables related to abuse and violence indicates that controlling for other variables, the only statistically significant predictor of assaultive behavior was history of physical abuse. These results indicate the need for further research on this population as well as access to treatment for these women to address their own abuse and victimization.
Much of the research undertaken on workplace homicide relied on data from media accounts, investigative files, and records from victimized organizations. Empirical analysis of these types of events was considered using data from the Supplementary Homicide Reports (SHR), but this data set presents limitations for such research. This study attempted to accomplish the following: document in greater detail the known limitations; identify any additional limitations; and make recommendations that will enhance this data base and/or the evolving National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS) for this type of research. The SHR was searched for information on several high profile workplace homicide incidents. Notable cases of workplace homicide were found missing. Moreover, examples of improper or inadequate victim-offender relationship descriptors and/or circumstance descriptors were found with regard to other notable workplace homicide incidents. This latter problem resulted in event descriptions that prevented the identification of workplace homicide cases in the database.
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Newton M. The encyclopedia of serial killers. New York: Checkmark
Books, 2000.